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January 15 1966: A Morning of Murder, Mayhem and Carnage

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By Chief Femi Fani-Kayode

In the early hours of the morning of January 15th 1966 a coup d’etat took place in Nigeria which resulted in the murder of a number of leading political figures and senior army officers.

This was the first coup in the history of our country and 98 per cent of the officers that planned and led it were from a particular ethnic nationality in the country.

According to Max Siollun, a notable and respected historian whose primary source of information was the Police report compiled by the Police’s Special Branch after the failure of the coup, during the course of the investigation and after the mutineers had been arrested and detained, names of the leaders of the mutiny were as follows:

Major Emmanuel Arinze Ifeajuna,

Major Chukwuemeka Kaduna Nzeogwu,

Major Chris Anuforo,

Major Tim Onwutuegwu,

Major Chudi Sokei,

Major Adewale Ademoyega,

Major Don Okafor,

Major John Obieno,

Captain Ben Gbuli,

Captain Emmanuel Nwobosi,

Captain Chukwuka,

and Lt. Oguchi.

It is important to point out that I saw the Special Branch report myself and I can confirm Siollun’s findings.

These were indeed the names of ALL the leaders of the January 15th 1966 mutiny and all other lists are FAKE.

The names of those that they murdered in cold blood or abducted were as follows.

Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, the Prime Minister of Nigeria (murdered),

Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto and the Premier of the Old Northern Region (murdered),

Sir Kashim Ibrahim, the Shettima of Borno and the Governor of the Old Northern Region (abducted),

Chief Samuel Ladoke Akintola, the Aare Ana Kakanfo of Yorubaland and the Premier of the Old Western Region (murdered),

Chief Remilekun Adetokunboh Fani-Kayode Q.C., the Balogun of Ife, the Deputy Premier of the Old Western Region and my beloved father (abducted),

Chief Festus Samuel Okotie-Eboh, the Oguwa of the Itsekiris and the Minister of Finance of Nigeria (murdered),

Brigadier Samuel Adesujo Ademulegun, Commander of the 1st Brigade, Nigerian Army (murdered),

Brigadier Zakariya Maimalari, Commander of the 2nd Brigade, Nigerian Army (murdered),

Colonel James Pam (murdered),

Colonel Ralph Sodeinde (murdered),

Colonel Arthur Unegbe (murdered),

Colonel Kur Mohammed (murdered),

Lt. Colonel Abogo Largema (murdered),

Alhaja Hafsatu Bello, the wife of the Sardauna of Sokoto (murdered),

Alhaji Zarumi, traditional bodyguard of the Sardauna of Sokoto (murdered),

Mrs. Lateefat Ademulegun, the wife of Brigadier Ademulegun who was 8 months pregnant at the time (murdered),

Ahmed B. Musa (murdered),

Ahmed Pategi (murdered),

Sgt. Daramola Oyegoke (murdered),

Police Constable Yohana Garkawa (murdered),

Police Constable Musa Nimzo (murdered),

Police Constable Akpan Anduka (murdered),

Police Constable Hagai Lai (murdered), and Police Constable Philip Lewande (murdered).

In order to reflect the callousness of the mutineers permit me to share under what circumstances some of their victims were murdered and abducted.

Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa was abducted from his home, beaten, mocked, tortured, forced to drink alcohol, humiliated and murdered after which his body was dumped in a bush along the Lagos-Abeokuta road.

Sir Ahmadu Bello was killed in the sanctity of his own home with his wife Hafsatu and his loyal security assistant Zurumi.

Zurumi drew his sword to defend his principal whilst Hafsatu threw her body over her dear husband in an attempt to protect him from the bullets.

Chief S. L. Akintola was gunned down as he stepped out of his house in the presence of his family and Chief Festus Okotie-Eboh was beaten, brutalised, abducted from his home, maimed and murdered and his body was dumped in a bush.

Brigadier Zakariya Maimalari had held a cocktail party in his home the evening before which was attended by some of the young officers that went back to his house early the following morning and murdered him.

Brigadier Samuel Ademulegun was shot to death at home, in his bedroom and in his matrimonial bed along with his eight-month pregnant wife Lateefat.

Colonel Shodeinde was murdered in Ikoyi hotel whilst Col. Pam was abducted from his home and murdered in a bush.

Most of the individuals that were killed that morning were subjected to a degree of humiliation, shame and torture that was so horrendous that I am constrained to decline from sharing them in this contribution.

The mutineers came to our home as well which at that time was the official residence of the Deputy Premier of the Old Western Region and which remains there till today.

After storming our house and almost killing my brother, sister and me, they beat, brutalised and abducted my father Chief Remi Fani-Kayode.

What I witnessed that morning was traumatic and devastating and, of course, what the entire nation witnessed was horrific.

It was a morning of carnage, barbarity and terror.

Those events set in motion a cycle of carnage which changed our entire history and the consequences remain with us till this day.

It was a sad and terrible morning and one of blood and slaughter.

My recollection of the events in our home is as follows.

At around 2.00 a.m. my mother, Mrs. Adia Aduni Fani-Kayode, came into the bedroom which I shared with my older brother, Rotimi and my younger sister Toyin. I was six years old at the time.

