Opinion
Signing of Execution Warrants for Criminals in Nigeria: My Take
Published
1 year agoon
By
Eric
By Hezekiah Olujobi
The Ogun State Government has announced that it is considering signing the death warrants of condemned criminals sentenced by competent courts to serve as a deterrent to those who may want to commit heinous crimes in the state.
The Attorney General and Commissioner for Justice, Mr. Oluwasina Ogungbade (SAN), made this known on Friday after inspecting inmates and facilities at the Correctional Centre in Ibara, Abeokuta. In reaction to the publication of yesterday’s report on the visit of the Attorney General of Ogun State and Commissioner for Justice, Mr. Oluwasina Ogungbade (SAN), regarding the State Governor’s move to sign execution warrants for inmates guilty of capital offenses, my take is both affirmative and cautionary.
Yes, if there is sufficient and overwhelming evidence that an individual is guilty of a crime, they should face the consequences. The suspension of the death penalty occurred in 1999 after the establishment of a democratic government in Nigeria. However, before the abolition of the death sentence, there were instances of many innocent people who were executed in Nigeria. Unfortunately, there is no record of innocence because nobody is looking in that direction.
During the period of executions, crime rates increased, and at every point, the Nigerian government has launched attacks to combat crime. Each time an initiative is launched, innocent people often suffer as a result. We can see that firing squads did not stop crime. If we reflect on the common crimes that attracted firing squads in the past, we can agree that there was a time when bank robbery was rampant in Nigeria. Can you tell me when you last heard of a bank robbery? The reason bank robbery has diminished is due to technology that makes it difficult for criminals to penetrate banks and access money.
There was also a time when highway robbery was rampant, with criminals using various tactics to rob victims, which claimed many lives. After the government launched attacks against these criminals, the incidents decreased. Why is it that highway robbery is not as prevalent as before? It is because of improved road conditions. Highway robbery can only take place on poorly maintained roads. While it has not been completely eradicated, it has certainly reduced.
Due to the high rate of crime, the government has launched various anti-robbery squads. However, we can see that the more these responses are implemented, the more robbery incidents seem to increase. Have you ever asked yourself why crime is on the rise? Crime is increasing in various dimensions because of societal changes. People commit crimes to survive and to remain relevant. Many individuals have developed means of survival through kidnapping, ritual killings, and internet fraud, which pose a threat to human life. We claim that the law exists, but the existing laws seem ineffective, as crime continues to rise. So, what should the government do next?
It is the duty of the government to protect its citizens, but we see that these criminals are becoming a greater threat to society. Prisons, particularly those housing death row inmates, are overcrowded and inhumane.
Unfortunately, I was not part of the visiting team; otherwise, I would have suggested to the Attorney General to ask the wardens to lock up the inmates and then visit each cell to see how they are sleeping. It’s inhumane.
Now, the argument is whether the government should go ahead and sign the death warrants to reduce crime. In the 80s and 90s, did you hear about internet fraud (Yahoo Yahoo)? You can see that now it is rampant. You will agree with me that the more police launch attacks against these criminals, the more crime seems to increase. However, you will also agree that while some crimes are increasing, others are decreasing, and some police officers are even implicated in these crimes.
Yes, they should go ahead and sign the death warrants, but with caution.
How would you feel about someone who killed your son and, after 10 years, was released in the name of repentance? How would you feel about someone who kidnapped your relative and caused you psychological trauma, only to be granted amnesty after some years? In cases of ritual murder, not accidental murder, I strongly recommend that such individuals, including the herbalists involved, should be put to death. Armed robbery that involves murder should also result in the death penalty. If they have repented, let them go and meet God. Where there is overwhelming evidence of guilt, such judgments should be made public for debate so that the public can be assured that the real perpetrators are indeed guilty of the offense, and the day of reckoning must come for them.
“He who kills by the sword must be killed by the sword,” as stated in the New Testament. It is ungodly to spare a terrorist or a murderer involved in ritual killings. It is unjust to apprehend the culprit and let go of the one who instigated them to commit the crime. In fact, I would suggest the death penalty for both. It is ungodly and unconstitutional to spare kidnappers. This crime is increasing because the government is doing nothing about it, which is why criminals can plan jailbreaks to enforce their freedom and continue to unleash terror on society. It is an insult and shows that the law is not working.
From Genesis to Revelation, the law does not change.
Genesis 9:6 states: “Whoso sheddeth man’s blood, by man shall his blood be shed: for in the image of God made he man.” This is where God gave the command.
Jesus Christ said to Peter in the book of Matthew 26:52 (KJV): “Then said Jesus unto him, Put up again thy sword into his place: for all they that take the sword shall perish with the sword,” which means that the law is still in effect.
