The Oracle

The Oracle: President Tinubu Cannot Legally Remove an Elected Governor of a State

Published

12 months ago

March 21, 2025

Eric

By Prof Mike Ozekhomo SAN

INTRODUCTION

In an era where democracy is supposed to reign supreme giving democracy dividends to beleaguered Nigerians, the nation has once again found itself at crossroads, a sober moment of reckoning where constitutional order is being tested in the most brazen of ways. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the president of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, sworn to uphold the Constitution, has taken a most unprecedented and unlawful step: the suspension of a democratically elected Governor, Deputy Governor and an entire State House of Assembly under the thin guise of emergency rule. What emergency? Nigerians and Rivers people did not see or feel any such emergency.

Let me be very firm most categorically and unequivocally that no constitutional provision, statute or any known convention grants the President the imperial and dictatorial authority to single-handedly dissolve the structures of an elected state government. That may probably have been in the locust days of military juntas; but Nigeria is today not under the firm grip of a military dictatorship.

The last time I checked, she is supposed to governed under a constitutional democracy that operates a presidential and republican form of government. The emergency provisions under Section 305 of the 1999 Constitution exist to restore order only in times of grave national crisis; certainly not to topple duly elected state officials. Lois X1V of France as an absolute dictator could not have done better and would therefore green with envy from his cold grave, having on 13th April, 1655, stood in front of parliament and imperiously exuded, “L’Etat C’est Moi” (“I am the State”).

A state of emergency does not and cannot translate to a civilian coup d’état, executed by executive fiat through a national broadcast which torpedoed elected structures and whimsically imposed a sole Administrator who would now illegally receive Rivers State allocations from the Federation account under section 162 of the Constitution contrary to the very judgement of the Supreme Court which President Bola Ahmed Tinubu pretended to be executing.

We have seen this script play out before during the infamous 2004 Plateau State emergency, where former President Obasanjo suspended Governor Dariye in what was widely condemned as a travesty of constitutional governance. Then, as now, the excuse was “exceptional circumstances”; but the reality was nothing short of executive lawlessness and overreach masked as national interest. I had criticized it in the same way I also criticized those of former Presidents Olusegun Obasanjo and Goodluck Ebele Jonathan.

And now, as Rivers State stands at the centre of this unfolding simulated constitutional debacle, one must ask: Is this the signal of a dangerous precedent for and kite-flying to Nigeria, of a looming maximum dictatorship in the offing in a one-party State? Will other “erring” Governors who refuse to align with the central government be next in line? Are we witnessing the return of a dangerous era of impunity where emergency rule becomes the bludgeon of political control rather than a tool for stability?

Let me be very clear about this for historical purposes: President Tinubu clearly lacks the power, authority and vires to suspend democratic structures, especially the removal of Governor Sim Fubara and the Rivers State House of Assembly members. His act constitutes nothing but a gross constitutional aberration and a most illegal, unlawful, wrongful and unconscionable step that has the potential of imploding Nigeria at large and Rivers State in particular. The Constitution must stand hallowed, unassaulted, or democracy will fall and perish. Although time shall tell, but time is certainly not on our side.

THE CONSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORK FOR A STATE OF EMERGENCY

The Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary, at page 379, defines “Declaration” as an official or formal statement, especially about the plans of a Government or an organization; the act of making such a statement.

Declaration or proclamation of a state of emergency therefore means proclaiming or making known a situation of emergency. What does “emergency” itself mean?
Emergency Doctrine is variously referred to as “emergency”, “imminent peril” or “sudden peril” Doctrine [Black’s Law Dictionary, 6th Edition, Page 523).

A “state of emergency” is defined in Longman Dictionary of Contemporary English (P.1620) as “when a government gives itself special powers in order to try to control an unusually difficult or dangerous situation, especially when this involves limiting people’s freedom”. “Emergency powers” are such powers as are conferred on a Government during such an unusual situation to hold the state together.

The Constitution in Section 305, of the Federal Republic of Nigeria as altered (the organic law and grund norm of the land) embraces three adjuncts of a declaration of a state of emergency: (1) Reasons for proclaiming it; (2) How it is proclaimed; (3) How it can be halted both before and after its proclamation. It also envisages two types of State of Emergency: (i) By Mr. President under Section 305 (3) (a) and (b), when the Federation is at War; or the Federation is in imminent danger of invasion or involvement in a state of war. (ii) The scenario where it is the Governor of a State who personally calls for the state of emergency under situations envisaged in Section 305 (3) (c), (d) and (e). This occurs where the threat does not extend beyond the boundaries of the State.

Section 305 of the 199 Constitution, as altered, provides:

1) “Subject to the provisions of this Constitution, the President may by instrument published in the Official Gazette of the Government of the Federation issue a Proclamation of a state of emergency in the Federation or any part thereof.

2) The President shall immediately after the publication, transmit copies of the Official Gazette of the Government of the Federation containing the proclamation including the details of the emergency to the President of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives, each of whom shall forthwith convene or arrange for a meeting of the House of which he is President or Speaker, as the case may be, to consider the situation and decide whether or not to pass a resolution approving the Proclamation.”

None of the factors envisaged in Section 305 of the Constitution has occurred at all to warrant the steps taken by the president. In present scenario the bi-camera National Assembly had not even first met, discussed and approved the president’s emergency proposals before he acted. He did it in advance (in futuro) in expectation of rubber-stamping by a pliable and malleable NASS.

I hereby call on the NASS to show class for once by roundly rejecting the President’s unconstitutional act of first declaring a state of emergency before its approval and also for acting altra vires by accompanying it with the suspension of elected democratic structures. This will place them on the right path of history. Otherwise, they should be prepared to be damnified by history.