The lights had been cut off by the mutineers so we were in complete darkness and all we could see and hear were the headlights from three or four large and heavy trucks with big loud engines.

The official residence of the Deputy Premier had a very long drive so it took the vehicles a while to reach us.

We saw four sets of headlights and heard the engines of four lorries drive up the drive-way.

The occupants of the lorries, who were uniformed men who carried torches, positioned themselves and prepared to storm our home whilst calling my fathers name and ordering him to come out.

My father courageously went out to meet them after he had called us together, prayed for us and explained to us that since it was him they wanted he must go out there.

He explained that he would rather go out to meet them and, if necessary, meet his death than let them come into the house to shoot or harm us all.

The minute he stepped out they brutalised him. I witnessed this. They beat him, tied him up and threw him into one of the lorries.

The first thing they said to him as he stepped out was “where are your thugs now Fani-Power?”

My father’s response was typical of him, sharp and to the point. He said, “I don’t have thugs, only gentlemen.”

I think this annoyed them and made them brutalise him even more. They tied him up, threw him in the back of the lorry and then stormed the house.

When they got into the house they ransacked every nook and cranny, shooting into the ceiling and wardrobes.

They were very brutal and frightful and we were terrified.

My mother was screaming and crying from the balcony because all she could do was focus on her husband who was in the back of the truck downstairs. There is little doubt that she loved him more than life itself.

“Don’t kill him, don’t kill him!!” she kept screaming at them. I can still visualise this and hear her voice pleading, screaming and crying.

I didn’t know where my brother or sister were at this point because the house was in total chaos.

I was just six years old and I was standing there in the middle of the passage upstairs in the house by my parents bedroom, surrounded by uniformed men who were ransacking the whole place and terrorising my family.

Then out of the blue something extraordinary happened. All of a sudden one of the soldiers came up to me, put his hand on my head and said: “don’t worry, we won’t kill your father, stop crying.”

He said this to me three times. After he said it the third time I looked in his eyes and I stopped crying.

This was because he gave me hope and he spoke with kindness and compassion. At that point all the fear and trepidation left me.

With new-found confidence I went rushing to my mother who was still screaming on the balcony and told her to stop crying because the soldier had promised that they would not kill my father and that everything would be okay.

I held on to the words of that soldier and that morning, despite all that was going on around me, I never cried again.

Four years ago when he was still alive I made contact with and spoke to Captain Nwobosi, the mutineer who led the team to our house and that led the Ibadan operation that night about these events.

He confirmed my recollection of what happened in our house saying that he remembered listening to my mother screaming and watching me cry.

He claimed that he was the officer that had comforted me and assured me that my father would not be killed.

I have no way of confirming if it was really him but I have no reason to doubt his words.

He later asked me to write the foreword of his book which sadly he never launched or released because he passed away a few months later.

The mutineers took my father away and as the lorry drove off my mother kept on wailing and crying and so was everyone else in the house except for me.

From there they went to the home of Chief S.L. Akintola a great statesman and nationalist and a very dear uncle of mine.

My mother had phoned Akintola to inform him of what had happened in our home.

She was sceaming down the phone asking where her husband had been taken and by this time she was quite hysterical.

Chief Akintola tried to calm her down assuring her that all would be well.

When they got to Akintola’s house he already knew that they were coming and he was prepared for them.

Instead of coming out to meet them, he had stationed some of his policemen inside the house and they started shooting.

A gun battle ensued and consequently the mutineers were delayed by at least one hour.

According to the Special Branch reports and the official statements of the mutineers that survived that night and that were involved in the operation their plan had been to pick up my father and Chief Akintola from their homes in Ibadan, take them to Lagos, gather them together with the other political leaders that had been abducted and then execute them all together.

The difficulty they had was that Akintola resisted them and he and his policemen ended up wounding two of the soldiers that came to his home.

One of the soldiers, whose name was apparently James, had his fingers blown off and the other had his ear blown off.

After some time Akintola’s ammunition ran out and the shooting stopped.

His policemen stood down and they surrendered. He came out waving a white handkerchief and the minute he stepped out they just slaughtered him.

My father witnessed Akintola’s cold-blooded murder in utter shock, disbelief and horror because he was tied up in the back of the lorry from where he could see everything that transpired.

The soldiers were apparently enraged by the fact that two of their men had been wounded and that Akintola resisted and delayed them.

After they killed him they moved on to Lagos with my father.

When they got there they drove to the Officer’s Mess at Dodan Barracks in Ikoyi where they tied him up, sat him on the floor of a room, and placed him under close arrest by surrounding him with six very hostile and abusive soldiers.

Thankfully about two hours later he was rescued, after a dramatic gun battle, by loyalist troops led by one Lt. Tokida who stormed the room with his men and who was under the command of Captain Paul Tarfa (as he then was).

They had been ordered to free my father by Lt. Col. Yakubu Gowon who was still in control of the majority of troops in Dodan Barracks and who remained loyal to the Federal Government.

Bullets flew everywhere in the room during the gunfight that ensued whilst my father was tied up in the middle of the floor with no cover. All that yet not one bullet touched him!

This was clearly the Finger of God and once again divine providence as under normal circumstances few could have escaped or survived such an encounter without being killed either by direct fire or a stray bullet. For this I give God the glory.