In the book of Revelation, the message echoes again: Revelation 13:9-10 (KJV) states, “If any man have an ear, let him hear. He that leadeth into captivity shall go into captivity: he that killeth with the sword must be killed with the sword.” This indicates that the law is still in effect.
It is disobedient to God’s order to spare them without any means of reforming them.
Why I Say No to Signing Execution Warrants
As an advocate for those wrongfully sentenced to death, I have compelling reasons to oppose the signing of execution warrants. My experiences have shown me the grave injustices that can occur within the criminal justice system, where innocent individuals are sentenced to death based on flawed evidence and inadequate legal representation.
Case Studies of Wrongful Convictions
1. Olaniyi Emiola: In 1995, Olaniyi was implicated by his neighbors after the real perpetrator mentioned names that coincidentally matched his. He was wrongfully convicted on March 17, 1998, without access to an appeal. After a thorough review of the judgment and support from the real perpetrators who exonerated him, he was granted amnesty on January 11, 2011, due to new evidence revealing the truth. As a result of our intervention, he regained his freedom after 17 years.
2. Morufu Omobolanle: Arrested on October 23, 1996, for armed robbery, Morufu was tried alongside an unknown accomplice. Witnesses testified against both, but his co-defendant’s alibi saved him while Morufu was sentenced to death on January 23, 2002. Despite years of fighting for his innocence, his appeal failed at the Supreme Court due to a lack of thorough review. Our investigation revealed that Morufu had previously been wrongfully arrested in a separate incident. After 22 years of wrongful imprisonment, he was finally granted amnesty by the Ondo State Governor, thanks to our intervention.
3. Olusola Adepetu: A well-known traditional medical practitioner, Olusola was arrested on November 27, 1990, for the death of his girlfriend. He was sentenced to death on August 7, 1992, largely due to public opinion. His appeal was denied by the Supreme Court. However, after many years, we discovered a dissenting judgment that led to his exoneration. He was finally set free on October 16, 2016, after 26 years of wrongful imprisonment, again due to our intervention.
4. Lukma Adeyemi and Ismaila Lasisi: Recently, these two individuals were granted freedom by the Ogun State Board of Mercy after the real perpetrators claimed their innocence. With the support of my team, we advocated for their release, and they regained their freedom after 24 years of wrongful imprisonment.
Addressing Crime and Justice
I acknowledge the alarming rate of crime in our society, particularly among the youth. While I support efforts to combat this issue, I urge that we focus on identifying and prosecuting the actual perpetrators of crimes rather than making scapegoats of innocent individuals. It is essential to create awareness in schools and among the youth about the consequences of crime and the importance of justice.
Additionally, we must provide support for the families of victims to help them find healing.
Concerns About the Judicial System
My greatest fear lies in the way judges are sentencing innocent individuals to death without thorough reviews by higher courts. In one case involving a family accused of murder, all four members filed separate appeals, yet none were successful. It was disheartening to see that none of the judges reviewed the case critically, and they all concurred despite clear evidence of innocence.
In another recent case in OSUN State a judge sentenced to death two brothers who were swamped by the police for monetary gain.
In Oyo State there were case of three people who were sentenced to death based on the Confessional statement.
In Ekiti State there were cases where the judge sentenced two people who did not understand each other language to death based on some people who have personal hatred against the individual.
As far as I am concerned some of the judgement that are sending these individuals must be scrutinized.
In conclusion, the risk of executing innocent individuals is too great to ignore. Let parents awaken to give serious warnings to their children; let pastors and imams include discussions about crime and its consequences in their sermons.
We must ensure that justice is served fairly and that the lives of innocent people are protected. Justice must not be compromised; those who kill with the sword must die by the sword.
Support for Signing Execution Warrants
1. Deterrence Effect
If there is sufficient and overwhelming evidence of an individual’s guilt, they should face the consequences of their actions.
2. Moral Responsibility
It is essential to ensure that those who commit severe crimes, such as murder, kidnapping, Terrorism and ritual killings, face justice.
3. Public Assurance
For the public to trust the justice system, judgments involving capital punishment should be transparent and subject to public debate. This ensures that the real perpetrators are indeed guilty of the offenses for which they are sentenced..
Conclusion
The decision to sign execution warrants for condemned criminals in Nigeria is fraught with moral, legal, and social implications. While there is a compelling case for justice, the risk of executing innocent individuals cannot be overlooked. It is imperative that we strive for a justice system that protects the innocent, holds offenders accountable, and addresses the underlying issues contributing to crime.
Justice must not be compromised; those who kill must face the consequences of their actions, but we must also ensure that the system is fair and just for all.
What is your take on this?
