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Dele Momodu: A Child of Independence in Search of Freedom By Toyin Falola

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Deserving ovation in any part of the world is a matter of maintaining a positive impact after the evaluation of one’s accumulated deeds. Humans are not popular with the habit of giving accolades to people who are not deserving of it, and if they are compelled to do so, it would be noticed from the get-go that they are merely following instructions, making motions, or being sarcastic. One of the notable people whom Nigerians may give accolades to without compulsion is Chief Dele Momodu. Many people have written their names in the golden book of Nigeria, and it appears the journalist and businessman is one of them. Dele Momodu has not only written his name on the sand of time as far as Nigerian celebrity and popular life are concerned, but he has also brought himself to the forefront of national and international debates, showing up in public issues for all things good.

Ayobamidele Momodu was born to Nigerian parents in the same year Nigeria secured its independence from its foremost colonizer, Britain, in 1960. His birth became symbolic with the country of birth because he represents freedom for his immediate parents and a family of people who have benefited from his immense intellectual efforts. From an early age, Momodu developed a passion for journalism and became steadfast in the pursuit of this lofty ambition. To him, that profession means more than being a platform for interviewing the big fishes in the world who have made substantial changes in human history. He considers journalism an opportunity to connect with the masses and represent those rendered voiceless in their respective societies.

One would be enthused by the mind-opening input that Dele Momodu has contributed to Nigeria’s and, by extension, Africa’s journalism profession, going by the mouthwatering initiatives he has been making with his different journalism outlets. He blends passion with opportunity and creates effortless ideas that are record-breaking and intellectually stimulating. His undying and enthusiastic passion for journalism drove him to meet notable personalities as far as Nigerian politics and economic engagement are concerned. Because he was outstanding in his chosen profession, he has had the opportunity to meet top politicians in the world and used that opportunity to advance himself personally. Through his journalism profession, Momodu has increased his self-worth so much that in contemporary times, there is no place his name would be mentioned in the Nigerian political and media landscape in particular, and in the African continent in general, where he would not get special recognition and impressive remarks from people. His name has become so domestic that people do not struggle to fix who he is in their minds. Momodu believes in activism, and he does not limit the ground for activism to the political ring since, in his opinion, activism can be introduced to one’s profession in a grand style and maximum impact can be made through it irrespective of the field.

One gets to understand what he means with his ideological stand about using journalism as the launchpad for activism when he stood behind a man whose political mandate was forcefully and criminally taken away from him in 1993. Chief Moshood Kashimawo Abiola (MKO) became the victim of the power play of the General Ibrahim Babangida’s administration, where the latter denied MKO Abiola of his democratic mandate. The action ruptured the people and angered many well-wishers because the denial of his right could steer inter-ethnic conflict, as the country was delineated along ethnolinguistic and ethnocultural lines, and could wreak untold emotional and political havoc on the country generally. Momodu was strongly behind MKO, not only because he had worked under him as a Staff Writer in the African Concord magazine, but also because he believed that part of a global democratic process is to stand against dictators when they decide to challenge the will of the majority. For this ideological conviction, it would be interesting to know that the man remained steadfast behind the victim of military veto power, not without paying a heavy price, however. Ibrahim Babangida’s administration was succeeded by that of the late General Sanni Abacha, and one does need to be reminded about the extreme high-handed nature of these dictators.

Momodu was one of the heroes who championed the canonization of June 12, the occasion of which saw the annulment of the presidential election that registered MKO Abiola as the victor. It did not require the intelligence of Wole Soyinka to understand that he was up against an insurmountable challenge by calling the dictators by their name. He was mercilessly punished and subsequently detained because he followed pro-democratic ideas that supported the recognition of Abiola’s political mandate. Despite the growing challenges and mounting intimidation, Dele did not throw in the towel against the dictators. He continued to demonstrate his commitment to revolutionizing Nigerian politics through democratic means and insisted on his loyalty to his mentor, the late MKO. However, when Abacha became the head of state, he compounded the challenges because he was devoid of a sense of justice or fairness and was unconcerned about tearing the fabric of the country’s democracy by pursuing extremely selfish interests at the presidential seat. Before being confined to the prison, this man allowed his Radio Freedom to continue engaging the military dictators and exposing their irrational fantasy about power and its flagrant abuse. He became the maverick of the society and dared to challenge a totalitarian whose sole language was force. Momodu stood his ground and registered his grievances and those of the masses, but not without corresponding consequences.