I must emphasize that the declaration of a state of emergency does not translate into a dissolution of governance structures within the affected state. Under a state of emergency, the Governor, as the chief executive of the state, remains in office, whilst the institutions of government at the state level continue to function, unless expressly provided otherwise by law. There is no such law in Rivers State or at the national level.

The framers of the 1999 Constitution were deliberate in ensuring that the power to declare a state of emergency is not an avenue for executive overreach or imperious excursion into the realm of narcissm or ego trip. While the President may take extraordinary measures to maintain peace and order, those measures must align with the provisions of the Constitution. There is no provision howsoever, express or implied, that allowed President Tinubu to remove a sitting Governor and state House of Assembly legislators under the thin guise of emergency powers. There is no war in Nigeria. There is no threat of external aggression or invasion either across the country or in Rivers State. All that we have seen have been tussle for power between the Governor and the House of Assembly and the courts had already waded in with the Governor declaring he would comply with the Supreme Court’s judgement. A mere blow up of oil pipes in two communities by unidentified persons certainly does not constitute a war or external invasion situation.

THE PRINCIPLE OF SEPARATION of POWERS AND FEDERALISM

Nigeria operates a federal system of government, which means that power is divided and shared between the federal, state and Local Government Areas. This structure is designed to prevent excessive concentration of power in any one level of government, for as Lord Acton once explained, “power tends to corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely”. The President’s authority over the states is limited, just as a Governor cannot interfere with presidential functions at the federal level.

Furthermore, the principle of separation of powers, a cornerstone of constitutional democracy as ablly propounded in 1748 by a great French philosopher, Baron de Montesquieu, ensures that no single branch of government has unchecked authority. The removal of a Governor is a matter strictly within the purview of the State House of Assembly, as stipulated under Section 188 of the Constitution. The process is quite detailed, lengthy and rigorous; and requires a legislative super majority to accomplish. It is not a power and prerogative the President can usurp and exercise as did President Tinubu, regardless of the circumstances.

CAN THE PRESIDENT SUSPEND OR REMOVE A SITTING GOVERNOR, DEPUTY GOVERNOR, OR HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY EVEN UNDER A STATE OF EMERGENCY?

Nigeria stands at a critical juncture in its democratic evolution. Recent developments in Rivers State, where President Bola Ahmed Tinubu purportedly suspended Governor Siminalayi Fubara, his Deputy, and the entire House of Assembly, call for a meticulous constitutional examination and analysis. At the heart of this matter lies an age-old question: Can the President, under the guise of emergency rule, lawfully suspend or remove a democratically elected Governor, Deputy Governor, or Legislature?

The answer, based on constitutional provisions, legal precedents and the very principles of federalism which we operate, is an unequivocal NO. The 1999 Nigerian Constitution (as amended) does not, under any circumstance, empower the President to remove, suspend, or torpedo duly elected state officials even under Section 305, which governs the declaration of a state of emergency.

THE CONSTITUTIONAL LIMITS OF EMERGENCY POWERS

In no place does Section 305 of the 1999 Constitution grant the President the power to suspend a Governor, Deputy Governor, or the State House of Assembly. This reality is backed by constitutional jurisprudence and was reaffirmed in Attorney-General of Abia State v. Attorney-General of the Federation (2002) 6 NWLR (Pt. 763) 265, where the Supreme Court clarified that the Constitution is supreme and that no authority including the President can act outside its provisions.

Yet, this is not the first time that Nigeria has witnessed an outright abuse of emergency powers. Former President Olusegun Obasanjo’s 2004 suspension of Plateau State’s Governor Joshua Dariye and the House of Assembly remains a painful reminder of how emergency provisions have been misused to subvert democratic structures.

That unconstitutional precedent, which many Nigerians condemned then as executive overreach reminiscent of military juntas, appears to have resurfaced in Rivers State where President Tinubu’s action has eerily followed that same better-forgotten pattern, with the Judiciary left untouched as a token concession to constitutionalism. But can democracy survive when two out of the three arms of government are arbitrarily dissolved? I believe not.

FEDERALISM, SEPARATION OF POWERS, AND THE ROLE OF STATE GOVERNMENTS

Nigeria operates a federal system, meaning that power is distributed between the central and state governments, as explicitly outlined in Sections 4, 5, and 11 of the 1999 Constitution. Under this system, a Governor is not an apron string of or mere extension of the Presidency. He is an independently elected authority answerable to no one but only the people of his state who elected him.

The Constitution does not permit a President to unilaterally whimsically and arbitrarily remove a Governor—not by fiat; not by emergency decree; and certainly not by mere executive pronouncement. The doctrine of separation of powers, a fundamental pillar of democracy, dictates that such removals must be carried out strictly in accordance with constitutional provisions.

This principle was reinforced in Attorney-General of Ogun State & Ors v. Attorney-General of the Federation & Ors (1982) 3 NCLR 583, where the Supreme Court ruled that the Federal Government cannot unilaterally impose duties or restrictions on state officials. This means that even if a state of emergency is lawfully declared, the Governor remains in office unless impeached through due process.
The Constitution provides only one legal pathway for the removal of a state Governor, and that is through impeachment, as stipulated in Section 188 of the Constitution. The process is legislative, not executive, requiring a State House of Assembly to initiate and conduct impeachment proceedings as dictated by the Constitution. In any event, the Rivers State House of Assembly (whether rightly or wrongly) had already commenced one against the Governor. Why truncate the constitutional process through an unconstitutional executive fiat? Why? Why?? Why???