Meanwhile, three of the soldiers that had tied my father up and placed him under guard in that room were killed right before his eyes and two of Takoda’s troops that stormed the room to save him lost their lives in the encounter.

At this point permit me to mention the fact that outside of my father, providence also smiled favourably upon and delivered Sir Kashim Ibrahim, the Shettima of Borno and the Governor of the Old Northern Region from death that morning.

He was abducted from his home in Kaduna by the mutineers but was later rescued by loyalist troops.

When the mutineers took my father away everyone in our home thought he had been killed.

The next morning a handful of policemen came and took us to the house of my mother’s first cousin, Justice Atanda Fatai-Williams, who was a judge of the Western Region at the time. He later became the Chief Justice of Nigeria.

From there we were taken to the home of Justice Adenekan Ademola, another High Court judge at the time, who was a very close friend of my father and who later became a Judge of the Court of Appeal.

At this point the whole country had been thrown into confusion and no one knew what was going on.

We heard lots of stories and did not know what to make of what anymore. There was chaos and confusion and the entire nation was gripped by fear.

Two days later my father finally called us on the telephone and he told us that he was okay.

When we heard his voice, I kept telling my mother “I told you, I told you.”

Justice Ademola and his dear wife who was my mother’s best friend, a Ghanian lady by the name of Aunty Frances, were weeping witgh joy.

My mother was also weeping as were my brother and sister and I just kept rejoicing because I knew that he would not be killed and I had told them all.

I believe that whoever that soldier was that promised me that my father would not be killed was used by God to convey a message to me that morning even in the midst of the mayhem and fear. I believe that God spoke through him that night.

Whoever he was the man spoke with confidence and authority and this constrains me to believe that he was a commissioned officer or a man in authority.

These mutineers who carried out this mutiny and coup were not alone: they got some backing from elements in the political class who identified with them.

Some have said that it was an Igbo coup whilst others have said that it was an UPGA (referring to the political alliance between the Action Group and the NCNC) coup but that is a story for another day.

Whatever anyone calls it or believes two things are clear: the consequences of the action that those young officers took that night were far-reaching and the way and manner in which they killed their victims was deplorable and barbaric.

Such savagery had never been witnessed in our shores. There has never been another night like that and the results of that night have been devastating and profound.

In my view not enough Nigerians appreciate this fact.

Some in our country cannot forgive those who participated in the mutiny and though I do not share that sentiment or disposition this is understandable.

Others believe that those young men (they were all in their 20’s) did the right thing and claim that those killings were necessary and heroic.

This is a sentiment which I not only despise but which I also find unacceptable and appalling.

There is nothing heroic about rebellion and the cold blooded murder of innocent and defenceless men and women.

The coup affected the country in an equally profound manner because the events of that night led to a counter-coup six months later. It was a devastating and disproportionate response.

Sadly after that came the horrendous pogroms and slaughter of the Igbo in the North which eventually led to the civil war in which millions of people died, including innocent children. This was also horrendous and deplorable.

Yet the bitter truth is that if the new Head of State, General Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi who himself happened to be Igbo, had done the right thing and actually prosecuted the ringleaders of the coup namely Major Kaduna Nzeogwu, Major Anufuro, Major Ademoyega, Major Timothy Onwuatuegwu, Captain Emmanuel Nwobosi, Captain Okafor, Captain Ben Gbulie and all the other young officers that planned and executed the mutiny of January 15th 1966 after it was crushed, there would have been no northern revenge coup six months later.

I have not added Major Emmanuel Ifeajuna (who was actually the leader of the coup) to the list because he could not have been locked up or prosecuted by General Aguiy-Ironsi simply because he ran away to Ghana immediately after the mutiny in Lagos failed and after he and his co-mutineers were routed by Lt. Col. Jack Yakubu Gowon and his gallant officers.

For some curious reason after the coup was successfully crushed, General Aguiyi-Ironsi just locked these young mutineers up and he refused to prosecute them.

This bred suspicion from the ranks of the northern officers given the fact that Aguiyi-Ironsi himself was an Igbo.

The suspicion was that he had some level of sympathy for the mutineers and the fact that they did not kill him during the course of the mutiny only fuelled that suspicion.

The northern officers also felt deeply aggrieved about the wholesale slaughter of their key political figures that night.

In my view that, together with Aguiyi-Ironsi’s insistence on promulgating the Unification Decree which abolished the federal system of government and sought to turn Nigeria into a unitary state, made the revenge coup of July 29th 1966 inevitable.

The revenge coup was planned and led by Major Murtala Ramat Mohammed (as he then was) and it was supported and executed by other young northern officers like Major T.Y. Danjuma (as he then was), Major Martins Adamu and many others.

This is the coup that was to put Lt. Col. Jack Gowon (as he then was) in power and when they struck it was a very bloody and brutal affair.

The response of the northern officers to the mutiny and terrible killings that took place on the night of January 15th 1966 and to General Aguiyi-Ironsi’s apparent procrastination and reluctance to ensure that justice was served to the mutineers was not only devastating but also frightful.

