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Dele Momodu: A Child of Independence in Search of Freedom By Toyin Falola

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Deserving ovation in any part of the world is a matter of maintaining a positive impact after the evaluation of one’s accumulated deeds. Humans are not popular with the habit of giving accolades to people who are not deserving of it, and if they are compelled to do so, it would be noticed from the get-go that they are merely following instructions, making motions, or being sarcastic. One of the notable people whom Nigerians may give accolades to without compulsion is Chief Dele Momodu. Many people have written their names in the golden book of Nigeria, and it appears the journalist and businessman is one of them. Dele Momodu has not only written his name on the sand of time as far as Nigerian celebrity and popular life are concerned, but he has also brought himself to the forefront of national and international debates, showing up in public issues for all things good.

Ayobamidele Momodu was born to Nigerian parents in the same year Nigeria secured its independence from its foremost colonizer, Britain, in 1960. His birth became symbolic with the country of birth because he represents freedom for his immediate parents and a family of people who have benefited from his immense intellectual efforts. From an early age, Momodu developed a passion for journalism and became steadfast in the pursuit of this lofty ambition. To him, that profession means more than being a platform for interviewing the big fishes in the world who have made substantial changes in human history. He considers journalism an opportunity to connect with the masses and represent those rendered voiceless in their respective societies.

One would be enthused by the mind-opening input that Dele Momodu has contributed to Nigeria’s and, by extension, Africa’s journalism profession, going by the mouthwatering initiatives he has been making with his different journalism outlets. He blends passion with opportunity and creates effortless ideas that are record-breaking and intellectually stimulating. His undying and enthusiastic passion for journalism drove him to meet notable personalities as far as Nigerian politics and economic engagement are concerned. Because he was outstanding in his chosen profession, he has had the opportunity to meet top politicians in the world and used that opportunity to advance himself personally. Through his journalism profession, Momodu has increased his self-worth so much that in contemporary times, there is no place his name would be mentioned in the Nigerian political and media landscape in particular, and in the African continent in general, where he would not get special recognition and impressive remarks from people. His name has become so domestic that people do not struggle to fix who he is in their minds. Momodu believes in activism, and he does not limit the ground for activism to the political ring since, in his opinion, activism can be introduced to one’s profession in a grand style and maximum impact can be made through it irrespective of the field.

One gets to understand what he means with his ideological stand about using journalism as the launchpad for activism when he stood behind a man whose political mandate was forcefully and criminally taken away from him in 1993. Chief Moshood Kashimawo Abiola (MKO) became the victim of the power play of the General Ibrahim Babangida’s administration, where the latter denied MKO Abiola of his democratic mandate. The action ruptured the people and angered many well-wishers because the denial of his right could steer inter-ethnic conflict, as the country was delineated along ethnolinguistic and ethnocultural lines, and could wreak untold emotional and political havoc on the country generally. Momodu was strongly behind MKO, not only because he had worked under him as a Staff Writer in the African Concord magazine, but also because he believed that part of a global democratic process is to stand against dictators when they decide to challenge the will of the majority. For this ideological conviction, it would be interesting to know that the man remained steadfast behind the victim of military veto power, not without paying a heavy price, however. Ibrahim Babangida’s administration was succeeded by that of the late General Sanni Abacha, and one does need to be reminded about the extreme high-handed nature of these dictators.

Momodu was one of the heroes who championed the canonization of June 12, the occasion of which saw the annulment of the presidential election that registered MKO Abiola as the victor. It did not require the intelligence of Wole Soyinka to understand that he was up against an insurmountable challenge by calling the dictators by their name. He was mercilessly punished and subsequently detained because he followed pro-democratic ideas that supported the recognition of Abiola’s political mandate. Despite the growing challenges and mounting intimidation, Dele did not throw in the towel against the dictators. He continued to demonstrate his commitment to revolutionizing Nigerian politics through democratic means and insisted on his loyalty to his mentor, the late MKO. However, when Abacha became the head of state, he compounded the challenges because he was devoid of a sense of justice or fairness and was unconcerned about tearing the fabric of the country’s democracy by pursuing extremely selfish interests at the presidential seat. Before being confined to the prison, this man allowed his Radio Freedom to continue engaging the military dictators and exposing their irrational fantasy about power and its flagrant abuse. He became the maverick of the society and dared to challenge a totalitarian whose sole language was force. Momodu stood his ground and registered his grievances and those of the masses, but not without corresponding consequences.

When the situation got to the climax, Momodu was forced to seek freedom in another man’s land because it seemed the government of General Sani Abacha would not adopt a gentleman’s approach concerning issues of protests or disagreement with totalitarian disposition. Momodu had to take the option of running away from the country under disguise. He traveled to the Republic of Benin, where he eventually found his way to Togo and then Ghana, before fleeing to the United Kingdom. These periods were a moment of reflection for him and a test of his resolve, especially regarding his ideological beliefs. He was aware that Nigeria’s military government had never demonstrated a gentlemanly approach to national issues; nevertheless, Momodu desired to pursue the course of justice regardless of whose ox was gored. This level of commitment to one’s philosophical position stands Momodu out and explains why he has garnered for himself the international accolades that are globally accorded to him in the past and present conditions. Even when he was in exile abroad, he would not allow his candle of truth to be blown off by the wind of fear, or melted into oblivion under the shadow of intimidation. He provided the opportunity to expand his agitation beyond the borders of the country, and through his continuous delivery of sound journalism, he attracted the right minds to his trade and revolutionary ideas.

