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Africa’s Strategic Priorities and Global Role by H.E. John Dramani Mahama
Published
3 years agoon
By
Eric
Thank you, Alex Vines, and Chatham House for the invitation.
I am happy to have been able to join you from Brussels where I had very productive discussions on the future perspectives in the framework of Africa- EU relations at the invitation of the European Strategic Initiative.
It is gratifying to be back here at Chatham House, which through the Africa Programme events, has offered a wide array of African Leaders across various fields, a unique platform to discuss our continent in ways not seen elsewhere.
The discussions here have helped shape international opinion on Africa and offered a useful focus on its most important subjects. I hope to continue in that tradition by sharing some thoughts on the continent’s present outlook and future while dwelling on the situation in my own country, Ghana.
Africa’s political and governance history is quitewell known. However, on this occasion, it bears brief recollection to set the tone for an informed assessment of Africa’s prospects and future trajectory.
It helps a bit that I have a bias towards history, which I majored in at the university in my
formative years. And as the famous British statesman Winston Churchill opined, “Study history, study history. In history lies all the secrets of statecraft.”
The African story is one that evokes immediate memories of colonial exploitation and
domination with abundant cheap labour to be used for raw material production and export to
build the magnificent metropolises of this world.
Centuries earlier, we were at the short end of the stick in the slave trade as our best and
strongest found themselves bound in chains and bundled unto overcrowded slave ships, never to return.
However, by the middle of the 20th century, there had emerged a young cadre of Pan
Africanists, determined to free the continent from its colonial shackles, who worked, at the
peril of their freedoms and very lives. They eventually launched a liberation struggle that
reverberated across the continent.
Names like Kwame Nkrumah – under whom my father, E. A. Mahama, served diligently as a
Minister of State, Nyerere, Kaunda, Sekou Touré easily roll off my tongue in this regard.
Soon enough, after a spirited fight, colonialism fell in one country after another, culminating in
the exhilarating liberation of South Africa from the worst form of colonial subjugation—
apartheid. The result—freedom for Nelson Mandela after 27 years in jail.
Africa in the post-colonial independent era was awash with hope for a much brighter
tomorrow. We were, however, soon to be enmeshed in a contestation over the most suitable development paradigm and ideology.
Some faced West and others faced East. We in Ghana, as famously declared by our first
President, Osagyefo Kwame Nkrumah, faced neither East nor West. We faced forward and
experimented along the line with whatever paradigm we deemed exigent at a particular time.
Not enough time was afforded for these experiments to yield sustainable fruits because a combination of disillusionment and adventurism ushered in military dictatorships and in many cases, wanton misrule.
By the mid-eighties to early nineties, it had become obvious that democratic governance and economic reform were imperative to overcome the suffering and stagnation that years of poor governance had spawned. Under the aegis of the Bretton Woods institutions and other multilateral partners, several African countries launched economic recovery programmes with varying degrees of success.
In the case of Ghana, I can say, that through these reforms, we performed what could be
likened to an economic miracle. From the throes of bankruptcy, hyperinflation, and years of negative growth in the mid-seventies and early eighties, the economy was restored to the path of growth. Measurable and impactful progress could be seen!
Thirty years ago, we were even able to seamlessly integrate up to one million of our
compatriots who were unceremoniously deported from Nigeria back to Ghana without causing too much of an upset to our economic outcomes. Analysts have suggested the eviction was Nigeria’s retaliation – in 1983 – to the dastardly deportation of other Africans including Nigerians from Ghana under the Aliens Compliance Order of 1969.
In the decade that followed that period, millions of Ghanaians were lifted out of poverty
through progressive policies and interventions. Similar success stories could be recounted for
other African countries. Between those heady days and now, the story of Africa has been
patchy even though progress has not completely eluded us.
Civil strife, famine, genocide, and a relapse into bad governance can all be squeezed into the
narrative in the last few decades.
At present, save for a few countries on the continent, our economies are largely still
underdeveloped and underpinned by the colonial economic model of raw material export and little manufacturing or industrialization.
Fragile governance institutions and corruption remain major bottlenecks. Insecurity, terrorism,
and insurgency have all reared their heads across some countries. In the last few years, we
have seen a resurrection ofwhat we had believed to be the extinctspecter of military takeovers in some West African countries.
