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50 Years On: Remembering Ex-Head of State Gen Murtala Mohammed (1938 – 1976)

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By Eric Elezuo

For five decades since 1976, the memory of Nigeria’s former head of state, has remained a mixture of evergreen and restraint. He was a leader many has come to reckon with as a result of impact. He is noted as the first person to use the popular military catch phrase ‘fellow Nigerians’, and popularised it among subsequent coup leaders, who had used it in all coup situations. He was Murtala Ramat Muhammad GCFR, Nigeria’s third military Head of State, who was murdered in cold blood in a failed military coup on February 13, 1976, less than eight months after he assumed office. Today marks exactly 50 years of his gruesome death. 

Murtala Mohammed was a complete soldier; he led bloody coups, and was killed in a bloody coup, led by Lieutenant Colonel Bukar Suka Dimka.

Born on November 8, 1938, Mohammed is believed to have led the 1966 Nigerian counter-coup that overthrew, and brutally murdered General Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi,  then then military Head of State, and featured prominently during the Nigerian Civil War and thereafter ruled over Nigeria from 30 July 1975 after the overthrow of General Yakubu Gowon, until his assassination on that fateful February 13, 1976 morning.

He was born in Kano, into a ruling-class religious family, Murtala served in the Nigerian Army as a cadet in the Royal Military Academy, Sandhurst. He later served in Congo; eventually rose through the ranks to become Brigadier General in 1971, aged 33, becoming one of the youngest generals in Nigeria. Three years later Murtala became the Federal Commissioner for Communications in Lagos.

As a conservative and federalist, Murtala regretted the overthrow of the First Republic and the promulgation of Aguiyi Ironsi’s unification decree of 1966. He was devastated by the assassination of Sir Ahmadu Bello, and for a time said to seriously consider the secession of Northern Nigeria. His career redoubled after Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu and the young majors orchestrated the first military coup in Nigeria of 1966 coup empowering him to lead the mutiny of the night of 29 July 1966 in Abeokuta. Murtala was briefly considered as Supreme Commander before the appointment of Yakubu Gowon. He also masterminded the July 1966 counter coup, which evidently, sparked the Nigerian Civil War.

During the war, he commandeered Nigeria’s second infantry division which was responsible for the death of civilians and much of the rebels. His command’s use of veteran soldiers, no quarter, and scorched earth strategies led to between 10,000 and 30,000 deaths. Combined with the total wartime death toll of three million making the civil war one of the deadliest in modern history. Three years later the Federal military government declared victory which bolstered Murtala’s image over Nigeria and in particular the north as a military leader through the post-war era of “reconciliation, reconstruction, and rehabilitation”. In post-civil-war Nigeria, Murtala ruled with more power than any Nigerian leader before or since, and developed a charismatic authority and cult of personality. During the Cold War, he maintained Nigerian neutrality through participation in the non-aligned movement, but supported the Soviet Union — during the latter’s effort in the Angolan Civil War

Nigeria under Murtala presided over a period of rampant economic prosperity. At the same time, his regime transitioned from being authoritarian into consensus decision-making with Murtala the leader of a military triumvirate, alongside Generals Olusegun Obasanjo and Theophilus Danjuma. The dictatorship softened and Murtala unveiled plans for the demilitarization of politics. In February 1976, barely seven months into his nascent rule, Murtala without having time to see his plans implemented was assassinated in a failed coup d’ètat attempt, being succeeded by Olusegun Obasanjo as Head of State, who, in turn, led the Nigerian transition to democracy with the Second Nigerian Republic.

The legacy of Murtala in Nigerian history remains controversial as the nature of his rule changed over time. His reign was marked by both brutal repression, and economic prosperity, which greatly improved the quality of life in Nigeria. His dictatorial style proved highly adaptable, which enabled wide-sweeping social and economic reform, while consistent pursuits during his reign centered on highly centralised government, authoritarianism, federalism, national Federalism, and pan-Africanism.

Murtala Muhammed was born on November 8, 1938 in Kano. His father, Muhammed Riskuwa, was from the Fulani Genawa clan, who had a history of Islamic jurisprudence as both his paternal grandfather Suleman and paternal great-grandfather Mohammed Zangi served as Chief Judges in Kano Emirate and held the title of chief Alkali of Kano. His father worked in the Kano Native Authority and was related to Aminu Kano, Inuwa Wada, and Aminu Wali. He died in 1953, his mother, Uwani Rahamatu, was from the Kanuri and Fulani Jobawa clan, the Jobawa clan members include the Makama of Kano and Abdullahi Aliyu Sumaila, his maternal grandfather Yakubu Soja a World War I veteran was from Dawakin Tofa while his maternal grandmother Hajiya Hauwau (Aya) was from Gezawa, he was educated at Cikin Gida Elementary School which was inside the emir’s palace.