THE PUBLIC ORDER ACT AND THE LIMITS OF FEDERAL CONTROL

Some have sought, in most illogical and unscholarly manner, to justify the President’s emergency intervention in Rivers State under the masquerade and facade of maintaining public safety. They cite the Public Order Act, which grants state Governors powers over public assemblies, meetings, and processions. However, even this statute does not authorize the suspension of an entire government structure.

The irony, of course, is that while Governors are designated as the Chief Security Officers of their states, they lack actual control over security forces. Section 215 of the Constitution subordinates a State Commissioner of Police to the Inspector General of Police and the President, meaning that even if Rivers State were experiencing insecurity, it was ultimately to the same traducing Federal Government it would have turned to.

The absurdity of this power imbalance, even though Rivers State had not gotten there, was noted in Attorney-General of Abia State v. Attorney-General of the Federation (2002) 6 NWLR (Pt. 763) 264, where the Court observed that the Federal Government cannot pass the blame for state security failures to a Governor who lacks the constitutional means to deploy security personnel.

THE ROLE OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY: A CONSTITUTIONAL FIREWALL?

Even if the National Assembly, sought to legislate on emergency rule, section 11(4) of the 1999 Constitution explicitly prohibits it from removing a Governor or Deputy Governor. This means that not only does the President lack the power, but even the National Assembly itself is equally barred from such unconstitutional act.
Prof. Ben Nwabueze, one of Nigeria’s foremost constitutional scholars, had long warned that allowing a President to wield unchecked emergency powers would erode democracy and lead to an authoritarian system where Governors served as vassals at the pleasure of the President rather than the electorate.

In line with this reasoning, Chief F.R.A. Williams had condemned the Plateau State emergency declaration as “a contradiction of all known principles of true federation operating in a democratic society.” Are we not now witnessing history repeat itself in Rivers State?

THE PRINCIPLE OF EXPRESSIO UNIUS EST EXCLUSIO ALTERIUS

One of the most fundamental principles of statutory interpretation is expressio unius est exclusio alterius, meaning that the explicit mention of one thing implies the exclusion of all others. Sections 4 and 5 of the 1999 Constitution donate specific executive and legislative powers; but nowhere do they mention any inherent powers allowing the President to remove Governors undemocratically.

This principle was applied in Attorney-General of Bendel State v. Aideyan (1989) 4 NWLR (Pt. 118) 187, where the Supreme Court held that powers not expressly granted by the Constitution cannot be assumed. Thus, any claim that the President possesses inherent emergency powers to remove a supposedly erring Governor is legally baseless. The President can not dorn the garb of a Primary School headmaster who has absolute control over and supervises his pupils.

HOW A GOVERNOR MAY BE REMOVED FROM OFFICE

If Not the President, then who can remove a Governor under emergency rule? The answer remains the State House of Assembly as the only body constitutionally empowered to initiate impeachment proceedings against an erring Governor.

Under Section 188, impeachment is a rigorous and multi-step process, requiring:

a. A written notice signed by at least one-third of Assembly members;
b. A two-thirds majority vote to proceed further;
c. The formation of an investigative panel by the state Chief Judge;
d. A full blown hearing granting the Governor a right to defence either by himself or through a counsel of his choice;
e. A final two-thirds majority vote for removal after thorough hearing, recommendations, etc.

If a Governor remains in office, it is because the State House of Assembly has not found legal grounds for removal. The President’s personal opinions, political considerations, or security concerns do not change this constitutional scenario.

ANY HISTORICAL PRECEDENT FOR RIVERS STATE?

The declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State and the subsequent suspension of Governor Siminalayi Fubara, his Deputy, and the State House of Assembly by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu brings Nigeria into another moment of constitutional crisis and democratic reckoning. While this may appear to be a novel occurrence, history reminds us that this is not the first time a Nigerian President had wielded emergency powers in a manner that undermined the very essence of democracy.

Emergency rule in Nigeria has precedents, but each instance had always been marred by legal controversy, constitutional breaches and political opportunism. The most striking parallel to Tinubu’s action in Rivers State can be drawn from the 2004 Plateau State emergency declared by former President Olusegun Obasanjo. In that case, Obasanjo had suspended the Governor and the State House of Assembly, replacing them with a Sole Administrator, Major-General Chris Alli (Rtd.). That action was roundly criticized as an overreach of executive power, much like what is unfolding today in Rivers State. I was one of the critics.

However, even further back in Nigeria’s history, the Western Region crisis of 1962 under the First Republic presents another instructive example. Under the 1960 Independence Constitution, the then Governor-General, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, acting on the advice of Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa, had declared a state of emergency in the Western Region due to political turmoil. Balewa had removed the Premier, the Governor, all Ministers, and members of the Regional Assembly, installing Dr. Moses Majekodunmi as Sole Administrator.

The striking difference, however, is that this took place under a Westminster parliamentary system, where Parliament held sovereignty. In contrast, Nigeria’s current presidential system operates under constitutional supremacy, not parliamentary supremacy. The framers of the 1999 Constitution deliberately excluded any provision that would allow such sweeping executive powers, particularly those that could enable a President to remove a sitting Governor or dissolve a State House of Assembly under emergency rule.

WHY TINUBU’S EMERGENCY RULE IN RIVERS STATE IS UNPRECEDENTED

Even within the history of emergency rule declarations, Tinubu’s action in Rivers State is particularly alarming. While previous Presidents who declared emergency rule (Balewa in 1962 and Obasanjo in 2004) did so under questionable legal interpretations, they at least had some statutory backing, however flimsy.

Tinubu, on the other hand, has no legal foundation whatsoever to suspend an elected Governor, Deputy Governor, or the State House of Assembly. There is no enabling law, no precedent under the 1999 Constitution, and no Supreme Court ruling that grants the President such sweeping powers.