The cliché still holds that “Tough times do not last, only tough people do.” This saying has reflected its true value in the life of Dele Momodu because not only did he survive the harsh government positions against him during the time of his pro-democratic ideals, but he also established himself as a reliable voice in the time of despair when the government slips into the abyss of dictatorship and lawlessness. Momodu has contributed significantly to the democratic ethos that the country is not basking in, and he has not reneged on giving his country of birth the best things that showcase democratic culture. Despite the history of torments and frustrations that has greeted him in different times when he raised his voice in the country against apparent totalitarian governments, Momodu continues to offer the best of his services to douse people’s despair and restore their confidence even when things are going sour in the country. He has demonstrated on countless occasions that he does not belong to the group of people who cow away from their philosophical position because a leader decided to be high-handed about their political activities. And this has brought him great patronage from people who understand the importance of his voice in setting the country on the right trajectory.

Beyond his activism in the journalism profession, Momodu has been a man who represents a good character in career development. The story of his growth to fame is replete with daunting experiences and the determination to survive unusual conditions, and the swift progress he has made in the course of his career development is sure to leave one amazed. For a man that officially secured his first employment in 1988 as a Staff Writer in Concord Magazine, a journalism firm owned by the late MKO Abiola, being immediately transferred to Weekend Concord as a pioneer staff by the same company was evidence of his brilliant performance on the previous job. He obviously showed outstanding contributions that led to admiration from his employer and subsequent promotions. Nearly has he spent a year in this position than he was made the Literary Editor, and barely spent six months on the new job, he was made the News Editor of the Weekend Concord. His involvement in all these engagements brought out the best in him, and he continued to break boundaries where people made excuses for their failures. Dele Momodu followed this line of thought and excellence and was eventually considered a beacon of hope in the Nigerian editorial and journalism profession. Apparently, he was not a man to be restrained by unfavorable circumstances, as he defied numerous challenges to write his name in gold.

Additionally, through his habit of moving geometrically, Momodu’s journalism career has been transformed in every position and condition. Momodu’s fervor as a journalist placed him at quandary with military dictators as he was at loggerhead with numerous Nigerian heads of state in the post-annulment of the June 12 presidential elections. During the period, he launched Ovation International in 1996 despite being in exile for his involvement in the political affairs of his home country. He was not deterred by the exile experience, which naturally makes some people lose a good deal of their emotional and psychological well-being. Instead, he made himself more relevant and created a celebrity magazine forum that would promote him beyond his imagination. Today, Momodu embodies all the qualities of a good social being and a committed individual, such that his influence spans beyond his cultural and political shores because his newspaper takes him into prominent territories where people now have a better understanding of what he represents. Ovation International’s reputation in Africa remains golden because of its linguistic flexibility and content. It adds more color to the famous publisher that the magazine is written in both English and French.

The story of this great man would not be complete without a leaf from his educational career. He is considered successful and accomplished to the extent that his academic skills are exceptional and excellently glamorous. For someone who studied Yoruba as his undergraduate degree, one should be impressed to understand the transformative capacity of the man who made sufficient success in English and literary engagement. Although his master’s degree is in English Literature, it cannot be contested that his background in Yoruba helped skyrocket him into the stardom of journalism. Before he became eternally glued to the journalism profession, he was a lecturer at the beginning of his career. This period of teaching in a higher institution was the time of his National Youth Service Corps (NYSC), where he was given the opportunity to test-run his intellectual capacity. During the one-year program, Dele Momodu registered a stellar performance that granted him the opportunity to be more received by people of national values. After this experience, he began to attract members of the society who have added so much economic and financial value to themselves.

Serving as the private personal secretary to an erstwhile Deputy Governor of Ondo State, Chief Akin Omoboriowo, was a feat that brought him to political limelight because not only did he manage the reputation of his principal very satisfactorily, he also gave his professional touches to everything assigned to him. During his professional experience under the deputy governor, Momodu understood the country’s political system, and he was able to gather maximum experience that helped shape his career path in the long run. As the deputy governor’s private personal secretary, Momodu did not get any negative appraisal that would have potentially dented his image just because he did not lose sight of what mattered most. His success in that position attracted him to many other personalities who wanted him to manage their portfolio for them one way or another. While serving and making numerous accomplishments under his principal, his dedication made way for him with other notable personalities in society. One year after working with the deputy governor, he was made the manager of Motel Royal Limited, a business owned by the then Ooni of Ife, Oba Okunade Sijuwade Olubuse II. The Ooni also obviously enjoyed Momodu’s services, and this catapulted him to greater heights.

Despite making a substantial impact and improving himself in all these engagements, Momodu is not easily carried away by minor accomplishments. He decided to advance his studies, knowing full well that having a solid educational foundation and diverse skill sets to function well is one of the most reliable ways to excel in an evolving country like Nigeria. He left his job as a manager to pursue his master’s degree in English Literature. This exposed him to different academic strategies and knowledge of literature which he used to sharpen his writing skills. As a result of his versatility and advanced literary scholarship through his different engagements and activities as a journalism expert, he received an honorary doctorate from the University of Professional Studies, Accra, Ghana.