Mammoth unemployment and limited economic opportunities continue to confront Africa.
This has been exacerbated by the youth bulge; and projected to worsen by 2030 if not
addressed. Obviously, a threat to the attainment of the Sustainable Development Goals and
Africa’s Agenda 2063.
Africa being demographically the most youthful continent, should have been an opportunity
to be harnessed. However, the limited opportunities available to Africa’s youth has created a distressing scenario and culminated in the biggest threat facing the continent and the world now.
Africa has always been an opportunity. That has never been in contention. What is in debate,
is the extent to which Africa has been an opportunity for itself and exploited its advantage for the benefit of itself. The story of the contribution of Africa has always been one of fascination.
From its origin as the cradle of humankind, the continent has through the ages left an indelible
mark on the pages of history.
The echoes of the Arab spring, which took place barely a decade ago, still ring in our ears and
serve as too clear a reminder of what possible and probable danger the continent faces if the
situation does not improve – and quickly so. The prevalence of cybercrimes including internet-based fraud (‘Sakawa’) and other offences spill beyond Africa and affects the rest of the world.
This must be addressed head-on!
The foregoing by no means suggests that there is no positive news from Africa.
There is a lot to celebrate on the continent.
There are many thriving democracies in Africa with some well governed countries and strong
economies. Information Communication Technology (ICT) uptake is one area where strong growth has been recorded.
Just before the COVID-19 pandemic, Africa was recording the fastest rate of new broadband
connections, and mobile data traffic was projected to rise astronomically between 2017 and 2020 – growing by a CAGR of about 46% according to Statista.
The E-commerce sector was also experiencing exponential growth as our population attained
more awareness and became more reliant on online retailing. That said, there is still much to
worry about.
It is a fact that Africa has suffered historical injustices like slavery, colonialism, and an unjust world economic order –which have held us back for centuries and deprived us of a level playing field to develop rapidly compared to other continents. But it is no longer tenable to continue to blame these events predominantly for our present state. That will be absolving corrupt African leaders of blame for mismanaging the resources of the continent.
We have had sufficient time and opportunities over the last few decades to change our story
and narrative while crafting and implementing visions that would transform the lives of the
over a billion people who dwell on the continent.
Yes, globalization has inherent disadvantages for Africa. But Africa can and must rise to the
occasion by building and working towards continental unity as we strengthen partnerships with the rest of the world. To achieve Africa’s Agenda 2063 goals, we must let the world buy into
Africa’s priorities and global role. In most cases, we have simply squandered opportunities.
Ghana also comes to mind here. In a little under six weeks from today, Ghana will mark sixty-
six (66) years of nationhood. Far from being an occasion to celebrate independence and the
successes and achievements of nationhood, we will mark this day under the yoke of the worst
economic situation in decades.
We are currently bankrupt and burdened with a national debt we are simply not able to pay.
You may have learnt over the past few weeks that the Ghanaian government has defaulted on
the servicing of both external and domestic debt.
There is currently, a huge uproar over a controversial debt restructuring programme under which the middle-class of Ghana could be wiped out if plans to have them forfeit proceeds of government bonds on which they rely for investment and sustenance, are followed through.
In absolute terms, up to about six (6) million people could be deprived of their life savings and investments.
Ghana’s banking and financial sector could also be under threat of insolvency if no suitable
adjustments are made to the debt restructuring plans.
Our present economic situation, underscored by our bankrupt status, sharply contrasts with
our fortunes a little over a decade ago. At the time, our economy posted some of the highest
growth rates in the world with a robust and fast-growing non-oil sector.
Today, many of our economic indicators are pointing south. We have in the last month entered the hyperinflation era with an inflation rate of 54%. Our currency has in the past few months been counted among the worst performing in the world, plummeting by as much as 54% in value within the first ten months of 2022. Widening budget deficits have characterized economic performance since 2018.
A severe cost of living crisis fueled by ever-rising prices of basic goods has imposed extreme hardship on Ghanaians as the government struggles to meet some of its most basic commitments in areas like education and health. Unemployment stood at a staggering 13%, the highest in recent memory.
It would be no hyperbole to assert that our present state bears an uncanny resemblance to
the late seventies and eighties.
