By Kayode Emola
Whether Nigeria remains a united country or divides in the future, our colonial history with Britain will never be erased. Several commentators previously have alluded to the nature of British administration in Nigeria during this period, and indeed how Britain bought Nigeria from the Royal Niger Company (RNC), so it is time this topic was expounded further.
Before we get into the fine detail of how the purchase was arranged, I believe it is prudent to explain some important business concepts. For a few years now, I have been creating what is termed a “No Money Down” portfolio. This approach enables you to acquire a business without incurring any costs initially. The payment the seller receives is taken from the returns of running the business. While it sounds easy, it is a very complicated business model, yet one that is used frequently by many big corporations.
In the case of Nigeria, we know the British ran it as an outpost for their business empire, granting access right and charters to numerous merchants. It was on this basis that the Royal Niger Company was given the licence to trade in the region now known as Southern Nigeria and the Cameroon. But due to multiple conflicts occurring between Britain and France, a deal needed to be struck to decide permanently who would have control. This resulted in the Berlin conference of 1884/85, to decide how the lands would be divided and allocated between the European nations.
George Goldie, founder of the United African Company (UAC), a consolidation of all Britain’s commercial interests along the river Niger, was present at the Berlin conference in the capacity of an advisory expert in matters of the river. Goldie had previously attempted to procure a government charter for his United African Company in 1881, for the administration of Southern Nigeria. However, this was rejected by William Gladstone, then Prime Minister of Britain, on the grounds that Britain did not have paramount influence of the region, and the resulting rivalry with France might cause unnecessary conflict.
He also argued that the UAC was inadequately resourced for a genuine colonial administration. Goldie, in response, embarked on capitalisation of the company for £100,000, additionally raising a further £1,000,000 in investment. This new influx of cash enabled Goldie to buy out his French competitors, giving the UAC alone maintenance of 30 trading posts along the southern part of Nigeria, and thus a monopoly. This monopoly, meaning that commercial predominance in the area belonged to a British company, gave Britain the upper hand in negotiations at the Berlin conference. Thus, they were able to rebuff the call from France and Germany to internationalise trade in Nigeria. The United African Company received its Royal charter in 1886, and became the Royal Niger Company.
By 1899, it had become apparent that a chartered company was ill-equipped to hold out against the state-supported protectorates of France and Germany, and so the RNC’s licence to trade was revoked. The territories held by the RNC were transferred to the British Government for the sum of £865,000. Royal Niger Company then went on to change its name to The Niger Company Ltd, and after several further name changes, it became what we now know as Unilever.
The newly acquired protectorates of Southern and Northern Nigeria required new administration to be appointed by the British government from 1 January 1900. Whilst Southern Nigeria at this time was materially prosperous through its trade with Britain, the North was overrun by banditry, kidnapping and all manner of malignance, impeding their development. Britain had to employ the services of the West Africa Frontier Force, headed by Lord Lugard, to bring about law and order in the area. This venture proved very costly for Britain: no revenue was being generated, but £611,000, funded by British taxpayers, had to be paid out to the WAFF between 1897 – 1901, to maintain law and order in Northern Nigeria.
The British taxpayers continued to subsidise Northern Nigeria between 1900 and 1914. Approximately £314,000 was paid towards its administration per annum, with the exception of in 1912, when it reduced, requiring only around £100,000. As a business model, this was unsustainable. In all, by the time Southern and Northern Nigeria were amalgamated in 1914, British tax payers had already paid approximately £5,8000,000 (equivalent to ~£700,000,000 in today’s money) to acquire this vast country, an area of around 332,000 square miles.
This huge sum spent in acquiring Nigeria needed to be recouped somehow, otherwise the entire enterprise would have spelt doom for Britain’s political classes. Whilst some politicians contemplated ditching the unproductive North and focusing solely on the wealthy South, the Secretary of State for the Colonies, Lewis Harcourt, devised an alternative solution. He called Lord Lugard, whose earlier Political Memorandum on the subject has caught his interest, to help amalgamate the North and South Nigeria into one entity in 1912. He believed that by transferring the material wealth from the South to the North, the subsidy of Northern Nigeria would no longer be necessary. The Amalgamation succeeded in this, and the grant was terminated in 1914, following the coalescence of the two protectorates.
Having been engaged in the First World War, Britain was heavily indebted and needed to start recouping the funds it had spent acquiring its various Colonies. After the Amalgamation, with no further funding provided by the British government, it became time for Nigeria to pay back Britain’s acquisition costs. In 1916, the Nigerian Council (Legislative body) unanimously passed a resolution pledging that the country would pay £6,000,000 of Britain’s war debt. Nigeria also declared her readiness to pay the interest accrued on that figure over 36 years, amounting to an additional £13,250,000. Payment commenced in 1919, six months after the war ended.
Seeing that Nigeria has agreed to pay this sum, surpassing the initial money that had been spent on acquiring Nigeria, an excited Lord Lugard declared that “it will be seen that this vast country, which affords an increasing market for British industry and commerce, has been acquired at no cost whatever to the British taxpayer” (page 48 of his 1919 Amalgamation report). Lugard then went on to explain how this money to pay for Britain’s war debt was raised: the funds were generated entirely from the duty on liquor imposed on the Yoruba people. Thus, the Yoruba would bear the burden for the entirety of Nigeria.
If Nigeria’s share of British Imperial war debt was paid solely by the Yoruba, then one could posit that the Yoruba people should become the owners of Nigeria when Britain finally left in 1963. However, the desperate plight of the Yoruba people today must lead one to ask, “How did the Yoruba get it wrong?” Where did we falter, who bewitched us? A people once able to pay huge sums of money on behalf of Nigeria, now unable to feed their teeming population, educate their young or, above all, provide decent jobs for their multitudinous youths. It is these things, and many more, that we Yoruba people should seek to address.
For far too long we have left the governance in the hands of a small minority, to the detriment of our vast population. These politicians, whether from the North or the South, feel no duty toward the ever-increasing population of Nigeria, and have instead embarked on reckless looting of the national treasury. Nigeria, with its plethora of human and material resources, should have a GDP averaging no less than £5 trillion; yet the reality is that we struggle to even achieve £300 billion, with millions of people in substandard conditions.
The Yoruba people should reflect on this, asking themselves if they still think present-day Nigeria can deliver the dreams and aspirations of a good quality life. If the answer is a resounding “NO”, then it is futile to hold onto the belief that further elections in Nigeria are capable of producing meaningful improvements for the downtrodden.
The time now is ripe for us to stand on our own, as a sovereign Yoruba nation. We must act now to turn the tide; for if we fail in this moment to fight for our independence, we may find it impossible to build anything for our future generations. I urge my fellow Yoruba people, do not waste your energy focusing on another round of elections that will continue to enslave us. Rather, come together to forge a pathway out of our present predicament, to create this land that should be our prized possession.