One of the best ways to allude to the social and political impact that Momodu has made within the relatively short period that he emerged in the Nigeria sociopolitical and sociocultural milieu as a very important personality is by making mention of the number of the awards, accolades, and honors associated to him. Beyond the recognition as Doctor of Humane Letters are other numerous accolades and awards in recognition of his outstanding contributions to the advancement of Nigerian political and journalism affairs. He is a columnist with This Day newspaper, where he writes a weekly feature for “PENdulum.” The articles he writes in this newspaper are celebrated because they highlight emergent national issues that happen in the sociocultural environment of the country. The readership of his weekly column is continuously expansive because he carries people along in matters that have to do with their day-to-day political experiences. To the extent that all these writings are cardinal to the socio-political conditions of the country, and individuals across the country find something to relate with when he pens down his ideas.

It is unarguable that this man is eclectic in approach, and the coverage of his intellectual and professional interests is essentially wide. For someone who ventures into journalism, the addition of fashion and entertainment issues into what he discusses makes him more received by people who are always expectant of his engagement. Since 2008, he has annually organized the Ovation Red Carol, which eventually morphed into Ovation Carol and Awards. Usually in attendance at the program are great people who have made commendable accomplishments in their various careers and have advanced the society with their valuable contributions. The popularity of this event is widespread so much that it has won the accolade for being one of the most celebrated events during the yuletide period in the country. The event is known as the avenue for music celebrities to perform and showcase their talents for the audience who have also come to relieve their all-year-long emotional tension. Beyond that, Momodu provides opportunities for emerging talents in the music industry who use the opportunity to showcase their talents and expand their networks of influence.

Dr. Dele Momodu is a committed journalist and a respected public opinion shaper. He dives into political issues and provides alternative perspectives to burning national issues. He has faced totalitarian governments and challenged them to their face, highlighting issues that need urgent national attention even when they feel uncomfortable with his style of bringing up issues. This man has built an image for himself that he is not particularly interested in tuning down his voice because his facts hit the most powerful people in society. Even when he has to face the brutal hands of the despotic leaders who have come to demonstrate their aversion to due process, Dele Momodu never shies away from standing his ground, even if it means standing alone.

He is a loving father, an admirable husband, and a responsible man who strenuously ensures that his family is upright and responsible. He is accessible, down-to-earth, and does not have the attitude of a dissident. He would not promote rivalries because he has to sell himself to the people, and neither would he allow personal sentiment to cloud his judgment in issues of national importance. Chief Dele Momodu is a friend that would stand for any cause he believes in. He did not desert his principal, Chief Moshood Kashimawo Abiola, when he was embattled by the military dictators. He sacrificed his freedom so that the voice of the masses would be heard loud and clear in the corridors of power. In fighting for you and I, the child of independence is in chains, seeking a second freedom.

Please join us for a conversation with  Dele Momodu:

Sunday, October 10, 2021

5:00 PM Nigeria

4:00 PM GMT

11:00 AM Austin CST

Register and Watch:

https://www.tfinterviews.com/post/dele-momodu

Join via Zoom:

https://us02web.zoom.us/j/85976872129

Watch on Facebook:

https://www.facebook.com/tfinterviews/live

Watch on YouTube:

https://www.youtube.com/channel/UC2lvX7A2iVndiCq0NfFcb0w/live

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Opinion

A Holistic Framework for Addressing Leadership Deficiencies in Nigeria, Others

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By Tolulope A. Adegoke PhD

“Effective leadership is not a singular attribute but a systemic outcome. It is forged by institutions stronger than individuals, upheld by accountability with enforceable consequences, and sustained by a society that demands integrity as the non-negotiable price of power. The path to renewal—from national to global—requires us to architect systems that make ethical and competent leadership not an exception, but an inevitable product of the structure itself” – Tolulope A. Adegoke, PhD

Introduction: Understanding the Leadership Deficit

Leadership deficiencies in the modern era represent a critical impediment to sustainable development, social cohesion, and global stability. These shortcomings—characterized by eroded public trust, systemic corruption, short-term policymaking, and a lack of inclusive vision—are not isolated failures but symptoms of deeper structural and ethical flaws within governance systems. Crafting effective solutions requires a clear-eyed, unbiased analysis that moves beyond regional stereotypes to address universal challenges while respecting specific contextual realities. This document presents a comprehensive, actionable framework designed to rebuild effective leadership at the national, continental, and global levels, adhering strictly to principles of meritocracy, accountability, and transparency.

I. Foundational Pillars for Systemic Reform

Any lasting solution must be built upon a bedrock of core principles. These pillars are universal prerequisites for ethical and effective governance.

1.      Institutional Integrity Over Personality: Systems must be stronger than individuals. Governance should rely on robust, transparent, and rules-based institutions that function predictably regardless of incumbents, thereby minimizing personal discretion and its attendant risks of abuse.

2.      Uncompromising Accountability with Enforceable Sanctions: Accountability cannot be theoretical. It requires independent oversight bodies with real investigative and prosecutorial powers, a judiciary insulated from political interference, and clear consequences for misconduct, including loss of position and legal prosecution.