300 hundred Army officers of Igbo extraction who were perceived to be sympathetic to the January 15th mutineers were killed that night including the Head of State General Aguiyi-Ironsi and the Military Governor of the old Western Region who was hosting him, the courageous Colonel Adekunle Fajuyi. This was very sad and unfortunate.

What happened on the night of January 15th 1966 was indefensible, unjustifiable, unacceptable, unnecessary, unprovoked and utterly and completely barbaric.

I beg to differ with those that believe that there was anything good about such a mutinous bloodbath and this is especially so given the fact that it was carried out by a small handful of ungrateful, cowardly and treacherous men.

Blood calls for blood: when you shed blood, other people want to shed your own blood as well and sadly this is the way of the world.

The minute the shedding of blood in the quest of power becomes the norm we are all diminished and dehumanised: and this applies to both the perpetrators and the victims.

The January 15th coup set off a cycle of events which had cataclysmic consequences for our country and which we are still reeling from today.

I repeat with greater detail, this included the Northern ‘Revenge’ coup of July 29th 1966 in which 300 Igbo officers and an Igbo Head of State (Gen. Aguyi-Ironsi) were killed, the pogroms in the North in which over 30,000 Igbo civilians were killed and a civil war in which 3 million Igbos (including 1 million children) and hundreds of thousands of Nigerians were cut short.

What a tragedy!

Coups may have happened in other countries in Africa but that did not mean that it had to happen here.

In any case the amount of blood that was shed on the morning of January 15th 1966 and the number of innocent people that were killed was unacceptable.

It arrested our development as a people and our political evolution as a country.

Had it not happened our history would have been very different. May we never see such a thing again.

Yet regardless of the pain of the past I believe that we should do all we can to put these matters behind us.

We must not allow ourselves to become prisoners of history. Rather than being propelled by pain and bitterness and becoming victims of history, we must learn from it, be guided by it and move on.

We must learn to forgive, even if we do not forget and, equally importantly, we must first establish the truth about those ugly events and understand what actually transpired.

What happened that night traumatised the nation. None of us has been the same since.

I can identify with that because I was a part of it, I witnessed it and i was a victim of it.

Yet by God’s grace and divine providence my father’s life was spared: not because he was special but simply by the grace of God.

Every day I think about those that were killed that night and I remember their families.

We share a common bond and we are all partakers of an ugly and frightful history.

I tell myself: “were it not for divine providence, my father would have also died and I would not have been what I am today, because he was the one who educated me and did everything for me.”

If nothing else I know there was a purpose for that.

We must resolve among ourselves that never again will people be attacked in their homes, dragged out, abducted and shot like dogs in the middle of the night.

Never again will women, wives, children and the unborn be slaughtered in this way.

Never again shall we witness such barbarity and wickedness in our quest for power.

Never again must any Nigerian suffer such brutality and callousness.

May the souls of all those that were murdered on January 15th 1966 continue to rest in peace and may God make Nigeria great again.

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Opinion

President Trump’s Transformation of the Democratic System

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By Magnus Onyibe

President Donald J. Trump is actively reshaping the global political landscape, navigating the tension between globalization and fragmentation to establish a new order in the United States and, by extension, the world.

Before delving further into this discussion, I must disclose that I am an unapologetic supporter of the 47th President of the United States, Donald J. Trump. My support stems from my belief that he is undeniably a catalyst for change.

Many, including Democratic presidential candidates in the 2024 elections,ex president Joe Biden and former Vice President Kamala Harris, have accused Trump of seeking to dismantle democracy. However, a more accurate assessment is that he is challenging the status quo in Washington through radical policy shifts. While Democrats frame his actions as a threat to democracy, I see this as a misleading narrative,because changing the dynamics of democracy does not equate killing it.

Despite the alarm raised by his opponents, American voters prioritized economic concerns—rising inflation, the high cost of living, soaring housing prices, and the influx of undocumented immigrants—over the warnings about imminent death of democracy. It was these pressing issues that motivated voters to support Trump’s return to the White House.

The more than 77 million Americans who voted for him did so because they believe he was on a mission to address what they see as a “woke” and financially struggling America. According to the Oxford Dictionary, “woke” refers to those who are socially aware but is often used pejoratively to describe individuals perceived as self-righteous or overly dogmatic in their advocacy.

True to his promises, Trump wasted no time in implementing his agenda. During his inauguration, he took a strong stance against “woke” ideology by affirming that the U.S. Constitution recognizes only two genders—male and female—a direct challenge to the LGBTQ+ community. He has since followed through on his pledges by signing a series of executive orders aimed at radically reshaping America.

So, from my perspective, Trump is simply fulfilling the commitments he made during his campaign. The backlash from those negatively affected by his policies is therefore unsurprising, yet it should not overshadow the fact that he is delivering the change that millions of Americans willingly voted for, believing it will restore the country’s greatness.

As someone who embraces change, I am excited to see a leader who challenges the status quo in public leadership finally take charge. That leader is Donald J. Trump, who has now assumed office in the White House, the seat of U.S. political power.
Given President Tinubu’s huge appettite for change which has wrought on Nigeria in the past 2O months,he may be said to be cut from the same cloth with Trump, literally speaking.