When the situation got to the climax, Momodu was forced to seek freedom in another man’s land because it seemed the government of General Sani Abacha would not adopt a gentleman’s approach concerning issues of protests or disagreement with totalitarian disposition. Momodu had to take the option of running away from the country under disguise. He traveled to the Republic of Benin, where he eventually found his way to Togo and then Ghana, before fleeing to the United Kingdom. These periods were a moment of reflection for him and a test of his resolve, especially regarding his ideological beliefs. He was aware that Nigeria’s military government had never demonstrated a gentlemanly approach to national issues; nevertheless, Momodu desired to pursue the course of justice regardless of whose ox was gored. This level of commitment to one’s philosophical position stands Momodu out and explains why he has garnered for himself the international accolades that are globally accorded to him in the past and present conditions. Even when he was in exile abroad, he would not allow his candle of truth to be blown off by the wind of fear, or melted into oblivion under the shadow of intimidation. He provided the opportunity to expand his agitation beyond the borders of the country, and through his continuous delivery of sound journalism, he attracted the right minds to his trade and revolutionary ideas.

The cliché still holds that “Tough times do not last, only tough people do.” This saying has reflected its true value in the life of Dele Momodu because not only did he survive the harsh government positions against him during the time of his pro-democratic ideals, but he also established himself as a reliable voice in the time of despair when the government slips into the abyss of dictatorship and lawlessness. Momodu has contributed significantly to the democratic ethos that the country is not basking in, and he has not reneged on giving his country of birth the best things that showcase democratic culture. Despite the history of torments and frustrations that has greeted him in different times when he raised his voice in the country against apparent totalitarian governments, Momodu continues to offer the best of his services to douse people’s despair and restore their confidence even when things are going sour in the country. He has demonstrated on countless occasions that he does not belong to the group of people who cow away from their philosophical position because a leader decided to be high-handed about their political activities. And this has brought him great patronage from people who understand the importance of his voice in setting the country on the right trajectory.

Beyond his activism in the journalism profession, Momodu has been a man who represents a good character in career development. The story of his growth to fame is replete with daunting experiences and the determination to survive unusual conditions, and the swift progress he has made in the course of his career development is sure to leave one amazed. For a man that officially secured his first employment in 1988 as a Staff Writer in Concord Magazine, a journalism firm owned by the late MKO Abiola, being immediately transferred to Weekend Concord as a pioneer staff by the same company was evidence of his brilliant performance on the previous job. He obviously showed outstanding contributions that led to admiration from his employer and subsequent promotions. Nearly has he spent a year in this position than he was made the Literary Editor, and barely spent six months on the new job, he was made the News Editor of the Weekend Concord. His involvement in all these engagements brought out the best in him, and he continued to break boundaries where people made excuses for their failures. Dele Momodu followed this line of thought and excellence and was eventually considered a beacon of hope in the Nigerian editorial and journalism profession. Apparently, he was not a man to be restrained by unfavorable circumstances, as he defied numerous challenges to write his name in gold.

Additionally, through his habit of moving geometrically, Momodu’s journalism career has been transformed in every position and condition. Momodu’s fervor as a journalist placed him at quandary with military dictators as he was at loggerhead with numerous Nigerian heads of state in the post-annulment of the June 12 presidential elections. During the period, he launched Ovation International in 1996 despite being in exile for his involvement in the political affairs of his home country. He was not deterred by the exile experience, which naturally makes some people lose a good deal of their emotional and psychological well-being. Instead, he made himself more relevant and created a celebrity magazine forum that would promote him beyond his imagination. Today, Momodu embodies all the qualities of a good social being and a committed individual, such that his influence spans beyond his cultural and political shores because his newspaper takes him into prominent territories where people now have a better understanding of what he represents. Ovation International’s reputation in Africa remains golden because of its linguistic flexibility and content. It adds more color to the famous publisher that the magazine is written in both English and French.

The story of this great man would not be complete without a leaf from his educational career. He is considered successful and accomplished to the extent that his academic skills are exceptional and excellently glamorous. For someone who studied Yoruba as his undergraduate degree, one should be impressed to understand the transformative capacity of the man who made sufficient success in English and literary engagement. Although his master’s degree is in English Literature, it cannot be contested that his background in Yoruba helped skyrocket him into the stardom of journalism. Before he became eternally glued to the journalism profession, he was a lecturer at the beginning of his career. This period of teaching in a higher institution was the time of his National Youth Service Corps (NYSC), where he was given the opportunity to test-run his intellectual capacity. During the one-year program, Dele Momodu registered a stellar performance that granted him the opportunity to be more received by people of national values. After this experience, he began to attract members of the society who have added so much economic and financial value to themselves.