3.      Meritocracy as the Primary Selection Criterion: Leadership selection must transition from patronage, nepotism, and identity politics to demonstrable competence, proven performance, and relevant expertise. This necessitates transparent recruitment and promotion processes based on objective criteria.

4.      Participatory and Deliberative Governance: Effective leaders leverage the collective intelligence of their populace. This demands institutionalized channels for continuous citizen engagement—beyond periodic elections—such as citizen assemblies, participatory budgeting, and formal consultation processes with civil society.

II. Context-Specific Strategies and Interventions

A. For Nigeria: Catalyzing National Rebirth Through Institutional Reconstruction
Nigeria’s path requires a dual focus: dismantling obstructive legacies while constructing resilient, citizen-centric institutions.

·         Constitutional and Electoral Overhaul: Reform must address foundational structures. This includes a credible review of the federal system to optimize the balance of power, the introduction of enforceable campaign finance laws to limit monetized politics, and the implementation of fully electronic, transparent electoral processes with real-time result transmission audited by civil society. Strengthening the independence of key bodies like INEC, the judiciary, and anti-corruption agencies through sustainable funding and insulated appointments is non-negotiable.

·         Genuine Fiscal Federalism and Subnational Empowerment: The current over-centralization stifles innovation. Empowering states and local governments with greater fiscal autonomy and responsibility for service delivery would foster healthy competition, allow policy experimentation tailored to local contexts, and reduce the intense, often violent, competition for federal resources.

·         Holistic Security Sector Reform: Addressing insecurity requires more than hardware. A comprehensive strategy must include community-policing models, merit-based reform of promotion structures, significant investment in intelligence capabilities, and, crucially, parallel programs to address the root causes: youth unemployment, economic inequality, and environmental degradation.

·         Investing in the Civic Infrastructure: A functioning democracy requires an informed and engaged citizenry. This mandates a national, non-partisan civic education curriculum and robust support for a free, responsible, and financially sustainable press. Protecting journalists and whistleblowers is essential for maintaining transparency.

B. For Africa: Leveraging Continental Solidarity for Governance Enhancement
Africa’s prospects are tied to its ability to act collectively, using regional and continental frameworks to elevate governance standards.

·         Operationalizing the African Governance Architecture: The African Union’s mechanisms, particularly the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), must transition from voluntary review to a system with meaningful incentives and consequences. Compliance with APRM recommendations could be linked to preferential access to continental infrastructure funding or trade benefits under the AfCFTA.

·         The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) as a Governance Catalyst: Beyond economics, the AfCFTA can drive better governance. By creating powerful cross-border commercial interests, it builds domestic constituencies that demand policy predictability, dispute resolution mechanisms, and regulatory transparency—all hallmarks of sound leadership.

·         Pan-African Human Capital Development: Strategic investment in continental human capital is paramount. This includes expanding regional centers of excellence in STEM and public administration, fostering academic and professional mobility, and deliberately cultivating a new generation of technocrats and leaders through programs like the African Leadership University.

·         Consistent Application of Democratic Norms: Regional Economic Communities (RECs) must enforce their own democratic charters uniformly. This requires establishing clear, automatic protocols for responding to unconstitutional changes of government, including graduated sanctions, rather than ad-hoc diplomatic responses influenced by political alliances.

C. For the Global System: Rebuilding Equitable and Effective Multilateralism
Global leadership crises often stem from outdated international structures that lack legitimacy and enforceability.

·         Reforming Archaic Multilateral Institutions: The reform of the United Nations Security Council to reflect 21st-century geopolitical realities is essential for its legitimacy. Similarly, the governance structures of the International Monetary Fund and World Bank must be updated to give emerging economies a greater voice in decision-making.

·         Combating Transnational Corruption and Illicit Finance: Leadership deficiencies are often funded from abroad. A binding international legal framework is needed to enhance financial transparency, harmonize anti-money laundering laws, and expedite the repatriation of stolen assets. This requires wealthy nations to rigorously police their own financial centers and professional enablers.

·         Fostering Climate Justice and Leadership: Effective global climate action demands leadership rooted in equity. Developed nations must fulfill and be held accountable for commitments on climate finance, technology transfer, and adaptation support. Leadership here means honoring historical responsibilities.

·         Establishing Norms for the Digital Age: The technological frontier requires new governance. A global digital compact is needed to establish norms against cyber-attacks on civilian infrastructure, the use of surveillance for political repression, and the cross-border spread of algorithmic disinformation that undermines democratic processes.

III. Universal Enablers for Transformative Leadership

Certain interventions are universally applicable and critical for cultivating a new leadership ethos across all contexts.

·         Strategic Leadership Development Pipelines: Nations and institutions should invest in non-partisan, advanced leadership academies. These would equip promising individuals from diverse sectors with skills in ethical decision-making, complex systems management, strategic foresight, and collaborative governance, creating a reservoir of prepared talent.

·         Redefining Success Metrics: Moving beyond Gross Domestic Product (GDP) as the primary scorecard, governments should adopt and be assessed on holistic indices that measure human development, environmental sustainability, inequality gaps, and citizen satisfaction. International incentives, like preferential financing, could be aligned with performance on these multidimensional metrics.

·         Creating a Protective Ecosystem for Accountability: Robust, legally enforced protections for whistleblowers, investigative journalists, and anti-corruption officials are fundamental. This may include secure reporting channels, legal aid, and, where necessary, international relocation support for those under threat.