Mr. Trump as the leader of the free world- U.S, exerts enormous influence on global affairs, reinforcing the popular saying: when America sneezes, the rest of the world catches a cold. This is evident in Trump’s decision to impose tariffs on key trading partners—25% on Mexico, 25% on general goods plus 10% on Canadian oil, and 10% on China—primarily to curb illegal immigration and combat the flow of fentanyl, a deadly drug ravaging American communities.

Before Trump even took office, his threats of tariff hikes caused global concern. However, World Trade Organization (WTO) Director-General Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, speaking at the World Economic Forum (WEF) in Davos, urged caution: “I am concerned, but my approach is to stay calm. Let’s wait to see what policies are actually enacted before overreacting.”

Despite this advice, some countries affected by the new tariffs —especially Mexico and Canada—have already announced retaliatory tariffs, raising fears of an all-out trade war. Meanwhile, China has opted for a legal approach, filing complaints against the U.S. through the WTO.

As the head of the WTO, Dr. Okonjo-Iweala will play a crucial role in resolving this looming global trade conflict. Given her extensive experience—including her tenure at the World Bank and her ongoing second term as WTO chief—there is hope that she can help de-escalate tensions.

Anticipating the economic impact of the trade war, President Trump has urged Americans to brace for temporary hardships, acknowledging that tariffs might contribute to inflation. However, he remains confident that the outcome will ultimately benefit the country, declaring: “This will be the golden age of America. Will there be some pain? Yes. But we will make America great again, and it will be worth the price.”

This sentiment is reminiscent of Nigerian President Bola Tinubu’s remarks when he removed the long-standing fuel subsidy and floated the naira, leading to economic hardship for Nigerians. He reassured the nation, saying: “I understand that our people are suffering, but there can be no childbirth without pain. The joy of childbirth is the baby. Relief comes after the pain. Nigeria is being reborn.”

Remarkably,Trump’s policies signal a fundamental shift away from globalization—a concept introduced between 1870 and 1914 and later popularized in 1983 by economist Theodore Levitt in his essay titled “The Globalization of Markets.” The current global order, shaped by decades of economic integration, now faces disruption under Trump’s America First doctrine, which prioritizes national interests over international cooperation.

Interestingly, Trump’s long-held stance on tariffs is not new. In a resurfaced 1978 interview with Oprah Winfrey, he expressed similar views, making it clear that his current trade policies have been decades in the making.

While trade wars typically harm weaker economies (when elephants fight, the grass suffers), Africa might stand to benefit from this geopolitical shift. As tensions escalate among major trading partners—U.S., Canada, Mexico, and China—Africa, historically seen as merely a source of raw materials, could emerge as an alternative manufacturing hub.

For instance, Nigeria’s oil exports to the U.S. declined significantly under President Barack Obama, with Canada and Mexico becoming America’s top crude suppliers. However, if the trade war leads to disruptions in North American oil exports, Trump may turn back to Nigeria, currently the 8th largest supplier, to fill the gap.

So, rather than viewing Trump’s policies as purely negative, it may be worth considering the potential opportunities they create for Africa. As a matter of fact , instead of getting caught up in narratives of doom and gloom, could this be a moment for the continent to reposition itself as a key player in the evolving global trade landscape?

I would argue that it is time for the world to recognize that Africa is not a problem to be solved but a vital part of the global solution. Thats owed to the fact that the continent holds vast reserves of critical minerals essential for the energy transition that the world desperately seeks. Rather than being viewed merely as a supplier of raw materials, Africa should be seen as a prime destination for investment and industrial partnerships.

There is a well-known economic principle that a rising tide lifts all boats and yachts. In that spirit, industrialized nations like the U.S. and China must acknowledge that Africa—home to 54 countries and a population of approximately 1.5 billion, larger than China’s 1.3 billion and rivaling India’s 1.4 billion—is not a charity case but an investment opportunity.

As a long-time advocate for Africa’s economic resurgence, I have consistently argued that the continent needs trade, not aid. So, it is imperative that major global economies shift their perception of Africa from a passive recipient of aid to an active economic partner. Historically, Africa has been exploited—most notably through the partitioning of the continent at the 1884–1885 Berlin Conference, where European powers divided African territories for their own benefit. As a result, Africa has remained marginalized in global trade, accounting for less than 3% of total global trade, despite having 18% of the world’s population.

To secure a greater share of global trade, Africa must be integrated into the evolving international economic order. Without disruptions to the existing system—such as those triggered by President Trump’s policies—meaningful change is unlikely. Given the resistance Africa has faced in its bid to gain a permanent seat on the UN Security Council, a fundamental shift in global power structures, like the one Trump is advocating, may be necessary for Africa to be taken seriously as a key player in international trade.

At this moment in history, the world may actually benefit from the tensions between defenders of the entrenched old order and leaders like Trump, who are determined to shake up the system. Since assuming office on January 20, 2025, Trump has been implementing the bold changes he promised during his campaign. In my assessment, the mandate given to him by American voters provides a unique opportunity to push for a rebalancing of global trade and governance.

Throughout history, transformative change has always required bold action. If astronauts had not pushed boundaries, Neil Armstrong would never have walked on the moon in 1969, a breakthrough that reshaped human understanding of the universe. Similarly, astronomer Galileo’s discoveries challenged the belief that the Earth was flat, while it is actually cylindrical paving the way for modern scientific thought. It is this same drive for progress that appears to be fueling Trump’s disruptive approach to governance.