He then transferred to Gidan Makama primary school in Kano which was just outside the palace. He then proceeded to Kano Middle School (now Rumfa College, Kano) in 1949, before attending the famous Government College (now Barewa College) in Zaria, where he obtained his school certificate in 1957. At Barewa College, Muhammed was a member of the Cadet Corps and was captain of shooting in his final year. In 1957, he obtained a school leaving certificate and applied to join the Nigerian army later in the year.

Murtala Muhammed joined the Nigerian Army in 1958. He spent short training stints in Nigeria and Ghana and then was trained as an officer cadet at Sandhurst Royal Military Academy in England. After his training, he was commissioned as a second lieutenant in 1961 and assigned to the Nigerian Army Signals that same year, later spending a short stint with the No. 3 Brigade Signals Troop in Congo In 1962, Muhammed was appointed aide-de-camp to M. A. Majekodunmi, the federally-appointed administrator of the Western Region.

In 1963, he became the officer-in-charge of the First Brigade Signal Troop in Kaduna, Nigeria. That year he traveled to the Royal Corps of Signals at Catterick Garrison, England for a course on advanced telecommunications techniques. On his return to Nigeria in 1964, he was promoted to major and appointed officer-commanding, 1st Signal Squadron in Apapa, Lagos. In November 1965, he was made acting Chief of Signals of the Army, while his paternal uncle, Inuwa Wada had recently been appointed Defense Minister.

Mohammed’s coup in 1966 led to the installation of Lieutenant-Colonel Yakubu Gowon as Supreme Commander of the Nigerian Armed Forces, despite the intransigence of Muhammed who wanted the role of Supreme Commander for himself. However, as Gowon was militarily his senior, and finding a lack of support from the British and American advisors, he caved in. Gowon rewarded him by confirming his ranking (he had been an acting Lt. Colonel until then) and his appointment (Inspector of Signals).

In June 1968, he relinquished his commanding position and was posted to Lagos and appointed Inspector of Signals. In April 1968, he was promoted to colonel. The actions of the division during this period, mostly in Asaba became a subject of speculation. In a book published in 2017, S. Elizabeth Bird and Fraser Ottanelli document the 1967 mass murder of civilians by troops of the 2 Division under General Muhammed’s command. They also discussed the events leading up to the massacre, and its impact on Asaba and on the progress of the war, as well as other civilian massacres carried out by soldiers of the 2nd Division at Onitsha and Isheagu.

Between 1970 and 1971, he attended the Joint Service Staff College in England, his supervisor’s report attributed him to having ”a quick agile mind, considerable ability and common sense. He holds strong views which he puts forward in a forthright manner. He is a strong character and determined.

However, he finds it difficult to moderate his opinions and finds it difficult to enter into debate with others whose views he may not share”. After the war, he was promoted to brigadier-general in October 1971. Between 1971 and 1974, Muhammed was involved in routine activities within the signals unit of the army. However, he also disagreed with some of the policies being pursued by Gowon.

On 7 August 1974, the head of state, General Yakubu Gowon appointed him as the new Federal Commissioner for Communications, which he combined with his military duties as Inspector of Signals at the Army Signals Headquarters in Apapa, Lagos. On 7 August 1974, General Yakubu Gowon appointed Muhammed as the Federal commissioner (position now called Minister) for communications to oversee and facilitate the nation’s development of cost effective communication infrastructures during the oil boom. After the war and after he took power as head of state, Muhammed started the reorganization and demobilization of 100,000 troops from the armed forces. The number of troops in the armed forces decreased from 250,000 to 150,000.

On 29 July 1975, General Yakubu Gowon was overthrown while attending the 12th summit of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) in Kampala, Uganda. Muhammed took power as the new Military Head of State. Brigadiers Obasanjo (later Lt. General) and Danjuma (later Lt. General) were appointed as Chief of Staff, Supreme HQ and Chief of Army Staff, respectively.

In the coup d’état that brought him to power he introduced the phrases “Fellow Nigerians” and “with immediate effect” to the national lexicon. In a short time, Murtala Muhammed’s policies won him broad popular support, and his decisiveness elevated him to the status of a folk hero.