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Opinion
A Holistic Framework for Addressing Leadership Deficiencies in Nigeria, Others
Published
11 hours agoon
February 6, 2026By
Eric
By Tolulope A. Adegoke PhD
“Effective leadership is not a singular attribute but a systemic outcome. It is forged by institutions stronger than individuals, upheld by accountability with enforceable consequences, and sustained by a society that demands integrity as the non-negotiable price of power. The path to renewal—from national to global—requires us to architect systems that make ethical and competent leadership not an exception, but an inevitable product of the structure itself” – Tolulope A. Adegoke, PhD
Introduction: Understanding the Leadership Deficit
Leadership deficiencies in the modern era represent a critical impediment to sustainable development, social cohesion, and global stability. These shortcomings—characterized by eroded public trust, systemic corruption, short-term policymaking, and a lack of inclusive vision—are not isolated failures but symptoms of deeper structural and ethical flaws within governance systems. Crafting effective solutions requires a clear-eyed, unbiased analysis that moves beyond regional stereotypes to address universal challenges while respecting specific contextual realities. This document presents a comprehensive, actionable framework designed to rebuild effective leadership at the national, continental, and global levels, adhering strictly to principles of meritocracy, accountability, and transparency.
I. Foundational Pillars for Systemic Reform
Any lasting solution must be built upon a bedrock of core principles. These pillars are universal prerequisites for ethical and effective governance.
1. Institutional Integrity Over Personality: Systems must be stronger than individuals. Governance should rely on robust, transparent, and rules-based institutions that function predictably regardless of incumbents, thereby minimizing personal discretion and its attendant risks of abuse.
2. Uncompromising Accountability with Enforceable Sanctions: Accountability cannot be theoretical. It requires independent oversight bodies with real investigative and prosecutorial powers, a judiciary insulated from political interference, and clear consequences for misconduct, including loss of position and legal prosecution.
3. Meritocracy as the Primary Selection Criterion: Leadership selection must transition from patronage, nepotism, and identity politics to demonstrable competence, proven performance, and relevant expertise. This necessitates transparent recruitment and promotion processes based on objective criteria.
4. Participatory and Deliberative Governance: Effective leaders leverage the collective intelligence of their populace. This demands institutionalized channels for continuous citizen engagement—beyond periodic elections—such as citizen assemblies, participatory budgeting, and formal consultation processes with civil society.
II. Context-Specific Strategies and Interventions
A. For Nigeria: Catalyzing National Rebirth Through Institutional Reconstruction
Nigeria’s path requires a dual focus: dismantling obstructive legacies while constructing resilient, citizen-centric institutions.
· Constitutional and Electoral Overhaul: Reform must address foundational structures. This includes a credible review of the federal system to optimize the balance of power, the introduction of enforceable campaign finance laws to limit monetized politics, and the implementation of fully electronic, transparent electoral processes with real-time result transmission audited by civil society. Strengthening the independence of key bodies like INEC, the judiciary, and anti-corruption agencies through sustainable funding and insulated appointments is non-negotiable.
· Genuine Fiscal Federalism and Subnational Empowerment: The current over-centralization stifles innovation. Empowering states and local governments with greater fiscal autonomy and responsibility for service delivery would foster healthy competition, allow policy experimentation tailored to local contexts, and reduce the intense, often violent, competition for federal resources.
· Holistic Security Sector Reform: Addressing insecurity requires more than hardware. A comprehensive strategy must include community-policing models, merit-based reform of promotion structures, significant investment in intelligence capabilities, and, crucially, parallel programs to address the root causes: youth unemployment, economic inequality, and environmental degradation.
· Investing in the Civic Infrastructure: A functioning democracy requires an informed and engaged citizenry. This mandates a national, non-partisan civic education curriculum and robust support for a free, responsible, and financially sustainable press. Protecting journalists and whistleblowers is essential for maintaining transparency.
B. For Africa: Leveraging Continental Solidarity for Governance Enhancement
Africa’s prospects are tied to its ability to act collectively, using regional and continental frameworks to elevate governance standards.
· Operationalizing the African Governance Architecture: The African Union’s mechanisms, particularly the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), must transition from voluntary review to a system with meaningful incentives and consequences. Compliance with APRM recommendations could be linked to preferential access to continental infrastructure funding or trade benefits under the AfCFTA.
· The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) as a Governance Catalyst: Beyond economics, the AfCFTA can drive better governance. By creating powerful cross-border commercial interests, it builds domestic constituencies that demand policy predictability, dispute resolution mechanisms, and regulatory transparency—all hallmarks of sound leadership.
· Pan-African Human Capital Development: Strategic investment in continental human capital is paramount. This includes expanding regional centers of excellence in STEM and public administration, fostering academic and professional mobility, and deliberately cultivating a new generation of technocrats and leaders through programs like the African Leadership University.