Keyu Jin, a professor of economics and author of The New China Playbook, recently highlighted a growing shift in global trade patterns, noting that China and other nations have been diversifying their markets away from the U.S. even before the current tariff wars. Therefore,Trump’s policies are merely accelerating this trend. In Europe, for instance, we are seeing a rise in nationalist-leaning leaders, particularly in France and Germany, who are also prioritizing domestic interests over globalism.

This geopolitical realignment is further evident in the expansion of BRICS—a coalition of Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa—which has recently welcomed new members like Saudi Arabia, Iran, and Egypt. As more countries join BRICS in an effort to counterbalance U.S. influence, and attempts to reduce dependence on the U.S. dollar in global trade may intensify. The general belief is that if America continues using tariffs as a tool to pressure its trading partners, it risks pushing them further toward alternative alliances, potentially diminishing its own economic influence. But would that really be the case?

For Africa, this shifting landscape presents an opportunity. If trade flows are redirected away from the U.S., Africa could gain a larger share of global commerce—but only if the continent positions itself strategically. With the establishment of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), headquartered in Ghana, Africa is already laying the groundwork to take advantage of this new world order.

While Trump’s critics have valid concerns about the potential risks of his sweeping policy changes—particularly the hardship caused by the deportation of undocumented immigrants and disruptions in U.S. aid to Africa( which was later restored) it is also worth considering the potential long-term benefits of a restructured global economy.

The changes unfolding in global trade could open up unprecedented opportunities for Africa. If the continent plays its cards right, it could emerge as a major beneficiary of the ongoing shake-up. So, instead of viewing Trump’s policies solely through the lens of crisis, perhaps it is time to explore how Africa can leverage this moment to secure a more equitable role in the global economy.

A US based Nigerian Professor Ndubuisi Ekekwe describes Trump’s leadership as a “tsunami-earthquake-storm” approach, highlighting the unprecedented nature of shutting down USAID. According to him, this move signals a clear message to the world—that America has no obligation to fund or influence other nations through soft power. However, he suggests that this could actually be a positive development if African leaders step up and take responsibility.

He further explains how foreign aid often distorts markets and hinders sustainable development. For instance, an entrepreneur might develop a viable product in healthcare, education, or agriculture, only for an aid agency to introduce a similar product for free. This forces local businesses to shut down, and once the aid funds disappear after a few years, communities are left worse off, having lost both the external support and the local solutions that were once in place.

Rather than panicking over these funding cuts, Professor Ekekwe urges African governments to seize the opportunity by creating systems to identify and assist citizens in need. He argues that without external interference, local businesses can step in to fill market gaps, and governments can provide targeted support to those who truly require it. He points out that Africa has a long history of self-reliance and should return to indigenous solutions rather than depending on unpredictable foreign aid.

This perspective aligns with the arguments earlier made by economist Dr. Dambisa Moyo in her ground breaking book “Dead Aid”, where she contends that Western aid has done more harm than good in Africa.

Considering Trump’s repeated assertion that his second term marks a “golden age” for America, it is possibly a golden age for Africa too as the continent could benefit—if it strategically positions itself to take advantage of the shifting global order being shaped by Trump’s policies.

Magnus Onyibe, a public policy analyst, author, democracy advocate, development strategist, alumnus of the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, Massachusetts, USA, and a former commissioner in the Delta State government, (2003-2007) sent this piece from Lagos, Nigeria.

To continue with this conversation and more, please visit www.magnum.ng.

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Opinion

EFCC in the Eye of the Storm!

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By Ayo Oyoze Baje

With comments such as ” embarrassing”, “shameful” and ” disturbing” trailing the recent revelations that not less than 27 officers of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC were reportedly dismissed for acts of misconduct and fraudulent activities in 2024 alone, the clarion call for full-fledged investigations into what really happened has become a necessity. This is compelling because the alleged acts of fraud span from Lagos to Kaduna Zonal Commands. And given the delicate duty hinged on the matching mandate of the EFCC he who comes to equity must do so with clean hands.

But sadly, according to the spokesperson of the federal government agency, Dele Oyewale as revealed on January 6, 2025 the EFCC has started investigating ” a trending $400, 000 claim of a yet – to – be – identified supposed staff of the agency against a sectional head”. But that was just a tip of the iceberg. Some two days later, precisely on January 8, of this year 10 officers of the Lagos Zonal Command were detained over the theft of operational items.

Listed amongst the missing items are gold bars valued at over N1 billion. That is in addition to some precious jewelry and cash of between $350,000 and $400,000. Though the agency is yet to speak on what took place at the Kaduna Zonal Command, an officer simply identified as Polycarp allegedly stole a humongous amount claimed to be over $30,000 in addition to other valuable items.Such an embarrassing situation certainly triggers some flaming questions.