The 1999 Constitution, as amended, is as clear as a whistle that section 305 which grants the President powers to declare a state of emergency does not provide for the removal or suspension of an elected Governor.

Section 11(4) explicitly denies even the National Assembly the power to remove a Governor under emergency rule; meaning it certainly cannot authorize the President to do so.

The principle of federalism, which underpins Nigeria’s governance structure, dictates that Governors derive their mandate directly from the people and not from the President.

WHAT COULD HAPPEN IF THIS PRECEDENT IS ALLOWED TO STAND?

One of the most dangerous aspects of President Tinubu’s action is the precedent it sets for the future of democracy in Nigeria. If a President can wake up one morning and, under the guise of an emergency, remove a Governor and dissolve the State Legislature, what prevents the same President or future Presidents from doing the same in other states?

In fact, if the logic of this unconstitutional action is stretched further, it raises an even more disturbing possibility:

What if a President wakes up tomorrow and declares an emergency in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT)? The Constitution recognizes the FCT as a state.

Could the President then suspend the Senate and the House of Representatives that supervise the FCT and appoint himself as Sole Administrator of the FCT and Federal Republic of Nigeria?

These hypothetical scenarios, once dismissed as absurd, in my earlier research have now become real threats when constitutional violations are left unchallenged and unchecked.

PRESIDENT TINUBU’S ATTEMPT TO RELY ON NON EXISTENT EMERGENCY LAWS

To compound the legal crisis, Tinubu’s government seeks to justify its actions by invoking emergency regulations that do not exist in Nigeria’s current legal framework. The 1961 Emergency Powers Act, which was made pursuant to Section 65(1) of the 1960 Constitution, is no longer in force. That law had allowed the Governor-General to make sweeping regulations, including appointing an Administrator, restricting fundamental rights, and even suspending state governments.

However, this law ceased to have effect long ago. When Nigeria transitioned from the Westminster system to the presidential system in 1979, the framers of the Constitution deliberately omitted any provision that could allow such broad emergency powers.

The Laws of the Federation of Nigeria, 1990, provide a clear confirmation: the 1961 Emergency Powers Act is described as “omitted; spent”. This means that it has since been consigned to the vehicle of historical oblivion and cannot be resurrected to justify Tinubu’s current unconstitutional acts.

A CLOSING CAVEAT: THE PERILOUS PRECEDENT OF TINUBU’S EMERGENCY RULE IN RIVERS STATE

Not a few Nigerians have argued quite plausibly, too, that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s recent declaration of emergency rule in Rivers State and the suspension of Governor Siminalayi Fubara, his Deputy, and the State House of Assembly was not purely a matter of law and order, but an act driven by political expediency and personal indignation.

The President finds himself presiding over a nation teetering on the brink economic hardship, rising insecurity, public angst, and deep-seated political fractures. Yet, rather than confront these crises headlong with statesmanship, his administration appears to be flexing emergency powers in a manner that raises more questions than it answers. If Rivers State warranted emergency rule, why then have states like Zamfara and Niger where armed bandits and insurgents have reduced governance to an afterthought not received the same treatment?

Even the most ardent defenders of Tinubu’s emergency Decree ( for a Decree it is in reality) must pause and ask: Is Rivers State the greatest threat to national stability, or is it merely the most convenient political battleground? If emergency rule in Rivers was truly about law and order, why was a hand-picked Administrator imposed while duly elected officials were unceremoniously suspended from office? Is this about democratic governance, or is it about power and control?

If Nigeria remains a constitutional democracy, then the same Constitution must apply to all, irrespective of political affiliation or convenience. If Tinubu’s draconian action in Rivers State is allowed to stand, it sets a dangerous precedent where emergency powers become a tool for political suppression and repression rather than a last resort for genuine intractable crises.

So, the question remains: Is this the Nigeria we want or deserve? Or shall we, in our studied silence, watch democracy dismantled piecemeal with one emergency declaration at a time? History will surely judge us all.

The Oracle

The Oracle: Entertainment is the Next Hope for Nigeria After Oil (Pt. 2)

Published

7 days ago

February 27, 2026

Eric

Prof Mike Ozekhome SAN

INTRODUCTION

The inaugural part of this piece was necessarily introductory. It examined the interplay between economic development and the demand for leisure; the growth and evolution of the entertainment industry- with a focus on Nigeria, specifically Nollywood. This week’s feature (its second and final installment) continues from where the previous week’s stopped with an assessment of other aspects of the industry like comedy and music. Thereafter, we discuss the potential of entertainment as the new ‘oil’ and conclude with a review of the impact emerging technologies such as Artificial Intelligence is having on the entertainment industry. Enjoy.

NOLLYWOOD (continues)

Nigeria’s biggest export to the world comes from her entertainment sector. In recent years Nigerian home videos, music and culture have found their ways into several African countries where they are dominating the local film and music industry.

A 2010 article by The Economist said thus: “Nigerian films are as popular abroad as they are at home. Ivorian rebels in the bush stop fighting when a shipment of DVDs arrives from Lagos. Zambian mothers say their children talk with accent learnt from Nigerian television. When the president of Sierra Leone asked Genevieve Nnaji, a Lagosian screen goddess, to join on the campaign trail, he attracted record crowds at his rally. Millions of Africans watch Nigerian films every day, many more than see American fare. And yet Africans have mixed feelings about Nollywood.” (The Economist. Lights, camera, Africa.http://www.economist.com/node/17723124).