How was a country with such bright prospects, only a decade ago, brought to its knees so
quickly when it should have made far more progress? The present trouble with our economy stems from gross mismanagement and in some instances sheer recklessness.
Government failed to sustain the gains made after our last IMF programme, which brought
stability to the management of the Ghanaian economy. Corruption has also contributed
significantly to bring us to this distressing juncture.
Government has been quick to pass off the COVID pandemic as a reason for this poor economic record. Yet, available data shows that many of our neighbours in West Africa and further afield, posted much better economic performances than we did during and after the pandemic.
The World Bank through its Ghana Country Director has also stated unequivocally that Ghana’s economy was in distress before the pandemic occurred.
The purpose of recounting these failures, driven my mismanagement and corruption, in Ghana
is to demonstrate how Africa depletes scarce resources generated from both the continent
and development partners. Instead of thinking innovatively to address the fundamental
economic problem, many leaders worsen it.
Using management of the COVID-19 pandemic as a case study my own country Ghana once a
beacon of Africa has come up for mention for dissipating domestic and donor funds.
A recently published audit report by the Auditor General of Ghana into receipts and
expenditures on COVID-19 exposes staggering instances of corruption running into billions of
Ghana cedis.
Over GH¢21.8 billion was mobilised to mitigate the impact of the pandemic from the World
Bank, IMF, the European Union (EU), the African Development Bank (AfDB), Ghana’s
Contingency Fund, and from the sale of Bank of Ghana COVID-19 Bonds.
Hiding under the “emergency situation”, government jettisoned ourfinancial and procurement laws and refused to use the GIFMIS system, which is the agreed budget and accounting digital platform to avoid thorough scrutiny. Such financial malpractices discourage delivery of grants and concessionary loans to Africa.
I have indicated that we need a forensic audit into the receipts and expenditure of the COVID-
19 funds in Ghana. The forensic audit may be extended to other countries in Africa to restore
investor confidence as we build the Africa we want.
Let me add that, Africa needs to build stronger institutions to address institutional and political
decay. In building stronger institutions, Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) in Africa must also be prioritized. On this note, let me commend many CSOs on our Continent that are holding governments accountable.
Compounding the socio-economic malaise on the continent, is the erosion of public confidence in state institutions. Many of these state institutions set up to be independent arbiters and offer appropriate checks and balance on the executive arms of government, have in recent years served more as extensions of the government.
In many cases, as it is the case in Ghana, there has been overt efforts by government to weaken these institutions and bend them to its will.
A case in point was the ouster of the then Chairperson of Ghana’s Electoral Commission and two other senior officials by the President of Ghana over clearly flimsy and contrived reasons.
They were then replaced with persons with noticeable leanings towards the incumbent party and whose actions have served to undermine public confidence in their independence and neutrality, two ingredients which are vital prerequisites for the sustenance of Ghana’s acclaimed democracy.
Relatedly, Ghana’s Judiciary has also come under public scrutiny in recent years for what is
widely perceived as bias towards the government. Until the advent of this government, our judiciary had commanded tremendous public respect and confidence for their firmly independent posture. This is arguably no longer the case.
This is a worry to investors because one of the factors that boosts confidence of investors to
place their money in a country, is the faith they have that in event of a business dispute, they
can expect the justice system to be a fair and neutral arbiter.
For Africa to succeed in achieving her strategic priorities, we must strengthen institutions
including the judiciary and grant them their deserved independence and freedoms as
prescribed by law. I encourage you not to lose hope in Ghana and Africa because it is far more
useful to look forward to the future with hope than to brood over the present with despair.
I am an eternal believer in the potential and positive energies of Africa and her youth.
In December, next year, what I consider to be the most important elections in Ghana’s history
will be held. The electioneering period will offer a scope for deeper discussions about Ghana’s
future and what needs to be done to get us out of the current economic quagmire and to avoid
a recurrence.
We in the opposition in Ghana are very clear on our vision for the country and how to build
the Ghana that we all want.
The first order of business for a new NDC administration is to restore macro-economic stability and ensure fiscal prudence while generating employment for many of our young people who are unsure of what the future holds.