· Consistent Application of Democratic Norms: Regional Economic Communities (RECs) must enforce their own democratic charters uniformly. This requires establishing clear, automatic protocols for responding to unconstitutional changes of government, including graduated sanctions, rather than ad-hoc diplomatic responses influenced by political alliances.
C. For the Global System: Rebuilding Equitable and Effective Multilateralism
Global leadership crises often stem from outdated international structures that lack legitimacy and enforceability.
· Reforming Archaic Multilateral Institutions: The reform of the United Nations Security Council to reflect 21st-century geopolitical realities is essential for its legitimacy. Similarly, the governance structures of the International Monetary Fund and World Bank must be updated to give emerging economies a greater voice in decision-making.
· Combating Transnational Corruption and Illicit Finance: Leadership deficiencies are often funded from abroad. A binding international legal framework is needed to enhance financial transparency, harmonize anti-money laundering laws, and expedite the repatriation of stolen assets. This requires wealthy nations to rigorously police their own financial centers and professional enablers.
· Fostering Climate Justice and Leadership: Effective global climate action demands leadership rooted in equity. Developed nations must fulfill and be held accountable for commitments on climate finance, technology transfer, and adaptation support. Leadership here means honoring historical responsibilities.
· Establishing Norms for the Digital Age: The technological frontier requires new governance. A global digital compact is needed to establish norms against cyber-attacks on civilian infrastructure, the use of surveillance for political repression, and the cross-border spread of algorithmic disinformation that undermines democratic processes.
III. Universal Enablers for Transformative Leadership
Certain interventions are universally applicable and critical for cultivating a new leadership ethos across all contexts.
· Strategic Leadership Development Pipelines: Nations and institutions should invest in non-partisan, advanced leadership academies. These would equip promising individuals from diverse sectors with skills in ethical decision-making, complex systems management, strategic foresight, and collaborative governance, creating a reservoir of prepared talent.
· Redefining Success Metrics: Moving beyond Gross Domestic Product (GDP) as the primary scorecard, governments should adopt and be assessed on holistic indices that measure human development, environmental sustainability, inequality gaps, and citizen satisfaction. International incentives, like preferential financing, could be aligned with performance on these multidimensional metrics.
· Creating a Protective Ecosystem for Accountability: Robust, legally enforced protections for whistleblowers, investigative journalists, and anti-corruption officials are fundamental. This may include secure reporting channels, legal aid, and, where necessary, international relocation support for those under threat.
· Harnessing Technology for Inclusive Governance: Digital tools should be leveraged to deepen democracy. This includes secure platforms for citizen feedback on legislation, open-data portals for public spending, and digital civic assemblies that allow for informed deliberation on key national issues, complementing representative institutions.
Conclusion: The Collective Imperative for Renewal
Addressing leadership deficiencies is not a passive exercise but an active, continuous project of societal commitment. It requires the deliberate construction of systems that incentivize integrity and penalize malfeasance. For Nigeria, it is the arduous task of rebuilding a social contract through impartial institutions. For Africa, it is the strategic use of collective action to elevate governance standards continent-wide. For the world, it is the courageous redesign of international systems to foster genuine cooperation and justice. Ultimately, the quality of leadership is a direct reflection of the standards a society upholds and enforces. By implementing this multilayered framework—demanding accountability, rewarding merit, and empowering citizens—a new paradigm of leadership can emerge, transforming it from a recurrent source of crisis into the most reliable engine for human progress and shared prosperity.
Dr. Tolulope A. Adegoke, AMBP-UN is a globally recognized scholar-practitioner and thought leader at the nexus of security, governance, and strategic leadership. His mission is dedicated to advancing ethical governance, strategic human capital development, and resilient nation-building, and global peace. He can be reached via: tolulopeadegoke01@gmail.com, globalstageimpacts@gmail.com
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Opinion
Tali Shani vs Mike Ozekhome: How a Legal Mole-Hill Was Turned into a Mountain
Published
12 hours agoon
February 6, 2026By
Eric
By Abubakar D. Sani, Esq
INTRODUCTION
News of the decision of a British Tribunal in respect of a property situate in London, the UK’s capital, whose ownership was disputed has gained much publicity since it was delivered in the second week of September 2025. For legal reasons, the charges brought against prominent lawyer, Chief Mike Ozekhome, SAN, based on same is the most that can be said of it as no arraignment was made before Hon. Justice Kekemeke of the High court of the FCT, Abuja, sitting in Maitama.
Accordingly, this intervention will be limited to interrogating the common, but false belief (even in legal circles), that the Tribunal somehow indicted him with conclusive ‘guilt’. I intend to argue that this belief is not correct; and that, on the contrary, nothing could be further from the truth. For the sake of context, therefore, it is necessary to refer to relevant portions of the decision of Judge Paton (the name of the Tribunal’s presiding officer), which completely exonerated Chief Ozekhome, but which his detractors have always conveniently suppressed.