So ubiquitous and pervasive is the Nigerian Entertainment industry that several African countries have actually raised alarm over what they term “the Nigerianization of Africa” (sort of a modern recolonization of Africa by Nigeria) –with some countries going as far as instituting measures to curb the growth of Nigerian films (and invariably Nigerian culture) in their country.
It is instructive to note that the Nigerian film industry has been able to propel itself to the current position it stands at without government support. The films are produced by individual financiers and marketed by private companies. However, recently- government and other international organization, like the World Bank, have begun to make effort to boost the industry. The Nigerian government and World Bank recently made available a loan scheme for movie producers and directors Nigeria’s entertainment and media market grew by 19.3% in 2014 to reach US$4 billion. By 2019, the market will be more than twice as big, with estimated total revenue of US$8.1 billion (tp://www.financialnigeria.com/nigeria-s-entertainment-and-media-industry-to-grow-to-8bn-by-2019-sustainable-photovideo-details-140.html#sthash.YKRy1xfI.dpuf).

COMEDY INDUTSRY

The Comedy sector of the Entertainment industry has become so huge that comedy has now become one of Nigeria’s export to Africa and the world. It is not yet clear how much or to what extent the sector contributes to the economy. A guess however, is that it is likely to be substantial. If not for anything, the very fact that the sector has acted as a catalyst to pull some Nigerian youth out of poverty into a life of affluence is more than enough contribution to the advancement of the economy. Comedians earn millions putting smiles on the faces of disgruntled Nigerians, giving them a short reprieve from the challenges faced on a daily basis. In addition to engaging their talents, entertainers also exploit their increasing celebrity status, resulting in income from endorsements of companies from a range of industries. The creative arts industry holds the potential to enrich Nigerians of all ages but also provides much needed therapy to help soothe the social woes that plague this developing nation.

NIGERIA MUSIC

Much like the film industry, the Nigerian music industry has grown over the years largely on individual efforts rather than governmental or institutional support. Nigerian music and the accompanying videos, are the most followed and watched, in Africa, with local acts collaborating with different music acts across the world from American’s Kanye West to Tanzania’s Diamond Platnumz. Davido’s signing with Sony Music has been described as a major game changer for Nigerian pop music. Another triumph is the story of Wizkid who is currently on a roll with an appearance on Drake’s album, as well as several other reported collaborations with Jidenna and Chris Brown.

Like Nollywood, the Nigerian music industry has enormous influence in the socio-cultural activities of the country –and indeed the rest of Africa. Nigerian musicians have coined several slangs (often nonsensical and meaningless) that have gained acceptance in mainstream Nigerian languages and are often weaved intricately into the social behavior, communication and behavior of the public.
It was reported that an estimated 1200 concerts and musical shows take place every year and account for a combined annual turnover of US$105.5 million from that sector alone!

ENTERTAINMENT AS THE NEW OIL

As stated above, Price water house Coopers came out with a report that the Nigerian entertainment industry is predicted to generate revenue in excess of $8 billion dollars by 2019. If President Buhari’s budget for 2016 is N6.02 trillion, and expected earnings from the industry are pegged at N2.51616 trillion ($8 billion at the official rate of N314.52), then the Nigerian entertainment sector is clearly at the forefront of the economy. If the entertainment industry, an industry currently underfunded and previously disregarded, can garner that much in terms of revenue, then Nigerians can be hopeful and confident of the future, despite the gathering economic storm clouds. As good as this sounds, there are other positive signs based on projections of the future growth direction of the industry (Naija.com. Feature: Entertainment as the alternative to oil for Nigeria. https://www.naij.com/823542-now-that-crude-oil-is-worthless-heres-another-option-for-nigeria.html).

Analysts had said that the movie segment made about N1.72trn in 2013. According to Business Day, the rebasing exercise shows the huge leap how the entire entertainment sector had been hugely underrated over the years. The sector was earlier classified amongst ‘other services’ that barely contribute N5bn to the annual GDP. The share has risen, sharply, from its once-insignificant status to become the first five. “What surprises me the most is the ‘Motions pictures, sound recording and music production’, which jumped to N9trn, which is a huge amount. I didn’t expect that kind of jump. Initially, it was under ‘other services’ where items that are too small are captured during the GDP computation,” (Leadership Newspaper. How Entertainment Contributes To Nigeria’s GDP. http://leadership.ng/entertainment/364405/entertainment-contributes-nigerias-gdp).

Also, in the last five years, the industry has grown in terms of quality and has been rated the third most valuable movie industry in the world, behind Hollywood and Bollywood. The development has also impacted on returns. The United Nations said, last May, that Nollywood is estimated to employ some 1,000,000 people and had the potential to create 1,000,000 more in the future if properly managed. Its release of about 50 films a week puts it in the same bracket in terms of production with movie-mad India, although revenues — thought to be about $590m a year — are considerably less.

ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE IN THE MEDIA AND ENTERTAINMENT INDUSTRY

I agree with Aluko and Oyebode (https://www.aluko-oyebode.com/insights/artificial-intel-in-nigeria-issue-1/ accessed on 30th January, 2026) that the distribution of content in the global media and entertainment industry is rapidly changing. The reasons are not far-fetched: the increasing accessibility of content creation technologies such as high-resolution cameras, content development software, and smartphones, almost anybody can now create, publish, and share written, audio, and video content.

I also agree with them that this trend is further accelerated by the proliferation of the internet, which has led to the replacement of traditional media channels like cable and radio with on-demand streaming platforms like Netflix and YouTube. Consequently, consumers have potentially limitless options to choose from, in terms of media consumption, with the results that media companies are facing the need to raise the quantity as well as the quality of content they create to attract as many consumers as they can to drive higher value. This is where advanced technologies like Artificial Intelligence (AI) have proved handy in helping media companies to improve their services and enhance the customer experience.