Though the current economic distress is largely self-inflicted, it is very clear that unless we act
to insulate ourselves from these factors, whatever gains that are made going forward will unravel because of structural weaknesses.
The National Democratic Congress therefore commits itself to immediate structural reforms
based on a national dialogue and forging a broad national consensus that will lead to the
diversification of our economy and its production base; and the attraction of investment into industry, farming, agribusiness, the digital sector, and tourism.
We are determined to process our natural resources like cocoa, gold, bauxite, oil, copper while we build more robust capacity to respond to global energy shocks.
I invite you to look favourably at Ghana again because there is hope ahead! I also urge you to
partner Africa as we confront the challenges posed by climate change, emerging diseases,
terrorism, and cybercrimes to build a safer world.
Our borders are borderless because of globalization. Therefore, we must stand in support of one another.
As we look into the near future with optimism, there are instant solutions that must be found
to the crippling economic crisis, which has left a dark pall hanging over Ghana now.
At a continental level, I want to reiterate my international advocacy for a reinstitution and
extension of the Debt Service Suspension Initiative (DSSI) to afford our countries some limited fiscal respite. I would similarly call for the expansion of the Common Framework for Debt Treatment Beyond the DSSI to help African countries access debt restructuring tools and
mechanisms.
I have had cause to also state elsewhere, and I would repeat that the time has come for an
African version of a Marshal Plan. I note and applaud the Global Gateway Programme of the
EU that seeks to mobilize 300 billion Euros over the next seven years for infrastructure in Africa
and the rest of the developing world.
If Africa is to survive and be a source of hope for the rest of the world, then Africa as an
imperative must speedily harness the advantages it has to ensure inclusive growth for its people. With the continent boasting the world’s largest free trade area along with an over 1-billion-person market, Africa is prime, as reported by the World Bank, to carve out a new
developmental pathway.
Under the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) agreement, 55 countries with a
combined GDP of over US$3.4 trillion will work together to present major opportunities for
shared growth and prosperity for Africa and the rest of the world.
I expect AfCFTA not to de-emphasize the prospects of SMEs as we promote new markets and encourage foreign investments. SMEs have sustained Africa and will continue to do so for a
long while. I also urge AfCFTA to secure intellectual property rights of Africans as we partner already mature businesses.
AFCTA will also need the support of the African Union for greater integration to allow for
greater labour mobility across Africa to support countries in need of critical human resource.
And AFCTA must not allow businesses with political connections to be prioritized over real
captains or champions of industry. Neither must innovations from the youth suffer because of lack of political connections.
All hope is not lost for Africa. Africa, including my country Ghana, has strategic priorities and is ready and willing to play its role in the global community.
To conclude, it is also of critical importance that regional bodies like the ECOWAS, SADC, EAC, CEMAC, the Arab Maghreb Union and African Union must be empowered to have a firmer grip on their member nations to address regional/ continental/ global challenges. Other
international bodies like the European Union and the TANA High-Level Forum for Security in
Africa, which I chair, must provide the needed support, including oversight and scrutiny of
activities likely to lead to serious consequences.
I stress on this point of oversight because we observe that the laxity in supervision and
oversight has given free reins to some leaders on the continent to wreak constitutional tyranny
on their people with some changing their country’s constitution so they could run for extended terms.
No single country in Africa can on its own attain the highest level of development when it is
surrounded by neighbouring countries engaging in full scale-conflict. It is therefore important
that there is stability and sustainable development in Africa, which will help lead to global security and prosperity.
With the right steps and visionary leadership as well as a willingness to dig deep and find
innovative solutions to the decades-old challenges, we must emerge a stronger force to reckon with.
I thank you for your kind attention.
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Superiority War: I’ve Exclusive Authority to Confer Titles Across Yorubaland, Says Alaafin
Published
7 hours agoon
December 22, 2025By
Eric
The Alaafin of Oyo, Oba Abimbola Akeem Owoade I, has stated that only the throne of Oyo has the authority to confer chieftaincy titles that carry the name “Yorubaland.”
The monarch made this declaration during the installation of Senator Abdul-Aziz Yari as Obaloyin of Yorubaland and Barrister Seyi Tinubu as Okanlomo of Yorubaland on Sunday at Aganju Forecourt, Aafin Oyo.