WHAT DID THE TRIBUNAL SAY?
Not a few naysayers, smart-alecs, emergency analysts and self-appointed pundits have been quick to latch on to some passages in the judgement of the Tribunal which disagreed with Ozekhome’s testimony to justify their crucifixion of Chief Ozekhome – even without hearing his side of the story or his version of events. This is a pity, of course, especially for the supposedly learned senior lawyers among them who, by ignoring the age-old principle of fair hearing famously captured as audi alterem partem (hear the other side) have unwittingly betrayed patent bias, malice, malevolence and utter lack of bona fides as the major, if not exclusive, motivator of their view-points and opinions. I have particularly watched about five of such senior lawyers shop from one platform to another, with malicious analysis to achieve nothing, but reputational damage. They know themselves.
Before proceeding to those portions, it is important to acknowledge that the Tribunal conducted a review of the evidence placed before it. The proceedings afforded all parties the opportunity to present their respective cases. The learned Judge carefully evaluated the testimonies, documentary exhibits and surrounding circumstances and rendered a reasoned decision based on the materials before the Tribunal.
It is also not in doubt that the Tribunal made certain critical observations in the course of assessing the credibility of the witnesses and the plausibility of their explanations. Such evaluative comments are a normal and inevitable feature of judicial fact-finding, particularly in property tribunals in contested proceedings involving complex transactions and disputed narratives. They do not amount to indictment.
It is precisely the improper isolation and mischaracterization of some of these observations that have given rise to the present misconception that the Tribunal somehow pronounced a verdict of guilt on Chief Ozekhome. It is therefore necessary to place the relevant excerpts in their proper legal and factual context, so as to demonstrate how the self-same tribunal exonerated Ozekhome.
“Paragraph 98: Once one steps back from that material, and considers the Respondent’s own direct personal knowledge of relevant matters relating to this property, this only commences in 2019. That is, he confirmed, when he was first introduced to Mr. Tali Shani – he thought in about January of that year. He did not therefore know him in 1993, or at any time before January 2019. He could not therefore have any direct knowledge of the circumstances of the purchase of this property, or its management prior to 2019. He had, however, known the late General Useni for over 20 years prior to his death, as both his lawyer and friend.
“Paragraph 103: Such of the Respondent’s written evidence had been about the very recent management of the property, and in particular his dispute over its management (and collection of rents) with one Nicholas Ekhorutowen, who provided no evidence in this case. The Respondent confirmed in oral evidence that it was upon the execution of the powers of attorney that he came into possession of the various pre registration title and conveyancing documents which formed part of his disclosure. These had been handed over to him by the next witness who gave evidence, Mr. Akeem Johnson.
“Paragraph 168: Unlike the fictitious “Ms. Tali Shani”, a man going by the name of Mr. Tali Shani exists and gave evidence before me in that name. A certified copy of an official Nigerian passport was produced both to the Land Registry and this Tribunal, stating that Mr. Tali Shani was born on 2nd April 1973. I do not have the evidence, or any sufficient basis, to find that this document – unlike the various poor and pitiful forgeries on the side of the “Applicant” – is forged, and I do not do so.
“Paragraph 200: First, I find that General Useni, since he was in truth the sole legal and beneficial owner of this property (albeit registered in a false name), must in some way have been connected to this transfer, and to have directed it. He was clearly close to, and on good terms with, the Respondent. There is no question of this being some sort of attempt by the Respondent to steal the general’s property without his knowledge.
“Paragraph 201: As to precisely why General Useni chose to direct this transfer to the Respondent, I do not need to (and indeed cannot) make detailed findings. I consider that it is highly possible that it was in satisfaction of some debt or favour owed. The Respondent initially angrily denied the allegation (made in the various statements filed on behalf of the “Applicant”) that this was a form of repayment of a loan of 54 million Naira made during the general’s unsuccessful election campaign. In his oral evidence, both he and his son then appeared to accept that the general had owed the Respondent some money, but that it had been fully paid off. The general himself, when asked about this, said that he “did not know how much money he owed” the Respondent.
“Paragraph 202: I do not, however, need to find precisely whether (and if so, how much) money was owed. The transfer may have been made out of friendship and generosity, or in recognition of some other service or favour. The one finding I do make, however, is that it was the decision of General Useni to transfer the property to the Respondent.”