I couldn’t agree more with their opinion that the following are instances of the use of AI in transforming the media and entertainment industry:

Content Personalization

We all enjoy popular SVOD platforms like Netflix, Hulu, and Prime which brings to us the kind of shows and movies that we love; this surely better than scrolling through their database searching for content that we prefer. That’s AI at the work. Additionally, content streaming sites have perfected their streaming recommendations according to different tastes and preferences for people of all locations, deploying machine-learning and AI algorithms to analyze user behavior, in terms of what genre of content users are mostly streaming in order to maximize the user experience. AI uses these data insights to create a highly personalized experience for every user.

Search Optimization

AI has also made it easier and more accurate to obtain search results and suggestions. For example, rather than searching for the title of a movie or the name of an item, you may just submit an image to Google and obtain results based on the image. Instead of searching for random lyrics to find the name of a song, you may play it and a streaming software like Shazam can identify the music for you. You may also instruct your phone to perform some actions after tapping the back or the screen for a particular number of time.
Regrettably, Nigeria has a long way to go in enacting appropriate universal AI regulation, forcing operators of these platforms to contend with mostly local laws, such as those dealing with copyright, when dealing with protected content. This also includes the Cybercrimes (Prohibition, Prevention, Etc) (Amendment) Act, 2024, in respect of illegal contents, Child Pornography and the Nigeria Data Protection Act and Regulations when dealing with consumers data.

CONCLUSION

John Litwack (The Lead Economist for Nigeria, World Bank.) stated that: “the large number of underemployed youth is a serious threat to the economic and political stability of the country. The median age in Nigeria is 14, and the population continues to grow at a rate close to 3 percent”. There is no doubt that Nigeria as a nation continues to remain one with tremendous potential.

However, it only remains that – a nation with tremendous potential – if Nigeria remains over dependent on the oil and gas industry and adequate investments are not made in initiatives that are more promising. The music industry continues to impress, transforming the global perception of Nigerians and employing teeming Nigerian youth whilst proving to be a lucrative venture for zealous entrepreneurs. Nollywood has also been identified as a promising industry with the potential to unlock both economic and social benefits. The industry has already hinted at its promise and is internationally competitive despite relatively little financial input. More investments need to be made to improve the quality and marketing of movies, but also enable the establishment of a self-sustaining domestic cinema industry. The industry however, remains far from its potential and with increased investments should not only help employ and entertain a significant portion of the Nigerian populace, but also provide forex flows from a growing international customer base. (The end).

THOUGHT FOR THE WEEK

“The world is a stage, the stage is a world of entertainment”. -Howard Dietz.

The Oracle

The Oracle: Entertainment, the Next Hope for Nigeria After Oil (Pt. 1)

Published

2 weeks ago

February 20, 2026

Eric

By Prof Mike Ozekhome

INTRODUCTION

Entertainment is a form of activity that holds the attention and interest of an audience, or gives pleasure and delight. It can be an idea or a task, but is more likely to be one of the activities or events that have developed over thousands of years specifically for the purpose of keeping an audience’s attention (The Oxford English Dictionary (Oxford University Press, 1971, Vol. 1 pp. 213–4)).

According to Wikipedia, Entertainment is any activity which provides a diversion or permits people to amuse themselves in their leisure time, and may also provide fun, enjoyment and laughter. People may create their own entertainment, such as when they spontaneously invent a game; participate actively in an activity they find entertaining, such as when they play sport as a hobby; or consume an entertainment product passively, such as when they attend a performance (Wikipedia, Outline of entertainment. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Outline_of_entertainment).

The entertainment industry (informally known as show business or show biz) is part of the tertiary sector of the economy and includes a large number of sub-industries devoted to entertainment. However, the term is often used in the mass media to describe the mass media companies that control the distribution and manufacture of mass media entertainment. In the popular parlance, the term show biz in particular connotes the commercially popular performing arts, especially musical theatre, vaudeville, comedy, film, and music. It applies to every aspect of entertainment including cinema, television, radio, theatre and music.

ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT AND THE DEMAND FOR LEISURE

Leisure time has been a determining factor in the development of recreation and entertainment as an industry. Entertainment has grown as an industry in step with increased income and time available for leisure and recreation. Economic development, often quantified in terms of productivity or output per person-hour, has enabled goods and services to be produced with fewer labor inputs. The growth of the entertainment industries has been directly related to the development of a modern economy and rising economic productivity, though precise estimation of the demand for leisure is a thorny task (Owen, John D. 1971. The Demand for Leisure. Journal of Political Economy 79 (1): 56–76.). An important issue in the development of entertainment as an industry is the rising productivity of workers, and in particular the ways in which technical progress has increased worker productivity. Progress in technology, in addition to creating the demand for entertainment products and services, has also led to the creation of much of the dominant forms of contemporary entertainment (Thomson Gale. Loc cit.).

THE ENTERTAINMENT INDUSTRY: GROWTH AND PROGRESS

The Compound Annual Growth Rate (CAGR) of the entertainment and media spending worldwide has been predicted between 2014 and 2019, by sector. Of the 13 sectors that make up the Entertainment and Media industry, film will grow at the seventh-fastest pace worldwide. The fastest is Internet advertising, which will grow 13.1 percent annually from 2013-2017. Print will bring up the rear, with magazine publishing growing at 0.3 percent, while the newspaper industry remains flat. A milestone will occur in 2016, when the global E&M category becomes a $2 trillion industry (http://www.billboard.com/biz/articles/news/global/1565728/study-global-entertainment-industry-poised-to-top-2-trillion-in).