However his highly popular, often televised “with immediate effect” style of governing, also gained some criticism amongst the countries top civil servants – some of which were Nigeria’s top intellectuals. His ad-hoc Presidential proclamations left his civil service often unprepared, lacking details or even funding to implement his ideas, and his administration led to the dismissal of thousands of civil servants. Over 10,000 civil servants, government employees were dismissed without benefits; reasons stated were age, health, incompetence, or malpractice. The removal of such a large amount of public officials affected the public service, the judiciary, the police and armed forces, the diplomatic service, public corporations, and university officials. Quite a few officials were tried on corruption charges, and an ex-military state governor was executed for gross office misconduct.

Muhammed took federal control of the country’s two largest newspapers – Daily Times and New Nigerian; all media in Nigeria was now under federal control. He also took federal control of the remaining state-run universities. On February 3, 1976, the Military Government of Murtala Muhammed created new states and renamed others, the states he created include: Bauchi, Benue, Borno, Imo, Niger, Ogun, and Ondo. This brought the total number of states in Nigeria to nineteen in 1976.

As head of state, Muhammed put in place plans to build a new Federal Capital Territory due to Lagos being overcrowded. He set up a panel headed by Justice Akinola Aguda, which chose the Abuja area as the new capital ahead of other proposed locations. On February 3, 1976, Muhammed announced that the Federal Capital would in the future move to a federal territory location of about 8,000 square kilometres in the central part of the country.

Towards the end of 1975, the administration implemented a mass purge in the Nigerian civil service. The civil service was viewed as undisciplined and lacking a sense of purpose. A retrenchment exercise was implemented as part of a strategy to refocus the service.

Source: Wikipedia

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Sowore ‘Slumps’ Amid Police Teargas During Abuja Protest

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There was panic on Friday after human rights activist, Omoyele Sowore, collapsed following a confrontation with the police during a Democracy Day protest at the Unity Fountain in Abuja.

Reports said that Sowore collapsed after police operatives moved to disperse protesters gathered to demonstrate against insecurity, economic hardship and bad governance.

The demonstrators were dispersed after security personnel fired teargas canisters at the protesters in an apparent attempt to break up the gathering.

Following the incident, Sowore has reportedly been taken to an undisclosed hospital for further examination and treatment.

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Global Stage, Local Heart: Davido Champions Justice for Kidnapped Oyo Schoolchildren at FIFA Concert

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By Shakirat Akintola

He may be selling out arenas worldwide and headlining some of the biggest global stages, but Afrobeats megastar Davido proved this week that his heart remains firmly with the people of Nigeria.

On Wednesday night, during his highly anticipated performance at the official FIFA World Cup Countdown Concert in Los Angeles, the “Unavailable” crooner turned a massive moment of global celebration into a powerful, intentional act of advocacy.

Walking onto the Crypto.com Arena stage, the international icon chose not to wear high-end luxury fashion, but rather a custom black leather jacket designed to honor the 39 schoolchildren and seven teachers violently abducted from the Oriire Local Government Area of Oyo State.
A Global Icon Who Refuses to Forget His Roots

For an artist operating at Davido’s level, navigating massive global brands like FIFA usually comes with strict, highly sanitized corporate boundaries. Yet, the singer intentionally used his massive platform to ensure that the tragedy unfolding back home would not be swept under the rug by international media.

Backstage and throughout his high-energy performance of hits like “Fall,” the singer made sure his wardrobe spoke volumes. The front of his jacket was adorned with green circular buttons, each bearing the individual name of a student or teacher taken from the Ahoro-Esinele community in May.

In a heartbreaking and meticulously planned detail, the names of those still held in captivity were written in white, while the names of the victims who have tragically already died during the ordeal were highlighted in stark red. Across the back of the jacket, the message was clear and unmissable to the millions watching worldwide: “BRING THEM HOME.”

“We Represent Everywhere We Go”
Speaking moments before he climbed the stage alongside international electronic group Major Lazer, Davido was visibly carrying the weight of the situation, showing that his global success hasn’t detached him from the realities facing everyday Nigerians.

“Peace and love everywhere. May God be with the families of the abducted and the ones who have been killed,” Davido said in an emotional backstage address. “They still haven’t been rescued, we’re praying to God every day. We’re also praying to God that the government hastens… My country is going through a lot. We represent everywhere we go.”

This isn’t a passive, one-off gesture for the singer. Despite a grueling international schedule ahead of the 2026 World Cup—where he is prominently featured on the tournament’s official soundtrack album—Davido has consistently used his massive social media presence to demand immediate, decisive action from both federal and state authorities.

Amplifying the Cry for Help

By bringing the Oriire local tragedy to one of the premier entertainment capitals of the world, Davido has forcefully inserted Nigeria’s security challenges into the global conversation.