It must be emphasised that even where a court finds that a witness has given inconsistent, fluctuating, or implausible testimony, as some have latched on, such a finding does not, without more, translate into civil or criminal liability. At best, it affects the weight and credibility to be attached to such evidence. It does not constitute proof of fraud, conspiracy, or criminal intent. See MANU v. STATE (2025) LPELR-81120(CA) and IKENNE vs. THE STATE (2018) LPELR-44695 (SC)
Notwithstanding the Tribunal’s engagement with the evidence, certain passages had been selectively extracted and sensationalised by critics. On the ipssisima verba (precise wordings) of the Tribunal, only the above paragraphs which are always suppressed clearly stand out in support of Chief Ozekhome’s case, as the others were more like opinions.
Some paragraphs in the judgement in particular, appear to have been carefully selected as “weapons” in Chief Ozekhome’s enemies’ armoury, as they are most bandied about in the public space. The assumption appears to be that such findings are conclusive of his guilt in a civil property dispute. This is unfortunate, as the presumption of innocence is the bedrock of our adversarial criminal jurisprudence. It is a fundamental right guaranteed under section 36 of the Constitution and Article 7 of the African Charter which, regrettably, appear to have been more observed in the breach in his case.
More fundamentally, the selective reliance on few passages that disagreed with his evidence or testimony and that of Mr. Tali Shani, ignore the above wider and more decisive findings of the Tribunal itself. A holistic reading of the judgment reveals that the Tribunal was far more concerned with exposing an elaborate scheme of impersonation, forgery, and deception orchestrated in the name of a fictitious Applicant, Ms Tali Shani, and not Mr. Tali Shani (Ozekhome’s witness), who is a living human being. These findings, which have been largely ignored in public discourse, demonstrate that the gravamen of the Tribunal’s decision lay not in any indictment of Chief Ozekhome, but in the collapse of a fraudulent claim against him, which was founded on false identity and fabricated documents.
The Tribunal carefully distinguished a fake “Ms” Tali Shani (the Applicant), who said she was General Useni’s mistress and owner of the property, and the real owner, Mr Tali Shani, who was Chief Ozekhome’s witness before the Tribunal. It was the Tribunal’s finding that she was nothing but a phantom creation and therefore rejected her false claim to the property (par. 123). It also rejected the evidence of her so called cousin (Anakwe Obasi) and purported son (Ayodele Obasi) (par. 124).
The Tribunal further found that it was the Applicant and her cohorts that engaged in diverse fraud with documents such as a fraudulent witness statement purportedly from General Useni; all alleged identity documents; fabricated medical correspondence; the statement of case and witness statements; a fake death certificate; and a purported burial notice. (Paragraph 125). Why are these people not concerned with Barrister Mohammed Edewor, Nicholas Ekhoromtomwen, Ayodele Damola, and Anakwe Obasi? Why mob-lynching Chief Ozekhome?
The Tribunal found that the proceedings amounted to an abuse of process and a deliberate attempt to pervert the course of justice. It therefore struck out the Applicant’s claim (Paragraphs 130–165). The Tribunal significantly found that Mr Tali Shani exists as a human being and had testified before it in June, 2024. It accepted a certified Nigerian passport he produced, and accepted its authenticity and validity (Paragraph 168). Can any objective person hold that Ozekhome forged any passport as widely reported by his haters when the maker exists?
Having examined the factual findings of the Tribunal and their proper context, the next critical issue is the legal status and probative value of such findings. The central question, therefore, is whether the observations and conclusions of a foreign tribunal, made in the course of civil proceedings, are sufficient in law to establish civil or criminal liability against a person in subsequent proceedings.
STATUS OF JUDGEMENTS UNDER THE LAW
The relevant statutory provisions in Nigeria are sections 59, 60, 61, 173 and 174 of the Evidence Act 2011, provide as follows, respectively:
Section 59: “The existence of any judgment, order or decree which by law prevents any court from taking cognisance of a suit or holding a trial, is a relevant fact, evidence of which is admissible when the question is whether such court ought to take cognisance of such suit or to hold such trial”;
Section 60(I): “A final judgment, order or decree of a competent court, in the exercise of probate. Matrimonial, admiralty or insolvency jurisdiction, which confers upon or takes away from any person any legal character. or which declares any person to be entitled to any such character or to be entitled to any specific thing, not as against any specified person but absolutely, is admissible when the existence of any such legal character, or the title of any such legal persons to an) such thing, is relevant (2) Such judgment, order or decree is conclusive proof (a)that any legal character which it confers accrued at the time when such judgment, order or decree came into operation; (b) that any legal character. to which it declares any such person to be entitled. accrued to that person at the time when such judgment order or decree declares it to have accrued to that person; (c) that any legal character which it takes away from any such person ceased at the time from which such judgment, order or decree declared that it had ceased or should cease; and (d) that anything to which it declares any person to be so entitled was the property of that person at the time from which such judgment. order or decree declares that it had been or should be his property”;
Section 61: “Judgments, orders or decrees other than those mentioned in section 60 are admissible if they relate to matters of a public nature relevant to the inquiry; but such judgments, orders or decrees are not conclusive proof of that which they state”
Section 173: “Every judgment is conclusive proof, as against parties and privies. of facts directly in issue in the case, actually decided by the court. and appearing from the judgment itself to be the ground on which it was based; unless evidence was admitted in the action in which the judgment was delivered which is excluded in the action in which that judgment is intended to be proved”.;
Section 174(1): “If a judgment is not pleaded by way of estoppel it is as between parties and privies deemed to be a relevant fact, whenever any matter, which was or might have been decided in the action in which it was given, is in issue, or is deemed to be relevant to the issue in any subsequent proceeding”;
(2):”Such judgment is conclusive proof of the facts which it decides, or might have decided, if the party who gives evidence of it had no opportunity of pleading it as an estoppel”.