·         Harnessing Technology for Inclusive Governance: Digital tools should be leveraged to deepen democracy. This includes secure platforms for citizen feedback on legislation, open-data portals for public spending, and digital civic assemblies that allow for informed deliberation on key national issues, complementing representative institutions.

Conclusion: The Collective Imperative for Renewal

Addressing leadership deficiencies is not a passive exercise but an active, continuous project of societal commitment. It requires the deliberate construction of systems that incentivize integrity and penalize malfeasance. For Nigeria, it is the arduous task of rebuilding a social contract through impartial institutions. For Africa, it is the strategic use of collective action to elevate governance standards continent-wide. For the world, it is the courageous redesign of international systems to foster genuine cooperation and justice. Ultimately, the quality of leadership is a direct reflection of the standards a society upholds and enforces. By implementing this multilayered framework—demanding accountability, rewarding merit, and empowering citizens—a new paradigm of leadership can emerge, transforming it from a recurrent source of crisis into the most reliable engine for human progress and shared prosperity.

Dr. Tolulope A. Adegoke, AMBP-UN is a globally recognized scholar-practitioner and thought leader at the nexus of security, governance, and strategic leadership. His mission is dedicated to advancing ethical governance, strategic human capital development, and resilient nation-building, and global peace. He can be reached via: tolulopeadegoke01@gmail.comglobalstageimpacts@gmail.com

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Opinion

Tali Shani vs Mike Ozekhome: How a Legal Mole-Hill Was Turned into a Mountain

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By Abubakar D. Sani, Esq

INTRODUCTION

News of the decision of a British Tribunal in respect of a property situate in London, the UK’s capital, whose ownership was disputed has gained much publicity since it was delivered in the second week of September 2025. For legal reasons, the charges brought against prominent lawyer, Chief Mike Ozekhome, SAN, based on same is the most that can be said of it as no arraignment was made before Hon. Justice Kekemeke of the High court of the FCT, Abuja, sitting in Maitama.

Accordingly, this intervention will be limited to interrogating the common, but false belief (even in legal circles), that the Tribunal somehow indicted him with conclusive ‘guilt’. I intend to argue that this belief is not correct; and that, on the contrary, nothing could be further from the truth. For the sake of context, therefore, it is necessary to refer to relevant portions of the decision of Judge Paton (the name of the Tribunal’s presiding officer), which completely exonerated Chief Ozekhome, but which his detractors have always conveniently suppressed.

WHAT DID THE TRIBUNAL SAY?

Not a few naysayers, smart-alecs, emergency analysts and self-appointed pundits have been quick to latch on to some passages in the judgement of the Tribunal which disagreed with Ozekhome’s testimony to justify their crucifixion of Chief Ozekhome – even without hearing his side of the story or his version of events. This is a pity, of course, especially for the supposedly learned senior lawyers among them who, by ignoring the age-old principle of fair hearing famously captured as audi alterem partem (hear the other side) have unwittingly betrayed patent bias, malice, malevolence and utter lack of bona fides as the major, if not exclusive, motivator of their view-points and opinions. I have particularly watched about five of such senior lawyers shop from one platform to another, with malicious analysis to achieve nothing, but reputational damage. They know themselves.

Before proceeding to those portions, it is important to acknowledge that the Tribunal conducted a review of the evidence placed before it. The proceedings afforded all parties the opportunity to present their respective cases. The learned Judge carefully evaluated the testimonies, documentary exhibits and surrounding circumstances and rendered a reasoned decision based on the materials before the Tribunal.

It is also not in doubt that the Tribunal made certain critical observations in the course of assessing the credibility of the witnesses and the plausibility of their explanations. Such evaluative comments are a normal and inevitable feature of judicial fact-finding, particularly in property tribunals in contested proceedings involving complex transactions and disputed narratives. They do not amount to indictment.

It is precisely the improper isolation and mischaracterization of some of these observations that have given rise to the present misconception that the Tribunal somehow pronounced a verdict of guilt on Chief Ozekhome. It is therefore necessary to place the relevant excerpts in their proper legal and factual context, so as to demonstrate how the self-same tribunal exonerated Ozekhome.

“Paragraph 98: Once one steps back from that material, and considers the Respondent’s own direct personal knowledge of relevant matters relating to this property, this only commences in 2019. That is, he confirmed, when he was first introduced to Mr. Tali Shani – he thought in about January of that year. He did not therefore know him in 1993, or at any time before January 2019. He could not therefore have any direct knowledge of the circumstances of the purchase of this property, or its management prior to 2019. He had, however, known the late General Useni for over 20 years prior to his death, as both his lawyer and friend.

“Paragraph 103: Such of the Respondent’s written evidence had been about the very recent management of the property, and in particular his dispute over its management (and collection of rents) with one Nicholas Ekhorutowen, who provided no evidence in this case. The Respondent confirmed in oral evidence that it was upon the execution of the powers of attorney that he came into possession of the various pre registration title and conveyancing documents which formed part of his disclosure. These had been handed over to him by the next witness who gave evidence, Mr. Akeem Johnson.