For instance, how do we explain the scandalous scenario that an anti-graft agency of the stature of the EFCC could not provide adequate security for expensive exhibits, including gold and mouth-watering amounts of raw cash? How would any officer, trained to fight for and recover stolen materials and money blame the prevailing poverty and high cost of living in the country as the factors of temptation for his shameful and unpatriotic act? Good leaders do not give excuses for dereliction of duty. Not at all. Rather, they should muster the moral courage to rein in the insidious urge to attempt to convert what does not belong to one as his, for whatever reason. That brings us to the nitty-gritty of the Act which established the EFCC.

Propelled by the Establishment Act first enacted in 2002 and subsequently amended in 2004 the matching mandate of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC is to frontally combat both economic and financial crimes. To bolster its performance the Act enables the Commission to prevent, investigate, prosecute and penalize economic and financial crimes in their various shades. Good enough, the EFCC is also charged with the responsibility of executing the provisions of other laws and regulations that are related to economic and financial crimes.

In its distilled essence, these laws are embedded in Section 7(2) of the Establishment Act 2004. These include Money Laundering Act 1995, Money Laundering (Prohibition) Act 2004 as well as Advanced Fee Fraud and other related Offence Act 1995. Not left out are the Failed Bank Act, 1994, the Criminal Code and the Terrorism Act 2011. But the recent revelations of odious acts of deliberate criminality carried out by officers of the EFCC run against the grains of the fight against corruption. They must therefore, be brought to the public sphere for proper scrutiny while the agency should beam a brighter searchlight into its inner structures to plug the widening loopholes.

Beginning with its recruitment process, it has become expedient for a more thorough assessment of the moral standards of any Nigerian citizen presenting himself for any of the available posts before he is employed there. Also significant is the need to guarantee the safety and security of all forms of exhibits -be it gold, jewelry or cash-preferably in bank vaults. Doing so will cut off any access to them.

From the point of view of security experts it amounts to unprofessional act not to have mechanisms firmly in place to ensure both safety and accountability of the exhibits. And if the EFCC decides to keep them within its purvey they should be well secured with multiple layers of protection provided. With such a guarantee it means that if the court finally decides in favour of the defendants, or those alleged to have stolen the recovered items they would be fully returned, without spurious claims of such to have been stolen by operatives of the EFCC. That brings us to what punishments should be meted out to the culprits.

Beyond their outright dismissal from office, they should be prosecuted and made to face the full wrath of the law. If perhaps, they have relocated outside the country the use of biometrics on record will be handy to trace and track them down.That would send the right punitive message and serve as a form of deterrence, to others with similar inclination to steal. But then, the question on the lips of concerned Nigerians is why all these acts of malfeasance are coming up at this point in time?

While some observers of the goings on at the EFCC have applauded the Chairman, Olanipekun Olukayode for mustering the leadership will to ensure probity and accountability in the operations others are not impressed by the method of night raids. Also, with the viral video of one Idris Okunaye, aka Bobrisky who claimed that some operatives of the agency collected N15 million from him to absolve him of the charge of money laundering, though later denied, the image of the EFCC is currently at stake.

But we urge Olukayode to continue with the internal cleaning up process, go ahead with the auditing of the recovered items on Zonal Command basis and ensure their security. He should review the night operations that have led to some deaths of the officials, strengthen oversight functions while doing away with problems traced to political interference.

As the Centre for Anti-Corruption and Open Leadership has rightly demanded for the internal cleansing should be holistic and devoid of manipulations from the corridors of political power.

Indeed, to restore public confidence in the EFCC it must free itself from the antics, sentiments and threats from the executive arm of government at the state and federal government levels. That would also reinforce the standard of morality in the nation, which has been rubbished by the crass, crude and criminal culture of impunity. With some of those who have pilfered the national treasury dry still walking our streets as free men and women, it is hard to discourage our rudderless youths from all forms of fraudulent practices. But we cannot continue to tread that path of perfidy. Not at all.

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Opinion

How Wike Benefitted from Dele Momodu’s Expertise and Conflict Resolution Skills

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By Dr. Sani Sa’idu Baba
ssbaba.pys@buk.edu.ng

Let me begin with this beautiful quote by Benjamin Franklin that “The doorstep to the temple of wisdom is a knowledge of our own ignorance.” Indeed, some people lack the knowledge of their own ignorance. Earlier this morning, Aare Dele MOMODU posted multiple pictures of him and his friend, the former Governor of Rivers State as he used to do from time to time in his busy social media pages. Immediately I saw those pictures, it reminded me of how CHIEF DELE MOMODU contributed immensely to WIKE’S popularity by showcasing the then Governor’s projects, an event that marked the origin of his nickname “Mr Project” all over Nigeria.

I would always say that WIKE’s popularity in Nigeria especially in the North was not as a result of his failed attempt to cling his party’s presidential ticket during the May 2022 presidential primaries or the events that followed, rather as a result of how the OVATION MEDIA GROUP demonstrated to Nigerians, Africa and many parts of the world that a Governor like Wike actually existed in Nigeria due to the volume of projects he was able to put in place in Rivers State which probably overrode all history of governance at state level in Nigeria. Unfortunately, some ignorant people threw their usual tantrums under the comment section, saying that MOMODU betrayed WIKE, which in my humble opinion is the other way round. Follow me patiently as I make a few points to that effect in a jiffy, keeping in mind the fact that Governor WIKE’s multiple work in Rivers had been undervalued, under-reported, or, let’s say, eclipsed by politics until the OVATION media group intervened in late 2020.