Back home, the crisis remains critical. The ongoing hostage situation has already sparked a total shutdown of public schools in Oyo State, with the Nigeria Union of Teachers (NUT) declaring an indefinite strike until their colleagues and students are safely returned.

In a landscape where international superstars are often criticized for becoming disconnected from local struggles, Davido’s bold FIFA showcase serves as a stark reminder of what true cultural ambassadorship looks like. He didn’t just perform for the world; he made the world look at the faces and names of the people who need them most.

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Statement on the State of the Nation by Some Concerned Nigerians

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We are a group of concerned Nigerians, alarmed at increasing threats to the Nigerian Nation and desirous of sharing our concerns with fellow citizens.

Our assessment of the state of the Nation reveals that Nigeria stands at a dangerous crossroads where rising insecurity, an alarming level of electoral manipulation by government, and the weakening of democratic institutions are converging into a national crisis that threatens the country’s survival.

Nigeria faces a grave threat to its foundational constitutional principle of the separation of powers. Checks and balances between the branches of government have been imperilled.

The legislative branch has been placed under near total control of the executive branch. The judiciary appears to have lost both its independence and its integrity. There are no checks on the powers of the executive who now govern as they please without accountability or respect for the people’s concerns.

Institutions have been compromised, weakened, and subordinated to the interests of the executive arm of government. This erosion of institutional independence has fuelled public distrust to its highest level in our history creating a crisis of political exclusion and impunity that is pushing violent extremism, organized crime, and communal conflict to a tipping point.

To reverse this trajectory, Nigeria must urgently recommit to democratic accountability, judicial independence, and institutional reforms that strengthen the rule of law. The electoral processes must be transparent, credible, and insulated from executive interference.

The crisis in Nigeria cannot be separated from the broader instability engulfing the Sahel region. The spread of terrorism, arms trafficking, unconstitutional changes of government, and porous borders across countries such as Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger continue to intensify insecurity in Nigeria and the wider Lake Chad Basin. The collapse of regional cooperation and democratic governance in parts of the Sahel further emboldens armed groups, weakens state authority, and undermines civilian protection across West Africa.

Regional security cooperation between Nigeria and Sahelian states should be revitalized by establishing strong bilateral and multilateral platforms for intelligence sharing, border governance, and community-based peacebuilding initiatives.

Equally important is investing in youth employment, education, social protection, and local conflict resolution mechanisms to address the root causes of radicalization and insecurity.

Recommendations

1. Government should as a matter of urgency recognise that insecurity in the Sahel fuels the Nigerian crisis and that rapprochement between AES (Alliance of Sahel States) and ECOWAS is an important element in Nigeria’s national interest.

2. Government should immediately appoint a high-level Special Envoy for the Sahel to begin the urgent task of rebuilding trust between Nigeria, the AES and ECOWAS while revamping regional mechanisms for peace and security.

3. Civil society organisations should actively sensitize citizens and strengthen public demand for accountability. Nigerians must be bold and courageous in protecting civic rights and resisting the current climate of restricting civic space.

4. We call on the Private Sector as critical stakeholders in the nation-state agenda to continue to support and demand accountability in governance and the promotion of the rule of law as the basic premise of economic progress and nation building. Professional bodies and associations must rise to the challenge of building a broad national consensus to oppose tyranny and ensure maintenance of checks and balances in governance and the protection of the rule of law.

5. We call on our traditional leaders and members of the clergy to rise to the full weight of their moral and civic authority to promote peaceful co-existence, solidarity, and inter-faith dialogue to arrest the current slide to criminality and civil disorder.

6. Given the clear and consistent indications of the lack of neutrality and competence of INEC, professional bodies such as the Nigerian Bar Association, Unions, and other civic groups must set up mechanism of engaging the electoral body to ensure that the 2027 elections are free, fair and credible.

7. The Judiciary must address the perception of its complicity to stall democratic processes. It must remain independent and uphold the rule of law. As a matter of urgency, the Nigerian Bar Association must call its members to order for professional conduct and strengthen its monitoring on the judiciary, it must stay alert and patriotic and ensure political actors play by the rule. The National Judicial Council must set up a framework for holding judges accountable for decisions they take in the context of electoral process.

DATED AT ABUJA, NIGERIA 8th JUNE 2026

1. Dr. Husseini Abdu
2. Amb. Fatima Balla OON
3. Dr. Usman Bugaje
4. Prof. Ibrahim Gambari, CON
5. Dr. Yahaya Hashim
6. Prof. Jibrin Ibrahim
7. Prof. Attahiru Muhammadu Jega OFR
8. Prof. Mohammed Kuna
9. Abubakar Balarabe Mahmoud, SAN, OON
10. Mal Kabiru Yusuf

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