Serving as the private personal secretary to an erstwhile Deputy Governor of Ondo State, Chief Akin Omoboriowo, was a feat that brought him to political limelight because not only did he manage the reputation of his principal very satisfactorily, he also gave his professional touches to everything assigned to him. During his professional experience under the deputy governor, Momodu understood the country’s political system, and he was able to gather maximum experience that helped shape his career path in the long run. As the deputy governor’s private personal secretary, Momodu did not get any negative appraisal that would have potentially dented his image just because he did not lose sight of what mattered most. His success in that position attracted him to many other personalities who wanted him to manage their portfolio for them one way or another. While serving and making numerous accomplishments under his principal, his dedication made way for him with other notable personalities in society. One year after working with the deputy governor, he was made the manager of Motel Royal Limited, a business owned by the then Ooni of Ife, Oba Okunade Sijuwade Olubuse II. The Ooni also obviously enjoyed Momodu’s services, and this catapulted him to greater heights.

Despite making a substantial impact and improving himself in all these engagements, Momodu is not easily carried away by minor accomplishments. He decided to advance his studies, knowing full well that having a solid educational foundation and diverse skill sets to function well is one of the most reliable ways to excel in an evolving country like Nigeria. He left his job as a manager to pursue his master’s degree in English Literature. This exposed him to different academic strategies and knowledge of literature which he used to sharpen his writing skills. As a result of his versatility and advanced literary scholarship through his different engagements and activities as a journalism expert, he received an honorary doctorate from the University of Professional Studies, Accra, Ghana.

One of the best ways to allude to the social and political impact that Momodu has made within the relatively short period that he emerged in the Nigeria sociopolitical and sociocultural milieu as a very important personality is by making mention of the number of the awards, accolades, and honors associated to him. Beyond the recognition as Doctor of Humane Letters are other numerous accolades and awards in recognition of his outstanding contributions to the advancement of Nigerian political and journalism affairs. He is a columnist with This Day newspaper, where he writes a weekly feature for “PENdulum.” The articles he writes in this newspaper are celebrated because they highlight emergent national issues that happen in the sociocultural environment of the country. The readership of his weekly column is continuously expansive because he carries people along in matters that have to do with their day-to-day political experiences. To the extent that all these writings are cardinal to the socio-political conditions of the country, and individuals across the country find something to relate with when he pens down his ideas.

It is unarguable that this man is eclectic in approach, and the coverage of his intellectual and professional interests is essentially wide. For someone who ventures into journalism, the addition of fashion and entertainment issues into what he discusses makes him more received by people who are always expectant of his engagement. Since 2008, he has annually organized the Ovation Red Carol, which eventually morphed into Ovation Carol and Awards. Usually in attendance at the program are great people who have made commendable accomplishments in their various careers and have advanced the society with their valuable contributions. The popularity of this event is widespread so much that it has won the accolade for being one of the most celebrated events during the yuletide period in the country. The event is known as the avenue for music celebrities to perform and showcase their talents for the audience who have also come to relieve their all-year-long emotional tension. Beyond that, Momodu provides opportunities for emerging talents in the music industry who use the opportunity to showcase their talents and expand their networks of influence.

Dr. Dele Momodu is a committed journalist and a respected public opinion shaper. He dives into political issues and provides alternative perspectives to burning national issues. He has faced totalitarian governments and challenged them to their face, highlighting issues that need urgent national attention even when they feel uncomfortable with his style of bringing up issues. This man has built an image for himself that he is not particularly interested in tuning down his voice because his facts hit the most powerful people in society. Even when he has to face the brutal hands of the despotic leaders who have come to demonstrate their aversion to due process, Dele Momodu never shies away from standing his ground, even if it means standing alone.

He is a loving father, an admirable husband, and a responsible man who strenuously ensures that his family is upright and responsible. He is accessible, down-to-earth, and does not have the attitude of a dissident. He would not promote rivalries because he has to sell himself to the people, and neither would he allow personal sentiment to cloud his judgment in issues of national importance. Chief Dele Momodu is a friend that would stand for any cause he believes in. He did not desert his principal, Chief Moshood Kashimawo Abiola, when he was embattled by the military dictators. He sacrificed his freedom so that the voice of the masses would be heard loud and clear in the corridors of power. In fighting for you and I, the child of independence is in chains, seeking a second freedom.