“Paragraph 168: Unlike the fictitious “Ms. Tali Shani”, a man going by the name of Mr. Tali Shani exists and gave evidence before me in that name. A certified copy of an official Nigerian passport was produced both to the Land Registry and this Tribunal, stating that Mr. Tali Shani was born on 2nd April 1973. I do not have the evidence, or any sufficient basis, to find that this document – unlike the various poor and pitiful forgeries on the side of the “Applicant” – is forged, and I do not do so.

“Paragraph 200: First, I find that General Useni, since he was in truth the sole legal and beneficial owner of this property (albeit registered in a false name), must in some way have been connected to this transfer, and to have directed it. He was clearly close to, and on good terms with, the Respondent. There is no question of this being some sort of attempt by the Respondent to steal the general’s property without his knowledge.

“Paragraph 201: As to precisely why General Useni chose to direct this transfer to the Respondent, I do not need to (and indeed cannot) make detailed findings. I consider that it is highly possible that it was in satisfaction of some debt or favour owed. The Respondent initially angrily denied the allegation (made in the various statements filed on behalf of the “Applicant”) that this was a form of repayment of a loan of 54 million Naira made during the general’s unsuccessful election campaign. In his oral evidence, both he and his son then appeared to accept that the general had owed the Respondent some money, but that it had been fully paid off. The general himself, when asked about this, said that he “did not know how much money he owed” the Respondent.

“Paragraph 202: I do not, however, need to find precisely whether (and if so, how much) money was owed. The transfer may have been made out of friendship and generosity, or in recognition of some other service or favour. The one finding I do make, however, is that it was the decision of General Useni to transfer the property to the Respondent.”

It must be emphasised that even where a court finds that a witness has given inconsistent, fluctuating, or implausible testimony, as some have latched on, such a finding does not, without more, translate into civil or criminal liability. At best, it affects the weight and credibility to be attached to such evidence. It does not constitute proof of fraud, conspiracy, or criminal intent. See MANU v. STATE (2025) LPELR-81120(CA) and IKENNE vs. THE STATE (2018) LPELR-446­95 (SC)

Notwithstanding the Tribunal’s engagement with the evidence, certain passages had been selectively extracted and sensationalised by critics. On the ipssisima verba (precise wordings) of the Tribunal, only the above paragraphs which are always suppressed clearly stand out in support of Chief Ozekhome’s case, as the others were more like opinions.

Some paragraphs in the judgement in particular, appear to have been carefully selected as “weapons” in Chief Ozekhome’s enemies’ armoury, as they are most bandied about in the public space. The assumption appears to be that such findings are conclusive of his guilt in a civil property dispute. This is unfortunate, as the presumption of innocence is the bedrock of our adversarial criminal jurisprudence. It is a fundamental right guaranteed under section 36 of the Constitution and Article 7 of the African Charter which, regrettably, appear to have been more observed in the breach in his case.

More fundamentally, the selective reliance on few passages that disagreed with his evidence or testimony and that of Mr. Tali Shani, ignore the above wider and more decisive findings of the Tribunal itself. A holistic reading of the judgment reveals that the Tribunal was far more concerned with exposing an elaborate scheme of impersonation, forgery, and deception orchestrated in the name of a fictitious Applicant, Ms Tali Shani, and not Mr. Tali Shani (Ozekhome’s witness), who is a living human being. These findings, which have been largely ignored in public discourse, demonstrate that the gravamen of the Tribunal’s decision lay not in any indictment of Chief Ozekhome, but in the collapse of a fraudulent claim against him, which was founded on false identity and fabricated documents.

The Tribunal carefully distinguished a fake “Ms” Tali Shani (the Applicant), who said she was General Useni’s mistress and owner of the property, and the real owner, Mr Tali Shani, who was Chief Ozekhome’s witness before the Tribunal. It was the Tribunal’s finding that she was nothing but a phantom creation and therefore rejected her false claim to the property (par. 123). It also rejected the evidence of her so called cousin (Anakwe Obasi) and purported son (Ayodele Obasi) (par. 124).

The Tribunal further found that it was the Applicant and her cohorts that engaged in diverse fraud with documents such as a fraudulent witness statement purportedly from General Useni; all alleged identity documents; fabricated medical correspondence; the statement of case and witness statements; a fake death certificate; and a purported burial notice. (Paragraph 125). Why are these people not concerned with Barrister Mohammed Edewor, Nicholas Ekhoromtomwen, Ayodele Damola, and Anakwe Obasi? Why mob-lynching Chief Ozekhome?

The Tribunal found that the proceedings amounted to an abuse of process and a deliberate attempt to pervert the course of justice. It therefore struck out the Applicant’s claim (Paragraphs 130–165). The Tribunal significantly found that Mr Tali Shani exists as a human being and had testified before it in June, 2024. It accepted a certified Nigerian passport he produced, and accepted its authenticity and validity (Paragraph 168). Can any objective person hold that Ozekhome forged any passport as widely reported by his haters when the maker exists?

Having examined the factual findings of the Tribunal and their proper context, the next critical issue is the legal status and probative value of such findings. The central question, therefore, is whether the observations and conclusions of a foreign tribunal, made in the course of civil proceedings, are sufficient in law to establish civil or criminal liability against a person in subsequent proceedings.