Despite forecasts revealing that online formats will experience the most annual growth, a further breakdown of worldwide entertainment and media revenue in 2009, 2013 and 2018, by platform reveals that non-digital platforms such as magazine and newspaper publishing will continue to dominate. In 2009, digital revenue for the industry totaled 342 billion U.S. dollars and non-digital revenue totaled 1,038 billion U.S. dollars. By 2018, it is expected that digital revenue will total 994 billion.

Entertainment as an industry—in the United States alone—is responsible each year for $150 billion in expenditures and some 120 billion hours of consumed time (Vogel, Harold L. 1998. Entertainment Industry Economics: A Guide for Financial Analysis. 4th ed. New York: Cambridge University Press.). Entertainment as an economic sector consists of diverse products and services including motion pictures, television, music, broadcasting, print media, toys, gaming, gambling, sports, and fine arts (Thomson Gale, Entertainment industry. International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences 2008.). In 2017, Americans will buy 1.3 billion movie tickets and pay an average price of $9.60 for them, according to PwC, representing a slow growth of 1.3 percent a year in admissions and 2 percent a year in ticket prices stateside.

Based on PwC’s Global Entertainment & Media Outlook, the global E&M industry, following a pandemic-related decline in 2020, has experienced a period of significant growth. The industry in 2026 has reached an approximate growth rate of US$3 trillion in revenues.

Following a 2.3% decline in 2020, the industry saw a 10.4% rebound in 2021. Global advertising revenue has increased to $1 trillion in 2026, with digital advertising continuing to grow, at a 6.6% or higher CAGR

The Key Growth Drivers of the entertainment industry in Nigeria today includes but not limited to:
Video Games: Global video games and esports revenue, totaling US$215.6bn in 2021, is forecasted to grow at an 8.5% CAGR to reach US$323.5bn in 2026.
Over-the-top (OTT) Video: Expected to grow at a 7.6% CAGR through 2026, pushing revenues to US$114.1bn.
Cinema: Projected to reach a new high in 2023, with revenues rising at an 18.9% CAGR from 2021 to 2026.
Virtual Reality (VR): Forecasted to grow at a 24% CAGR to US$7.6bn in 2026.

The Emerging markets continue to lead with higher CAGRs, including Turkey (estimated 14.2%), Argentina (10.4%), India (9.1%), and Nigeria (8.8%) between 2021 and 2026. In contrast, however, traditional TV has declined at a -0.8% CAGR from 2021 to 2026.

THE ENTERTAINMENT INDUSTRY OF NIGERIA

Nigeria’s entertainment industry is a booming global force, led by Nollywood (the film industry), the world’s second-largest by volume, and a vibrant music sector (Afrobeats), both driving significant economic growth, international cultural influence, and job creation, despite ongoing challenges like piracy and rising production costs, with streaming and digital platforms fueling its massive expansion.

Entertainment serves as a major force for social and economic good, the sector provides, educates, and releases stress. The Nigerian entertainment industry is a major economic driver, (a rapidly expanding global powerhouse), with revenues expectation of $4.9 billion in 2026. The sector contributes significantly to GDP, with over ₦1.97 trillion generated in 2023. Digital streaming and social media are major drivers, connecting local talent to international audiences.

The Entertainment industry in Nigeria comprise of the film sector, the music sector, the comedy sector, the fashion and the art sector. The Nollywood veteran, Richard Mofe Danmijo, while delivering a speech at Professor Pat Utomi’s Annual Lecture, on 15th January, 2015, titled: “Impact of Entertainment on Nigeria’s Economy”, surmised the contribution of the Entertainment sector to the economy of Nigeria in this way: “Nollywood, the film and video segment, is the clear leader. In the last couple of years, our music has taken the world by storm. Our art is making in-roads into the global marketplace. Fashion has set its footstool in the global arena. Life theatre has come alive and the new media has continued to make these different aspects of entertainment available to the world in real time,”

NOLLYWOOD

According to Wikipedia, the emergence of the video film market in Nigeria is traced back to the 1980s when television productions thrived. Jimi Odumosu’s Evil Encounter, a 1980 horror film released directly on television, was the first production to be a pointer to how lucrative making film directly on video can be (Wikipedia, Cinema of Nigeria. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cinema_of_Nigeria). The film was extensively promoted before being aired on the television, and as a result, had streets flooded in the following morning with video copies of the recorded broadcast. It was reported that the film became an instant hit at Alaba market, a commercial district which later became the hub of video distribution in this period and also eventually became the hub of piracy in Nigeria. Since Evil Encounter, it became common, especially in Southern Nigerian cities to see video copies of recorded television programmes traded on the streets (History of Nollywood”. Nificon. Retrieved 15 October 2014. http://www.nificon.org/about/history-of-nollywood/).

This method was adopted and built on by producers and distributors at Alaba Market to reinvent the film industry, since the Nigerian cinema culture was facing a major decline. The first film produced on video in Nigeria was 1988’s SosoMeji, produced by Ade Ajiboye. The film was also screened at the few available theatres at the time. Subsequently, Alade Aromire produced Ekun (1989) on video, which was screened at the National Theatre, Iganmu (Emeagwali, Gloria (Spring 2004). “Editorial: Nigerian Film Industry”. Central Connecticut State University. Africa Update Vol. XI, Issue 2. Accessed January 30th, 2026) Emejulu, Obiajulu A.; Amadi, Dan Chima (December 2014). “Living in bondage: A dream deferred or a promise betrayed for Igbo linguistic and cultural renaissance?”. Academic Journals. International Journal of English and Literature. Retrieved 7 April 2015).