Please join us for a conversation with  Dele Momodu:

Sunday, October 10, 2021

5:00 PM Nigeria

4:00 PM GMT

11:00 AM Austin CST

Register and Watch:

https://www.tfinterviews.com/post/dele-momodu

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https://us02web.zoom.us/j/85976872129

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Opinion

Beyond the Present Impasse: Five-Pillar Strategy for Restoring Credibility of ECOWAS

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By Tolulope A. Adegoke PhD

PREAMBLE: THE STRATEGIC MOMENT AND ITS IMPERATIVES

The Economic Community of West African States confronts a moment of institutional reckoning without precedent in its fifty-year history. The confluence of democratic recession, the fracturing of regional solidarity, the commodification of the Community’s security space by external actors, and the erosion of popular faith in the tangible benefits of integration has converged to pose a systemic threat to the organization’s foundational relevance. The established toolkit of declaratory diplomacy, automatic suspension, and sanctions escalation has demonstrably exhausted its capacity to compel compliance or to stabilize the regional order.

The way forward, therefore, cannot be a mere intensification of existing methods. It must be a strategic recalibration of ECOWAS’s institutional posture, operational doctrines, and normative architecture. The objective is not the preservation of institutional prestige for its own sake, but the patient, principled, and incentivized reconstruction of a regional political community in which sovereign member states and their citizens perceive membership as a demonstrable enhancement of their national security, economic prosperity, and democratic legitimacy. The following roadmap articulates a sequenced, non-biased, and operationally concrete way forward, structured across five interdependent strategic lines of effort.

STRATEGIC LINE OF EFFORT I: RECALIBRATE THE NORMATIVE FOUNDATION OF THE COMMUNITY

The prevailing perception that the ECOWAS normative framework on democratic governance is applied with selectivity—penalizing military seizures of power while remaining diplomatically passive in the face of civilian constitutional manipulation—has inflicted severe damage on the institution’s moral authority. Rectifying this asymmetry is an indispensable precondition for the restoration of credible institutional leadership.

 

Action 1.1: Convene an Extraordinary Authority Summit Dedicated Exclusively to Normative Self-Correction

The Chair of the Authority must convene, within a non-extendable 90-day period, an Extraordinary Summit with a single, undiluted agenda item: the critical review and amendment of the 2001 Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance. This Summit must not be subsumed within a broader agenda of security or economic matters. Its singular focus signals institutional seriousness and prevents diplomatic evasion.

Action 1.2: Codify and Adopt a Binding Symmetrical Sanctions Regime

The Summit must adopt a formal Supplementary Protocol that introduces, with legally binding precision, a definition of the “Constitutional Coup” or “Incumbent Entrenchment.” This shall be defined as any action by a sitting elected executive, whether through legislative manipulation, compliant judicial ruling, or tailored constitutional referendum, that modifies the fundamental law of the state for the primary purpose of abrogating or eliminating established presidential term limits in order to extend the incumbent’s tenure. The sanctions prescribed for this defined violation must be identical in their automaticity of trigger, procedural robustness, and severity of consequence to those prescribed for classical military coups d’état. This single act of symmetrical legal self-correction eliminates the charge of institutional bias and re-establishes the Community as a principled, impartial guarantor of democratic integrity.

Action 1.3: Mandate the ECOWAS Council of Ministers to Develop a Compliance Monitoring and Early Warning Matrix

The Council of Ministers must be mandated to develop, within 120 days, a transparent, indicator-based Compliance Monitoring and Early Warning Matrix. This matrix must track, on a continuous and publicly accessible basis, the compliance status of every member state against the full spectrum of democratic governance norms, including term limit provisions, electoral calendar integrity, and civil liberties protections. The matrix serves as an objective, depoliticized early warning mechanism that triggers preventive diplomatic engagement before a crisis crystallizes, removing the element of discretionary political judgment that fuels perceptions of bias.

STRATEGIC LINE OF EFFORT II: REPOSITION THE SECURITY ARCHITECTURE FROM PUNITIVE POSTURE TO ENABLING PARTNERSHIP

The region’s security space has become an unregulated, competitive marketplace for external military projection. ECOWAS must fundamentally reconceive its security offer to member states, pivoting from a posture associated with kinetic interventionism to one of technical enabling partnership that sovereign states perceive as enhancing, rather than constraining, their national security.

Action 2.1: Adopt and Promulgate a Binding External Security Partner Code of Conduct

The Mediation and Security Council must convene a high-level Strategic De-confliction and Transparency Dialogue with all external state actors conducting unilateral security operations on the territory of ECOWAS member states. The binding, legally codified outcome shall be an ECOWAS External Security Partner Code of Conduct. Its central provision mandates that all bilateral Status of Forces Agreements (SOFAs), defense cooperation memoranda, and security-related basing or access pacts between any external state and any individual ECOWAS member state be formally and confidentially deposited with a centralized registry at the ECOWAS Commission within a non-extendable 90-day period. The objective is a non-prejudicial technical audit ensuring that the cumulative effect of multiple, independently negotiated bilateral arrangements does not inadvertently undermine collective regional security.