It can be seen that the decision of the Tribunal falls under the purview of section 61 of the Evidence Act, as the provisions of sections 59 and 60 and of sections 173 and 174 thereof, are clearly inapplicable to it. In other words, even though some Judge Paton’s findings in respect of Chief Ozekhome’s testimony at the Tribunal relate to matters of public nature (i.e., the provenance and status of No. 79 Randall Avenue, Neasden, London, U.K and the validity of his application for its transfer to him) none of those comments or even findings is in any way conclusive of whatever they may assert or state (to use the language of section 60 of the Evidence Act).
In this regard, see the case of DIKE V NZEKA (1986) 4 NWLR pt.34 pg. 144 @ 159 where the Supreme Court construed similar provisions in section 51 of the old Evidence Act, 1948. I agree with Tar Hon, SAN (S. T. Hon’s Law of Evidence in Nigeria, 3rd edition, page 1041) that the phrase ‘public nature’ in the provision is satisfied where the judgement is clearly one in rem as opposed to in personam. It is pertinent to say a few words about both concepts, as they differ widely in terms of scope. The former determines the legal status of property, a person, a particular subject matter, or object, against the whole world, and is binding on all persons, whether they were parties to the suit or not. See OGBORU V IBORI (2005) 13 NWLR pt. 942 pg. 319 @407-408 per I. T. Muhammed, JCA (as he then was).
This was amplified by the apex court in OGBORU V UDUAGHAN (2012) LLJR -SC, where it held, per Adekeye, JSC that: “A judgment in rem maybe defined as the judgment of a court of competent jurisdiction determining the status of a person or thing as distinct from the particular interest of a party to the litigation. Apart from the application of the term to persons, it must affect the “res” in the way of condemnation forfeiture, declaration, status or title”.
By contrast, “Judgments ‘in personam’ or ‘inter partes’, as the name suggests, are those which determine the rights of parties as between one another to or in the subject matter in dispute, whether it be corporeal property of any kind whatever or a liquidated or unliquidated demand but which do not affect the status of either things or persons or make any disposition of property or declare or determine any interest in it except as between the parties (to the litigation). See HOYSTEAD V TAXATION COMMISSIONERS (1926) A. C. 155. These include all judgments which are not judgments in rem. None of such judgments at all affects any interest which third parties may have in the subject matter. As judgment inter partes, though binding between the parties and their privies, they do not affect the rights of third parties. See CASTRIQUE V IMRIE 141 E. R. 1062; (1870) L. R. 4H. L. 414”.
Suffice it to say that the decision of the London Property Tribunal was, in substance, one affecting proprietary rights in rem, in the sense that it determined the status and registrability of the property in dispute. However, it did not determine any civil or criminal liability, nor did it pronounce on the personal culpability of any party. The implication of this is that, even though the decision was in respect of a matter of a public nature, it was, nonetheless, not conclusive as far as proof of the status of the property, or – more importantly – Chief Ozekhome’s role in relation to it. Indeed, the property involved was not held to have been traced to the owner (General Useni) as having ever tried or convicted for owning same. I submit that the foregoing is the best case scenario in terms of the value of Judge Paton’s said decision, because under section 62 of the Evidence Act, (depending, of course, on its construction), it will fare even worse, as it provides that judgments “other than those mentioned in sections 59. 60 and 61 are inadmissible unless the judgment, etc is a fact in issue or is admissible under some other provision of this or any other Act”.
CONCLUSION
Some people’s usual proclivity to rush to judgment and condemn unheard any person (especially a high profile figure like Chief Ozekhome), has exposed him to the worst kind of unfair pedestrian analysis, malice, mud-slinging and outright name-calling especially by those who, by virtue of their training, ought to know better, and, therefore, be more circumspect, restrained and guarded in their utterances. This is all the more so because, no court of competent jurisdiction has tried or pronounced him guilty. It is quite unfortunate how some select lawyers are baying for his blood.