Oba Owoade emphasised that chieftaincy in Yoruba culture is not a matter of favour or decoration but a duty that comes with responsibility.
He explained that the Oyo throne has historically served as a central coordinating authority for the Yoruba people, a role recognised both during colonial administration and in post-independence governance.
The Alaafin highlighted that titles bearing the name “Yorubaland” are collective titles representing the Yoruba people as a whole, not individual towns or kingdoms, and must therefore be conferred by an authority whose reach spans the entire region.
He noted that colonial records, post-independence councils, scholarly works, and the Supreme Court of Nigeria have all affirmed this historical authority.
Oba Owoade described the newly installed titles as positions of trust requiring courage, loyalty, and service to the Yoruba people.
He added that such honours are meant to bind recipients more closely to Yorubaland and reinforce that authority, tradition, and respect for boundaries are central to sustaining Yoruba culture.
He urged the new titleholders to serve with humility and to ensure that their honours contribute to unity, dignity, and the collective good of Yorubaland.
He said: “We are gathered here today for a purpose that goes beyond celebration. We are here to witness history and to place responsibility where tradition has long placed it. Chieftaincy, in our culture, is not an act of favour. It is not decoration. It is duty, conferred only when history, authority, and responsibility align.
“From the earliest organisation of the Yoruba people, authority was never vague. Our forebears understood structure. This understanding gave Yorubaland stability long before modern governance arrived.
“The throne of Oyo emerged in that history as a coordinating authority, by responsibility. When colonial administration came, it did not invent this reality; it encountered it and recorded it. By 1914, Oyo Province had become the largest province in Southern Nigeria, covering 14,381 square miles. It was bounded in the north by Ilorin and Kontagora, in the east by Ondo and Ijebu, in the south by Ijebu and Abeokuta, and in the west by French Dahomey. This reflected recognised leadership over a wide and diverse space.
“This history explains why certain chieftaincy titles are different in nature. Titles that bear the name “Yorubaland” are not local titles. They are collective titles. They speak not for one town or one kingdom, but for the Yoruba people as a whole. Such titles must therefore proceed from an authority whose reach, by history and by law, extends across Yorubaland.
“Today, I do not speak to provoke debate. I speak to state order. Among the Yoruba, authority has never been a matter of assumption or convenience. It has always been a matter of history, structure, and law. Thrones were not created equal in function, even though all are sacred in dignity. From the earliest organization of Yorubaland, the Alaafin of Oyo occupied a central and coordinating authority – an authority that extended beyond the walls of Oyo and into the collective political life of the Yoruba people. This was not self-declared. It was recognised, enforced, and sustained across generations.
“Colonial records acknowledged it. Post-independence councils preserved it. Scholars documented it.
“And finally, the Supreme Court of Nigeria affirmed it. The law is clear. History is settled. Chieftaincy titles that bear the name Yorubaland – titles whose meaning, influence, and obligation are not confined to a single town or kingdom – fall under a singular, established authority. That authority is the throne of Oyo.”
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Why I Visited Nnamdi Kanu in Prison – Alex Otti
Published
1 day agoon
December 21, 2025By
Eric
By Eric Elezuo
Governor Alex Otti of Abia State has explained the reasons behind his much talked about visit to the leader of the Indigenous Peoples of Biafra (IPOB), Mazi Nnamdi Kanu, in Sokoto Correctional Centre.
Nnamdi Kanu was found guilty of all the seven count charges of terrorism brought against him by the Federal Government, and sentenced to life imprisonment, by Justice James Omotosho of the Federal High Court, Abuja, on November 20.
The governor also declared his intention to retire from partisan politics after serving as governor of the state.
Governor made these remarks in Umuahia while reacting to a viral video in which an individual berated him for visiting the IPOB leader in Sokoto Correctional Centre recently and alleged that the visit was aimed at positioning him (Otti) for either the presidential or vice presidential ticket. Otti however, denied having any presidential or vice presidential ambition after his governorship role.
According to him, he would not even contest for the senatorial position after serving as governor of Abia State.
Criticisms, he said, are part of democracy, adding that everyone is free to hold an opinion, even as he acknowledged that some criticisms, especially undue ones, are far from being the truth.