Action 2.2: Formally Reconceptualize the ECOWAS Standby Force into a Modular Technical Enabling Capability

The Department of Political Affairs, Peace and Security must be directed to present, within 180 days, a comprehensive doctrinal and operational blueprint for the reconceptualization of the ECOWAS Standby Force (ESF) into a new instrument, provisionally designated the “ECOWAS Crisis Response and Resilience Capability” (ECRRC). This new capability must execute a decisive doctrinal pivot away from large-scale conventional combat power projection—a mission type assessed as operationally unviable and politically irrecoverable in the current environment—and towards the provision of high-demand, low-substitutability technical enabling functions. These core modules shall include a multi-source intelligence fusion and strategic warning cell, a specialized digital border security and management task force, and a dedicated regional counter-financing of terrorism unit operating in institutional coordination with GIABA. This recalibrated offer creates a non-coercive incentive for disengaged states to voluntarily resume security cooperation.

Action 2.3: Establish a Specialized Civilian Harm Monitoring and Accountability Mechanism

The Commission must establish, with immediate effect, an operationally independent Civilian Harm Monitoring and Accountability Mechanism (CHMAM). Its personnel shall be sourced from member states with no direct security-material interest in the Sahelian theatre. Its mandate is the impartial, transparent, and universally applied monitoring, verification, and public reporting of civilian harm perpetrated by all armed actors, including state forces and their external partners. This mechanism depoliticizes the protection agenda and positions ECOWAS as a non-partisan guarantor of humanitarian accountability.

 

STRATEGIC LINE OF EFFORT III: ENGINEER A CALIBRATED, INCENTIVE-ANCHORED POLITICAL ENGAGEMENT FRAMEWORK

The sterile binary between “immediate unconditional constitutional restoration” and “indefinite unverifiable transition” has produced a protracted diplomatic gridlock. A new engagement framework, grounded in verified deliverables and sequenced incentives, is required.

Action 3.1: Constitute a Permanent, Empowered Panel of Eminent Persons for Silent Mediation
The Chair of the Authority must formally constitute, through a Decision of the Authority, a permanent Panel of Former Heads of State and Eminent Persons. Membership must be curated exclusively from a small cohort of former leaders whose nations possess an unassailable living legacy of peaceful, constitutional, and fully contested democratic alternation of executive power. The Panel’s mandate is to conduct a silent, continuous, indefinitely sustained shuttle diplomacy mission, operating strictly on the methodology of interest-based negotiation. No public statements, no deadlines, and no press releases are to be issued by the Panel. This permanently discontinues the counterproductive practice of “mégaphone diplomacy.”

Action 3.2: Table a Formal, Three-Tiered Transition Compact with Verified Deliverables and Sequenced Incentives

The Commission, under the political guidance of the Mediation and Security Council, must prepare and formally table a comprehensive Three-Tiered Transition Compact as the baseline framework for engagement with member states currently under transitional military administration. The tiers are sequenced as follows:

·         Tier 1 (Immediate Confidence Building): Full, unimpeded humanitarian access to all conflict-affected zones, verified by operational humanitarian agencies; and the release of all political detainees not credibly charged with violent criminal offenses, verified by the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights. Upon successful independent verification, ECOWAS commits to a formal suspension of targeted economic sanctions against the state apparatus.

·         Tier 2 (Sequenced Political Roadmap): A binding 24-month, bottom-up electoral sequence—local elections first, constitutional referendum second, presidential and parliamentary elections third—with a guaranteed statutory role for ECOWAS in the technical vetting of the electoral management body. Upon verification of each phase, incremental incentives are released.

·         Tier 3 (Structural Guarantee Against Self-Dealing): The constitutional entrenchment, prior to terminal elections, of a non-amendable clause prohibiting any serving member of the transitional government from contesting those elections. Upon verification and peaceful transfer of power, all remaining sanctions are lifted, and ECOWAS proactively sponsors the state’s full reintegration and development financing package.

Action 3.3: Formally Delink Humanitarian Access from Political Negotiation
The Commission must issue a binding institutional directive establishing that humanitarian access and the protection of civilian populations are non-negotiable obligations under international humanitarian law and the ECOWAS Treaty. These shall not be treated as bargaining chips within political negotiations. This directive establishes an impartial humanitarian baseline that protects the vulnerable and starves extremist narratives of their recruitment material.