The decision of the London Tribunal remains what it is: a civil determination on attempted transfer of a property based on the evidence before it. It is not, and cannot be, a substitute for civil or criminal adjudication by a competent court. The presumption of innocence under Nigerian laws remains inviolable. Any attempt by commentators to usurp that judicial function through premature verdicts is not only improper, but inimical to the fair administration of justice.
Related
Opinion
The Atiku Effect: Why Tinubu’s One-Party Dream Will Never Translate to Votes in 2027
Published
2 days agoon
February 5, 2026By
Eric
By Dr. Sani Sa’idu Baba
It is deeply disappointing if not troubling to watch a former governor like Donald Duke accuse Atiku Abubakar of contesting for the presidency “since 1992” without identifying a single provision of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria that such ambition violates. Donald Duke was once widely regarded as one of the most intelligent and forward-thinking leaders of his generation, which makes it even more puzzling to understand what must have come over him to suddenly align with those throwing tantrums at others who are by far more competent, experienced, and eligible than themselves. While I acknowledge that Duke has recently moved to the ADC, the party that Atiku belongs to, Nigerians should not be distracted by his kind of rhetoric.
As former presidential candidate and ADC chieftain Chief Dele Momodu has repeatedly stated, “everyone is afraid of Atiku Abubakar,” particularly as the 2027 presidential election approaches. That fear, according to Momodu, explains the ongoing campaign of calumny against him. Donald Duke’s remarks therefore cannot be separated from this wider effort to diminish a man widely seen as the most formidable opposition figure in Nigeria today.
However, the issue of Donald Duke is not the central purpose of my message today. It is only incidental. The real purpose is to share what should be considered good news for Nigerians, the growing perception among ordinary citizens and the conversations happening daily at junctions, gatherings, markets, campuses, mosques, churches, and in the nooks and crannies of the country. The truth is that Nigerians are largely unbothered by the APC’s one-party state ambition. They are not impressed by forced defections or elite political gymnastics. What occupies their minds instead is the unrelenting presence of opposition, sustained hope, and the quiet but powerful confidence inspired by what has now become known as the “Atiku Effect”.
In my own opinion, which aligns with the thinking of many discerning Nigerians, no one in either the opposition or the ruling camps today appears healthier physically, mentally, socially and politically than Atiku Abubakar. Health is not determined by propaganda or ageism, but by function, resilience, and capacity. As we were taught in medical school, “healthspan, not lifespan, defines vitality,” and “physiological resilience is age-independent.” These principles make it clear that fitness, clarity of thought, stamina, cognitive and physiological reserve matter far more than the number of years lived. By every observable measure, Atiku remains fitter and more grounded than many who are younger but visibly exhausted by power.
It is no longer news that Nigeria is being pushed toward a one-party state through the coercion of opposition governors into the ruling APC. What is increasingly clear, however, is that this strategy reflects anxiety rather than strength. Nigerians understand that governors do not vote on behalf of the people, and defections do not automatically translate into electoral victory. This same script was played before, and history has shown that elite alignment cannot override popular sentiment. Just as it happened in 2015, decamping governors cannot save a sitting president when the people have already reached a conclusion.
This is where the Atiku Effect becomes decisive. Atiku Abubakar represents continuity of opposition, courage in the face of intimidation, and the refusal to surrender democratic space. His consistency reassures Nigerians that democracy is still alive and that power can still be questioned. This is precisely why Dele Momodu’s assertion that “everyone is afraid of Atiku Abubakar” resonates so strongly across the country. It is not fear of noise or recklessness, but fear of discipline, experience, and endurance.
Across Nigeria today, the ruling party is increasingly treated as the most unserious political party in the history of Nigeria, not because it lacks power, but because it lacks credibility. Nigerians know that hunger does not disappear because governors defect, inflation does not bow to propaganda, and hardship does not respond to political coercion. What they see instead is a widening gap between political theatrics and lived reality. In that gap stands Atiku Abubakar, a constant reminder that an alternative voice still exists and that the idea of a one-party state cannot survive where hope remains alive.
Let me say this unapologetically: the one-party project being pursued by the ruling party is dead on arrival. It is dead because Nigerians are politically conscious. It is dead because votes do not move with defections. And above all, it is dead because Atiku Abubakar remains standing, indefatigable, resilient, and central to the national conversation. As long as he continues to challenge bad governance and embody opposition, democracy in Nigeria will continue to breathe. And that, more than anything else, explains why so many are desperately trying and failing to stop him because Atiku Abubakar is a phenomenon and a force that cannot be stopped in 2027…
Dr. Sani Sa’idu Baba writes from Kano, and can be reached via drssbaba@yahoo.com
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