STATUS OF JUDGEMENTS UNDER THE LAW

The relevant statutory provisions in Nigeria are sections 59, 60, 61, 173 and 174 of the Evidence Act 2011, provide as follows, respectively:

Section 59: “The existence of any judgment, order or decree which by law prevents any court from taking cognisance of a suit or holding a trial, is a relevant fact, evidence of which is admissible when the question is whether such court ought to take cognisance of such suit or to hold such trial”;
Section 60(I): “A final judgment, order or decree of a competent court, in the exercise of probate. Matrimonial, admiralty or insolvency jurisdiction, which confers upon or takes away from any person any legal character. or which declares any person to be entitled to any such character or to be entitled to any specific thing, not as against any specified person but absolutely, is admissible when the existence of any such legal character, or the title of any such legal persons to an) such thing, is relevant (2) Such judgment, order or decree is conclusive proof (a)that any legal character which it confers accrued at the time when such judgment, order or decree came into operation; (b) that any legal character. to which it declares any such person to be entitled. accrued to that person at the time when such judgment order or decree declares it to have accrued to that person; (c) that any legal character which it takes away from any such person ceased at the time from which such judgment, order or decree declared that it had ceased or should cease; and (d) that anything to which it declares any person to be so entitled was the property of that person at the time from which such judgment. order or decree declares that it had been or should be his property”;

Section 61: “Judgments, orders or decrees other than those mentioned in section 60 are admissible if they relate to matters of a public nature relevant to the inquiry; but such judgments, orders or decrees are not conclusive proof of that which they state”

Section 173: “Every judgment is conclusive proof, as against parties and privies. of facts directly in issue in the case, actually decided by the court. and appearing from the judgment itself to be the ground on which it was based; unless evidence was admitted in the action in which the judgment was delivered which is excluded in the action in which that judgment is intended to be proved”.;

Section 174(1): “If a judgment is not pleaded by way of estoppel it is as between parties and privies deemed to be a relevant fact, whenever any matter, which was or might have been decided in the action in which it was given, is in issue, or is deemed to be relevant to the issue in any subsequent proceeding”;

(2):”Such judgment is conclusive proof of the facts which it decides, or might have decided, if the party who gives evidence of it had no opportunity of pleading it as an estoppel”.
It can be seen that the decision of the Tribunal falls under the purview of section 61 of the Evidence Act, as the provisions of sections 59 and 60 and of sections 173 and 174 thereof, are clearly inapplicable to it. In other words, even though some Judge Paton’s findings in respect of Chief Ozekhome’s testimony at the Tribunal relate to matters of public nature (i.e., the provenance and status of No. 79 Randall Avenue, Neasden, London, U.K and the validity of his application for its transfer to him) none of those comments or even findings is in any way conclusive of whatever they may assert or state (to use the language of section 60 of the Evidence Act).

In this regard, see the case of DIKE V NZEKA (1986) 4 NWLR pt.34 pg. 144 @ 159 where the Supreme Court construed similar provisions in section 51 of the old Evidence Act, 1948. I agree with Tar Hon, SAN (S. T. Hon’s Law of Evidence in Nigeria, 3rd edition, page 1041) that the phrase ‘public nature’ in the provision is satisfied where the judgement is clearly one in rem as opposed to in personam. It is pertinent to say a few words about both concepts, as they differ widely in terms of scope. The former determines the legal status of property, a person, a particular subject matter, or object, against the whole world, and is binding on all persons, whether they were parties to the suit or not. See OGBORU V IBORI (2005) 13 NWLR pt. 942 pg. 319 @407-408 per I. T. Muhammed, JCA (as he then was).

This was amplified by the apex court in OGBORU V UDUAGHAN (2012) LLJR -SC, where it held, per Adekeye, JSC that: “A judgment in rem maybe defined as the judgment of a court of competent jurisdiction determining the status of a person or thing as distinct from the particular interest of a party to the litigation. Apart from the application of the term to persons, it must affect the “res” in the way of condemnation forfeiture, declaration, status or title”.

By contrast, “Judgments ‘in personam’ or ‘inter partes’, as the name suggests, are those which determine the rights of parties as between one another to or in the subject matter in dispute, whether it be corporeal property of any kind whatever or a liquidated or unliquidated demand but which do not affect the status of either things or persons or make any disposition of property or declare or determine any interest in it except as between the parties (to the litigation). See HOYSTEAD V TAXATION COMMISSIONERS (1926) A. C. 155. These include all judgments which are not judgments in rem. None of such judgments at all affects any interest which third parties may have in the subject matter. As judgment inter partes, though binding between the parties and their privies, they do not affect the rights of third parties. See CASTRIQUE V IMRIE 141 E. R. 1062; (1870) L. R. 4H. L. 414”.

Suffice it to say that the decision of the London Property Tribunal was, in substance, one affecting proprietary rights in rem, in the sense that it determined the status and registrability of the property in dispute. However, it did not determine any civil or criminal liability, nor did it pronounce on the personal culpability of any party. The implication of this is that, even though the decision was in respect of a matter of a public nature, it was, nonetheless, not conclusive as far as proof of the status of the property, or – more importantly – Chief Ozekhome’s role in relation to it. Indeed, the property involved was not held to have been traced to the owner (General Useni) as having ever tried or convicted for owning same. I submit that the foregoing is the best case scenario in terms of the value of Judge Paton’s said decision, because under section 62 of the Evidence Act, (depending, of course, on its construction), it will fare even worse, as it provides that judgments “other than those mentioned in sections 59. 60 and 61 are inadmissible unless the judgment, etc is a fact in issue or is admissible under some other provision of this or any other Act”.