STRATEGIC LINE OF EFFORT IV: CONSTRUCT AND DELIVER A TANGIBLE, VISIBLE ECONOMIC COUNTER-OFFER

Economic sanctions, while a legally mandated instrument, have inflicted disproportionate harm on vulnerable populations and have been successfully weaponized by transitional authorities as evidence of ECOWAS hostility. A serious, fully-funded, and rapidly disbursing economic offer that demonstrates the irreplaceable material value of ECOWAS membership is a strategic necessity.

Action 4.1: Capitalize and Launch the ECOWAS Community Livelihood and Border Zone Resilience Facility

The Commission, in partnership with the ECOWAS Bank for Investment and Development (EBID) and the African Development Bank, must convene a dedicated donor pledging conference within 120 days to capitalize a substantially expanded, fast-disbursing stabilization instrument. The facility’s exclusive investment focus shall be the cross-border communities whose economic fabric has been destroyed by insecurity and political rupture. Priority projects shall include the rehabilitation of transhumance corridors with negotiated local governance structures, the construction of solar-powered border market infrastructure, and the launch of a massive Community-Based Youth Employment and Apprenticeship Program targeted at displaced youth in frontier zones. All projects must be collaboratively and transparently branded as direct dividends of ECOWAS solidarity.

Action 4.2: Adopt a Unified Institutional Position Linking Debt Relief to Verified Governance Progress

The Authority must adopt a formal Common Position directing its collective diplomatic weight towards aggressive advocacy for a comprehensive, non-punitive, and development-sensitive sovereign debt restructuring framework for all severely affected member states. This advocacy shall be executed at the G20 Common Framework, the IMF Executive Board, and the Paris Club. Critically, the ECOWAS Common Position must explicitly and publicly link a pathway to structural debt relief to the affected state’s independently verified, irreversible progress against the Tier 2 and Tier 3 benchmarks of the Transition Compact. This leverages the international financial architecture as a structurally aligned positive incentive for good-faith engagement, offering a sophisticated alternative to blunt unilateral sanctions.

 

Action 4.3: Reaffirm and Technically Safeguard the Free Movement Protocol as a Non-Negotiable Community Asset

The Commission must urgently establish a dedicated, technically staffed “Free Movement Safeguard and Facilitation Unit.” This unit’s mandate is to work bilaterally and discretely with all member states, including those in withdrawal processes, to identify and implement the minimal, security-justified, and technically proportionate border management procedures that can preserve the residual functional operation of the Free Movement Protocol for ordinary citizens, even during periods of political estrangement. Preserving this tangible, daily-lived benefit of ECOWAS citizenship protects the human constituency for regional integration and prevents the political fracture from metastasizing into permanent inter-community estrangement.

STRATEGIC LINE OF EFFORT V: INSTITUTIONALIZE A TRANSFORMED STRATEGIC COMMUNICATION AND DIPLOMATIC PROTOCOL

All substantive policy interventions will fail if transmitted through the existing, demonstrably counterproductive communication protocols. A binding institutional transformation of ECOWAS’s mode of public engagement is a standalone strategic priority.

Action 5.1: Institute a Mandatory Linguistic and Register Recalibration Across All Official Communications
The Commission must issue a binding editorial protocol mandating a permanent and institution-wide recalibration of the language employed in all communiqués, declarations, and public statements. The default opening frame of “condemnation, suspension, and ultimatum” must be replaced by a primary, consistent language frame that centers the “non-negotiable, legally binding obligation of ECOWAS to the sustained physical security, human dignity, and economic opportunity of the individual West African citizen.” The primary subjects of all public interventions shall be the identifiable human beings whose lives are affected: the farmer, the trader, the displaced child. This reframes the diplomatic confrontation from a contest between elites into a shared responsibility for protection.

Action 5.2: Permanently Discontinue Mégaphone Diplomacy and Institutionalize a Protocol of Public Humility

The ECOWAS Authority must formally resolve to permanently discontinue the practice of issuing public ultimatum deadlines as an instrument of political mediation. The only regular public updates permitted on the political process shall be confined to measured, independently verified progress on humanitarian deliverables. The substantive, consequential work of political resolution is to be conducted exclusively through the confidential, professional channels of the Permanent Panel of Eminent Persons. This protocol deliberately starves the political crisis of the sensationalist, polarizing public media cycle upon which spoilers and external actors depend, relocating the work of resolution to an environment where trust can be painstakingly reconstructed.