His words, “In the first place, that is the beauty of democracy. So, people should hold their opinions, and we respect people’s opinions. And that you hold a different opinion doesn’t mean you are right.
“One of the things he talked about was my ambition after being governor. And I had said it before, and I want to say it again, that by the time I’m done with governorship, I will retire.
“So, I don’t have presidential ambition, nor vice-presidential ambition. I also don’t have senatorial ambition. So, when I finish with the governorship, I’ll retire.
“I came for a mission. And when I deliver that mission, I will give way to younger people. So, he was talking of Igbo presidency. I don’t even understand what that means.
“So, I think if his thesis is based on that assumption, the assumption has collapsed, because he won’t see me on the ballot.
The Abia governor argued that it is important for a political office holder to know when to quit, especially when the politician has done what he is asked to do.
“When you have done what you have been asked to do, you clear, give way for other people. We’ve seen people here, after being governor who went to serve as Local Government Chairman. That’s not what we are. We are not cut out for those kinds of things.
Otti used the forum to explain why he visited Mazi Nnamdi Kanu at the Sokoto prison.
He said, “The second point is about Nnamdi Kanu. And I don’t want to put this matter in the public space so that it doesn’t jeopardise the discussions that I’m having.
“The truth about it is that exactly 24 months ago, I opened up discussions at the highest level on Nnamdi Kanu.
“And going to see him is the right thing to do, because he comes from my state. In fact, he comes from this local government (Umuahia North – the state capital).
“And there are always ways to solve a problem. I don’t believe that the way to solve a problem is to ignore it. And I had written extensively, even about Nnamdi Kanu and Operation Python Dance, I think in 2017 or 2018. And I condemned it.
“And I still condemn it. And some of the recordings that the gentleman put in his video, I cannot vouch for the veracity of that recording.”
Governor Otti maintained that he knows that when an issue has been approached from the legal point of view, there is also another window called the administrative point of view, stressing that, that is where he (the governor) is coming from.
“I’m not a lawyer. And if the judiciary says the man has been condemned to life imprisonment, that is the judiciary. Even that is not the end, because that’s the court of first instance. There is still an opportunity to appeal and then an opportunity to even go to the Supreme Court.
“But what we are trying to do is to intervene. I’m not a supporter of the disintegration of Nigeria.
“So, my position is that it would be insensitive of me to sit here and say one of our own who has been convicted should die when we have an opportunity to discuss, negotiate, and sue for peace. So, that is my position,” he said.
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How Glo Network Became the Lifeline That Saved Two Lives: A True Story from Sallari
Published
2 days agoon
December 20, 2025By
Eric
By Dr. Sani Sa’idu Baba
It was one of those calm, bright mornings in Sallari, a town in Tarauni Local Government Area of Kano State. I had gone to visit my longtime friend and colleague, Dr. Muhammad Umar Abdullahi, at his private facility, Rauda Clinic and Maternity. We were in his office discussing research, the usual challenges of medical practice, and other issues when the sound of hurried footsteps and anxious voices broke the calm. A young man rushed in, calling for the doctor.
Without hesitation, Dr. Muhammad sprang into action. I followed him instinctively. Within moments, two people burst through the gate, one man carrying a weak, heavily pregnant woman in his arms. Her breathing was shallow and wheezy, her face pale, and her body trembling between labor contractions and an asthma crisis. The scene was intense, we both knew that every second counted.
The team quickly moved her to the emergency bed. The Chief Medical Director Dr. Muhammad and his nurses worked swiftly to stabilize her breathing and monitor the baby. Oxygen was connected, IV lines were set, and within minutes, her breathing began to steady. The baby’s heartbeat was strong. After a short but tense period, she delivered a healthy baby girl. Relief filled the room like a gentle wind.
At that moment, I couldn’t help but admire the efficiency and dedication of Rauda Clinic and Maternity. The facility operated with the precision and compassion of a modern hospital. Every member of the team knew their role, every piece of equipment was in place, and the environment radiated calm professionalism. It reminded me that quality healthcare is not only about infrastructure, but about commitment and readiness when it truly matters. Rauda Clinic stood out that day as a quiet pillar of excellence and hope for patients and families alike.