CONCLUSION

Some people’s usual proclivity to rush to judgment and condemn unheard any person (especially a high profile figure like Chief Ozekhome), has exposed him to the worst kind of unfair pedestrian analysis, malice, mud-slinging and outright name-calling especially by those who, by virtue of their training, ought to know better, and, therefore, be more circumspect, restrained and guarded in their utterances. This is all the more so because, no court of competent jurisdiction has tried or pronounced him guilty. It is quite unfortunate how some select lawyers are baying for his blood.

The decision of the London Tribunal remains what it is: a civil determination on attempted transfer of a property based on the evidence before it. It is not, and cannot be, a substitute for civil or criminal adjudication by a competent court. The presumption of innocence under Nigerian laws remains inviolable. Any attempt by commentators to usurp that judicial function through premature verdicts is not only improper, but inimical to the fair administration of justice.

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Opinion

The Atiku Effect: Why Tinubu’s One-Party Dream Will Never Translate to Votes in 2027

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By Dr. Sani Sa’idu Baba

It is deeply disappointing if not troubling to watch a former governor like Donald Duke accuse Atiku Abubakar of contesting for the presidency “since 1992” without identifying a single provision of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria that such ambition violates. Donald Duke was once widely regarded as one of the most intelligent and forward-thinking leaders of his generation, which makes it even more puzzling to understand what must have come over him to suddenly align with those throwing tantrums at others who are by far more competent, experienced, and eligible than themselves. While I acknowledge that Duke has recently moved to the ADC, the party that Atiku belongs to, Nigerians should not be distracted by his kind of rhetoric.

As former presidential candidate and ADC chieftain Chief Dele Momodu has repeatedly stated, “everyone is afraid of Atiku Abubakar,” particularly as the 2027 presidential election approaches. That fear, according to Momodu, explains the ongoing campaign of calumny against him. Donald Duke’s remarks therefore cannot be separated from this wider effort to diminish a man widely seen as the most formidable opposition figure in Nigeria today.

However, the issue of Donald Duke is not the central purpose of my message today. It is only incidental. The real purpose is to share what should be considered good news for Nigerians, the growing perception among ordinary citizens and the conversations happening daily at junctions, gatherings, markets, campuses, mosques, churches, and in the nooks and crannies of the country. The truth is that Nigerians are largely unbothered by the APC’s one-party state ambition. They are not impressed by forced defections or elite political gymnastics. What occupies their minds instead is the unrelenting presence of opposition, sustained hope, and the quiet but powerful confidence inspired by what has now become known as the “Atiku Effect”.

In my own opinion, which aligns with the thinking of many discerning Nigerians, no one in either the opposition or the ruling camps today appears healthier physically, mentally, socially and politically than Atiku Abubakar. Health is not determined by propaganda or ageism, but by function, resilience, and capacity. As we were taught in medical school, “healthspan, not lifespan, defines vitality,” and “physiological resilience is age-independent.” These principles make it clear that fitness, clarity of thought, stamina, cognitive and physiological reserve matter far more than the number of years lived. By every observable measure, Atiku remains fitter and more grounded than many who are younger but visibly exhausted by power.

It is no longer news that Nigeria is being pushed toward a one-party state through the coercion of opposition governors into the ruling APC. What is increasingly clear, however, is that this strategy reflects anxiety rather than strength. Nigerians understand that governors do not vote on behalf of the people, and defections do not automatically translate into electoral victory. This same script was played before, and history has shown that elite alignment cannot override popular sentiment. Just as it happened in 2015, decamping governors cannot save a sitting president when the people have already reached a conclusion.

This is where the Atiku Effect becomes decisive. Atiku Abubakar represents continuity of opposition, courage in the face of intimidation, and the refusal to surrender democratic space. His consistency reassures Nigerians that democracy is still alive and that power can still be questioned. This is precisely why Dele Momodu’s assertion that “everyone is afraid of Atiku Abubakar” resonates so strongly across the country. It is not fear of noise or recklessness, but fear of discipline, experience, and endurance.

Across Nigeria today, the ruling party is increasingly treated as the most unserious political party in the history of Nigeria, not because it lacks power, but because it lacks credibility. Nigerians know that hunger does not disappear because governors defect, inflation does not bow to propaganda, and hardship does not respond to political coercion. What they see instead is a widening gap between political theatrics and lived reality. In that gap stands Atiku Abubakar, a constant reminder that an alternative voice still exists and that the idea of a one-party state cannot survive where hope remains alive.

Let me say this unapologetically: the one-party project being pursued by the ruling party is dead on arrival. It is dead because Nigerians are politically conscious. It is dead because votes do not move with defections. And above all, it is dead because Atiku Abubakar remains standing, indefatigable, resilient, and central to the national conversation. As long as he continues to challenge bad governance and embody opposition, democracy in Nigeria will continue to breathe. And that, more than anything else, explains why so many are desperately trying and failing to stop him because Atiku Abubakar is a phenomenon and a force that cannot be stopped in 2027…

Dr. Sani Sa’idu Baba writes from Kano, and can be reached via drssbaba@yahoo.com

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