 

Action 5.3: Launch a Sustained, Decentralized Community-Level Public Diplomacy Campaign

The Commission must design and resource a sustained, decentralized public diplomacy campaign that operates below the level of national media and engages directly with local communities, traditional authorities, women’s associations, and youth networks in border regions. The campaign’s message must be non-polemical and focused exclusively on the tangible, practical benefits of ECOWAS citizenship—the right to travel, to trade, to access education and healthcare across borders—documented through the authentic testimonies of real citizens whose lives have been positively impacted. This ground-level, person-to-person diplomacy rebuilds the popular constituency for regional integration from the bottom up, countering the top-down, state-controlled narratives that currently dominate the information space.

Dr. Tolulope A. Adegoke, AMBP-UN is a globally recognized scholar-practitioner and thought leader at the nexus of security, governance, and strategic leadership. His mission is dedicated to advancing ethical governance, strategic human capital development, resilient nation building, and global peace. He can be reached via: tolulopeadegoke01@gmail.comglobalstageimpacts@gmail.com

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Opinion

Kano Deputy Governorship: Why Murtala Sule Garo is Most Deserving

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By Abdullahi Sa’idu Baba (Hafizi)

One of the defining slogans of the Governor of Kano State is “Kano First,” a principle that emphasizes prioritizing the collective interest, development, and unity of Kano State above all else. In line with this vision, Hon. Murtala Sule Garo stands out as the most suitable candidate for the position of Deputy Governor. His track record reflects a history of diligent and selfless service to Kano State, marked by consistent dedication to grassroots development and people-oriented governance. Over the years, he has demonstrated an unwavering commitment to advancing the welfare of the people, making him a natural fit for a leadership role that demands loyalty, competence, and a deep understanding of Kano’s needs.

Throughout his time in office, Garo distinguished himself through people-oriented policies and impactful empowerment initiatives. He became widely known for implementing large-scale programs that directly improved the livelihoods of youth and women across Kano State. Thousands benefited from his initiatives, which included financial support, business tools, and opportunities for economic independence. These efforts not only reduced poverty at the grassroots level but also demonstrated his belief in inclusive governance ensuring that the dividends of democracy reach even the most remote communities. His approach earned him recognition as a leader who “takes government to the people,” a rare quality that continues to endear him to the masses.

Beyond empowerment, Garo’s leadership style is defined by accessibility, generosity, and responsiveness. He has consistently been described as a “man of the people,” someone who listens, engages, and responds without bias. His political strength lies in his deep-rooted connection with communities across Kano, where he has built trust over the years through direct engagement and consistent support. This grassroots network has become one of his greatest political assets, positioning him as a unifying figure capable of mobilizing support across different demographics and political divides.

In the evolving political landscape of Kano State, Murtala Sule Garo has emerged as a leading and widely endorsed candidate for the position of Deputy Governor. Recent political development shows that he enjoys overwhelming support not only from key stakeholders within the APC, but also from the generality of the grassroots Kano electorate, reflecting not only his political relevance but also the confidence party leaders and stakeholders have in his experience, loyalty, and leadership capacity.

Garo’s suitability for the role of Deputy Governor is further strengthened by his extensive experience in governance and party administration. Having served in multiple strategic positions, including organising roles, advisory capacities, and two consecutive terms as commissioner, he possesses both institutional knowledge and practical governance skills. His ability to navigate complex political structures while maintaining strong grassroots support makes him uniquely positioned to complement executive leadership and ensure stability in governance.

Looking ahead to future elections, Murtala Sule Garo’s political capacity remains one of his strongest advantages. He is widely regarded as a mobilizer who can energize the electorate, increase voter participation, and strengthen party unity. His influence at the ward and local government levels provides a strategic advantage for any administration he is part of, as he can effectively translate political goodwill into electoral success. Observers believe that his inclusion in leadership would not only consolidate party structures but also enhance governance outcomes through effective implementation of policies at the grassroots level.

Moreover, Garo represents a bridge between experience and youthful dynamism. His understanding of both traditional political structures and modern governance demands positions him as a forward-thinking leader capable of contributing meaningfully to Kano’s development agenda. His inclusive approach, engaging traditional rulers, youth groups, and stakeholders, suggests that he can foster a sense of collective ownership in governance, which is essential for sustainable development.

In conclusion, Hon. Murtala Sule Garo embodies the qualities of a competent administrator, a grassroots mobilizer, and a unifying political figure. His track record of service, empowerment, and community engagement presents a compelling case for his emergence as the next Deputy Governor of Kano State. With his proven ability to deliver results and connect with the people, he stands not only as a suitable candidate but as a strategic asset capable of driving progress, stability, and inclusive governance in Kano State’s future.