Furthermore, in my own understanding, a journalist has to be fair and ready to listen to the other side of any story. Governor WIKE turned out to be amongst the top beneficiaries of this Momodu’s rare quality as a veteran journalist. Let me take a step back a bit to the best of my knowledge as a meticulous follower of Ovation Media Group. Momodu had interviewed MAZI NNAMDI KANU, the leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) weeks before, specifically on the 29th October, 2020 and his fans were very happy. It was the mother of all interviews because both the interviewer and respondent knew their onions. The brilliant Nnamdi Kanu himself tweeted the following day expressing his satisfaction with Momodu’s comportment and describing him as the Larry King of Africa, which was largely true in my opinion. In fact some called him the man with magic fingers because of his enormous wisdom and prolificness in writing.

Thereafter, many Nigerians at home and in diaspora, his fans and mentees including myself requested him to interview GOVERNOR NYESOM WIKE. In fact, when I called him about that, he said “Dr Baba, I will! I always believe a journalist must hear and ventilate the other side of any story…”. So willingly and by popular demand, DELE MOMODU made it happen.

A few days later, he announced the acceptance of the then Governor WIKE to join him for a chat on one of his Instagram live sessions. That was one of the must watched interviews that set all social media streets agog. The interview went well, and he answered very interesting questions as candidly and as boldly as he could, not mincing words about his sharp disagreement with Mazi Nnamdi Kanu and the IPOB he leads, while MOMODU maintained his usual neutrality as much as possible. Momodu also asked the Governor some important questions about his developmental projects because the session was not just about his altercation with Kanu.

Moving fast forward during the interview, Governor WIKE threw a challenge by immediately inviting the Ovation Media Group to visit Rivers and see things for themselves. He was confident that given the infrastructural development Rivers State had witnessed under his watch though unpopular, Ovation would require over two weeks to cover his projects. Momodu accepted his challenge and headed to Rivers, prepared as always, regardless of what was on ground. They were pleasantly surprised. Two weeks and counting, Ovation team was still in Rivers State. There was simply so much to be seen and it was as if the governor had captured them permanently. He was enjoying their stay in Rivers while the whole country was resonating wondering what the Ovation crew were revealing from Rivers state. That was in my best understanding what brought the Governor WIKE’S massive achievement in Rivers to limelight in Nigeria and beyond. They travelled extensively and traversed the length and breadth of Rivers State, given the Governor WIKE all the machineries he needed to brag and beat his chest about the massive development he brought to his own state.

The other face of the story was even more interesting because some people who are extremely loyal to Kanu got angry. They said Wike was lying. They said he was the one who ordered the killing and mass murder of the people in OYIGBO/OBIGBO. They immediately challenged Momodu to go to the town and see the level of destruction and devastation. Some immediately began to rain insults and abuse on the Momodu’s platforms. I still remember clearly some of the false accusations and allegations by the same people who were happy before. Indeed this is not new to any journalist who chose to deploy ethical standards and neutrality. This also reminds me of the atmosphere when CHIEF DELE MOMODU interviewed the former Nigeria minister of petroleum DIAZENI ALLISON MADUEKE in London.
Coming back to the main epistle, DELE MOMODU also accepted the challenge and decided to visit OBIGBO town in Rivers State, a place where all the media spaces in Nigeria have likened to GAZA, PALESTINE where killings and human rights abuse became the order of the day. Momodu’s visit to OBIGBO is also a different story on its own, yet very interesting because what came out of it was totally contrary to a place where everyone believes it was under military siege. Everyone was ready to see the possible bloodbath and devastation that he/she was reading about constantly on social media. It was showcased LIVE in all Momodu’s platforms as the visit was ongoing in OBIGBO town.

In going to OBIGBO, Momodu employed and deployed his vast experience in the last three decades in promoting peace in West Africa and visiting war torn areas. In a sense, he was returning to familiar turfs and terrain. There were times MOMODU had to come down from the car to walk around a bit and interact with the people based on requests, instructions and directions from the INSTAGRAM LIVE feeds. He felt comfortable and very much at home amongst the indigenes and residents of Obigbo and the people welcomed the Ovation crew and freely expressed themselves. He also asked directly from the people about the murders and wanted to know if killings were still ongoing. Everybody he spoke with confirmed what had happened, but they all said the situation was under control, contrary to what the media was falsely and unjustly promoting. Normalcy had been restored substantially, in the town. Markets were bristling with the usual hustle and bustle of a boisterous community and it was live for all viewers to see. Momodu also listened to the Local Government Chairman, Prince Gerald Oforji, and the Chiefs for their own version of the story.

To my surprise however, some people kept raining abuses during the live broadcasts despite Momodu’s open, transparent work and apparent selflessness. He remained unperturbed because obviously he was not out to impress anyone but to do his job as professionally as he knows best.

In my own understanding, that was how most Nigerians naturally exonerated Governor WIKE from the alleged massive killings in OBIGBO as some believed he masterminded everything like a Bollywood director.

Who now is the ultimate beneficiary of these Momodu trips and interventions? Who benefitted from Momodu’s uncommon conflict resolution skills?

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