The following day, I placed a call to Dr. Muhammad to ask about the condition of the woman who had been brought in the previous morning. He sounded cheerful and relieved. “Both mother and baby are fine now,” he said. Then, with deep reflection in his voice, he narrated the extraordinary story behind their survival, a story that showed how a single phone call, made at the right moment, became the bridge between life and death. As I listened to him recount the events, I couldn’t help but marvel at how sometimes, survival depends not only on medicine but also on connection.

Her name was Amina, a mother of three. That morning, she was alone at home, her husband was in Dutse, the capital of Jigawa state where he works, and her children had already gone to school. The first wave of pain came suddenly, followed by a tightening in her chest. Within minutes, she was gasping for air, her asthma worsening with every breath. She reached for her phone to call her husband, but the call wouldn’t go through. She tried again and again, each time, “Network error.”
Her strength was fading fast. She tried to reach her neighbors, but again, no connection. Alone, frightened, and struggling to breathe, she said she felt her end was near. Then, a thought crossed her mind, her maid had left her phone in the sitting room that morning. Gathering the last of her strength, Amina crawled toward the television stand where the phone lay.
When she reached it, she noticed the green SIM icon, it was a Glo line. Hope flickered. But when she tried to make a call, she saw there was no airtime. That could have been the end until she remembered Glo’s Borrow Me Credit service. With trembling fingers, she dialed the Glo borrow me code and she got the credit instantly, and that small credit became her lifeline.

Her first attempt to reach her husband failed. Then she dialed her younger brother, Umar. This time, the call went through immediately. Interestingly, Umar is a Glo user too. Without delay, Umar and his wife rushed to her house, found her collapsed on the floor, and carried her into their car.
On their way, Umar called ahead to alert the doctor, and again, the call went through clearly. By a remarkable coincidence, Dr. Muhammad was also using a Glo line. That seamless connection meant the hospital team was fully prepared by the time they arrived. Within minutes, Amina was stabilized, and both she and her baby were safe.
The next morning, Dr. Muhammad told me that Amina had smiled faintly and said to him, “Doctor, when every other network failed me, Glo answered. If that call hadn’t gone through, I wouldn’t be here today.”
Her words carried a truth that stayed with me. It wasn’t just a patient’s gratitude, it was a testimony about the power of reliable connection. At that moment, Glo wasn’t just a telecommunications network, it was the bridge between life and death, between despair and hope.

In today’s world, a simple phone call can determine whether someone lives or dies. That day reminded me that technology, when dependable, is not just about data speed, it’s about human connection at its most critical. Glo proved to be that connection: steady, available, and trustworthy when it mattered most.
Before she was discharged, she laughed and told the doctor she had already chosen a nickname for her baby “Amira Glo.” They both laughed, but deep down, Dr. Muhammad understood the meaning behind that name. It symbolized gratitude, faith, and survival.
As I ended the call with Dr. Muhammad that day, I felt a quiet pride. I had witnessed not just the miracle of life, but the harmony of medicine, compassion, and reliable technology. Through Rauda Clinic and Maternity, I saw what true service means, dedication without boundaries, and connection that saves.

Amina’s story isn’t an advert, but living proof that sometimes, when every other signal fades, Glo stands firm, and when every other facility seems far away, Rauda Clinic and Maternity remains a beacon of care and excellence.
For patients, families, and health workers alike, Glo is proven to be a network of necessity. It connects life to hope, when every second truly counts…
Dr. Sani Sa’idu Baba writes from Kano, and can be reached via drssbaba@yahoo.com
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Corruption Allegations: NMDPRA Boss Farouk Ahmed Meets Tinubu, Resigns
I’m Ready for Probe, NMDPRA Boss Farouk Ahmed Responds to Dangote’s Corruption Allegation
Ribadu’s Office Denies Arming Miyetti Allah in Kwara
Free at Last: Burkina Faso Releases 11 Nigerian Soldiers, Aircraft
Mike Adenuga, Emmanuel Macron Hold High-Powered Meeting in Paris
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Business3 days agoNNPCL Slashes Fuel Price by N80
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Headline6 days agoAlleged Corrupt Practices: Dangote Petitions ICPC Against NMDPRA MD Farouk
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Headline4 days agoFree at Last: Burkina Faso Releases 11 Nigerian Soldiers, Aircraft
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