Abdullahi Sa’idu Baba (Hafizi) writes from Kano, and can be reached via Hafeeezsb@gmail.com

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Opinion

2027: Why Nigeria Can’t Afford to Lose Atiku’s Experience and Expertise

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By Dr. Sani Sa’idu Baba

To be candid and straightforward, this article is written to sensitize Nigerians to the growing smear campaign against Atiku Abubakar, a campaign of calumny that appears less about national interest and more about political anxiety. The persistence and intensity of these attacks suggest one thing: there are powerful interests who see him not merely as a contender, but as a genuine threat. Yet, Nigerians are no longer easily distracted. The electorate is becoming more discerning, more interested in good governance.

Closely tied to this is the urgency of the 2027 presidential election. This is not just another electoral cycle, it may well represent a turning point in Nigeria’s history. Although Atiku Abubakar has confirmed 2027 to be his last presidential outing. That reality alone elevates the stakes. It presents Nigeria with a stark choice: to either harness a reservoir of experience at a critical moment or risk drifting further into uncertainty. In clear terms, 2027 is not just about political succession, it is about whether Nigeria recalibrates its direction or continues along a path of deepening national challenges.

The fundamental truth is that, experience and effective leadership are positively correlated, independent of age. Leadership in a complex state like Nigeria requires far more than youthful enthusiasm. It demands institutional memory, policy depth, negotiation skills, and the ability to manage crises with precision. It is therefore misguided to reduce leadership capability to age alone. Age neither guarantees competence nor invalidates it. Across the world, both young and elderly leaders have failed when they lacked the depth of experience required for governance. In Nigeria itself, recent experience with president Tinubu shows that leadership failure cannot be attributed to age alone. This underscores a critical point: the true dividing line between success and failure in leadership is not age, it is experience, particularly practical and relevant experience, which is too often overlooked.

Global political trends reinforce this reality. In the United States, voters returned Donald Trump to power over Kamala Harris, reflecting a preference for perceived experience over age. Figures such as Bernie Sanders remain influential well into their later years, shaping national discourse. Similarly, in Brazil, Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva was elected again at an advanced age because voters trusted his tested capacity to lead during difficult times. A similar pattern recently played out in West Africa. In Liberia, the younger incumbent George Weah was defeated by the significantly older Joseph Boakai. That outcome was widely interpreted as a preference by Liberians for experience and not youthful appeal. These examples are not coincidences. They illustrate a consistent global pattern that when nations face uncertainty, they turn to experience. Nigeria must not waste the experience of Atiku Abubakar like it happened with remarkable figures like Obafemi Awolowo, Chief MKO Abiola and Malam Aminu Kano in the past.

Beyond the question of age lies another critical issue: political strategy. The debate over who should carry the opposition banner in 2027 must be guided by political reality. Nigeria’s recent history makes this abundantly clear. When Goodluck Jonathan sought re-election, the opposition were less influenced by sentiment. Instead, they made a strategic calculation, searching for a candidate with national reach and electoral strength, an idea that birthed Muhammadu Buhari as the opposition candidate, despite his previous electoral defeats.

It is therefore difficult to sustain the argument that Atiku Abubakar should be excluded on the basis that he has contested before. By that same reasoning, Buhari would never have emerged as a viable candidate. Political persistence is not a weakness; it is often a reflection of conviction, resilience, and determination. Elections are not won by novelty alone, they are won by structure, experience, and the ability to connect with a broad electorate.

Equally unconvincing is the argument that 2027 should be determined by zoning or that it is “still the turn of the South.” If the opposition is serious about unseating president Tinubu, it must prioritize a candidate with the experience, national appeal, and political structure required to achieve that goal. Atiku Abubakar is therefore the “asset” of the today. His eight years as Vice President under Olusegun Obasanjo provided him with deep exposure to governance, economic reform, and institutional development. Beyond public office, he is widely recognized as a seasoned politician and an established businessman with independent wealth, an important factor in a political environment often clouded by concerns about misuse of public resources.

Interestingly, it’s increasingly clear that Nigerians are moving beyond superficial narratives. The electorate is more focused on outcomes, on who can stabilize the economy, strengthen institutions, and restore confidence in governance. The conversation is shifting from age to ability, from rhetoric to results.

As 2027 approaches, the choice before Nigeria is becoming clearer. This is not a contest of personalities or a debate about generational symbolism. It is a question of capacity, preparedness, and national survival. History, both global and local, points in one direction: when experience is sidelined, nations pay the price.

Nigeria cannot afford that mistake again…

Dr. Sani Sa’idu Baba writes from Kano, and can be reached via drssbaba@yahoo.com

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