However, the boom experienced in this era is generally believed to have been kick started by Kenneth Nnebue’s Living in Bondage (1992). Nnebue had an excess number of imported video cassettes which he then used to shoot his first film on a Video camera (Nigeria’s film industry, The Economist”. Economist.com. 2006-07-27.). Although Living in Bondage is often touted in the media as the “first commercial video film”, several historians have argued that the video film industry was already booming before Living in Bondage (Nnabuko, J.O.; Anatsui, Tina C. (June 2012). “NOLLYWOOD MOVIES AND NIGERIAN YOUTHS-AN EVALUATION” (PDF). JORIND 10. 10 (2). ISSN 1596-8308. Retrieved 18 February 2015).

At the commencement of major boom in the 1990s, marked by the release of the direct-to-video film Living in Bondage (1992); the industry peaked in the mid 2000s to become the second largest film industry in the world in terms of the number of annual film productions, placing it ahead of the United States and behind only India. The films started dominating screens across the African continent and by extension, the Caribbeans and the Diaspora, with the movies significantly influencing cultures, and the film actors becoming household names across the continent.

According to Muyiwa Babarinde , the influence of Nigerian films has also crossed beyond the Nigerian borders (Op-Ed Editor and MuyiwaBabarinde, Y! Report: Nigeria’s emergence as Africa’s media and entertainment superpower. http://ynaija.com/y-report-nigerias-emergence-as-africas-media-and-entertainment-superpower/). Late Tayo Aderinokun, cofounder of Guaranty Trust Bank (GTB), in a 2004 speech said: “According to the Filmmakers Cooperative of Nigeria, every film in Nigeria has a potential audience of 15 million people within the country and 5 million outside. These statistics maybe somewhat conservative considering that half of West Africa’s 250 million people are Nigerians.” (TayoAderinokun, There are many untapped business opportunities in Nigerian film industry. Presentation made at the 50th Art Stampede Session of the Committee for Relevant Art (CORA) held at The National Theatre, Iganmu, Surulere, Lagos, Nigeria on Sunday March 7th, 2004.).

To be continued…

THOUGHT FOR THE WEEK

“The world is a stage, the stage is a world of entertainment”. -Howard Dietz

The Oracle

The Oracle: The University As Catalyst for Societal Development (Pt. 7)

Published

3 weeks ago

February 13, 2026

Eric

By Prof Mike Ozekhome SAN

INTRODUCTION

In our last episode, we examined the core functions of Universities as tools for societal development through the following prisms: social mobility/equity; political development and cultural/social transformation. Thereafter, we analysed the challenges hindering the attainment of that goal, such as underfunding/structural decay and brain-drain. Today, we shall continue with same theme focusing on curriculum irrelevance; policization, corruption/strikes; poor research linkages; week institutional autonomy and limited global competitiveness (especially) African universities. Later we shall x-ray some pathways for reclaiming the university’s role and then conclusion. Enjoy.

Curriculum Irrelevance

In Nigeria, universities are meant to be engines of societal uplift—factories of innovation, virtue, and capacity. Yet, the curricula they enforce often remain anchored in the past, oblivious to the needs of the present or the demands of tomorrow. When the syllabus fails to track global technology, local industry, or national development, it becomes a gilded cage: polished on the outside, hollow within.

Former Education Minister Tunde Adeniran admonished that the current university curricula are outdated, producing “parasites and unemployable graduates.” These are not empty words—they are the judgment of authority and the verdict of public concern (Nigerian Tribune, “Nigerian varsity curriculum producing parasites, unemployable graduates — Adeniran, ex-education minister” https://tribuneonlineng.com/nigerian-varsity-curriculum-producing-parasites-unemployable-graduates-adeniran-ex-education-minister/ accessed 9 September 2025). The result? A cohort of graduates burdened with degrees, yet stripped of relevant skills, unable to build, to create, or to serve.

Politicization, Corruption and Strikes

In Nigeria (and indeed across much of Africa) the university, meant to be a forge of societal advancement, is often smothered by politicization, where creation and control of institutions serve political ends rather than national development. Many federal universities have been established not out of educational necessity but out of electoral calculus—aimed at scoring regional loyalties, patronage, or political symbolism. The result? A proliferation of half-funded institutions, where infrastructure lags, academic standards wither, and the capacity for meaningful engagement with society diminishes (Punch, “ASUU strike: Not again”).

Amidst this politicization, corruption festers at multiple levels—financial, academic, and moral. Financial mismanagement and nepotism divert scarce resources away from teaching and research; admission racketeering, “sorting” (cash-for-grades), ghost workers, and sexual harassment for marks corrode the moral fabric of institutions and undermine public. These corrupt practices distort the university’s purpose and erode its capacity to produce the leaders and professionals the nation so desperately needs.

Poor Research–Industry Linkages

One of the most persistent challenges facing many African universities is the weak linkage between academic research and industry demand. Despite individual examples of collaboration through internships, guest lectures, and curriculum co-development, these partnerships often remain fragmented and under-resourced. Particularly among small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs), there is often limited capacity to engage with universities meaningfully, and vice versa — universities frequently lack sufficient incentives or infrastructure to align their research with market needs. Further constraints include scarce funding for applied research and commercialization, weak intellectual property management frameworks, and the absence of robust national strategic frameworks that align universities, industry, and government. As a result, many promising discoveries fail to cross the “valley of death” between innovation and market readiness.

Weak University Autonomy

Another structural barrier is the limited autonomy of universities. Across many African nations, public universities remain heavily controlled by governments through centralization of governance structures, finance, and administrative systems. For instance, in Ethiopia, Addis Ababa University’s attempts at governance reform toward autonomy have been hampered by lack of infrastructure capacity, insufficient stakeholder consensus, and inadequate political support. In Nigeria, public universities are often integrated into centralized payroll systems (such as IPPIS), face constrained admissions and funding models, and operate under dominant governing councils, all of which hinder independent decision-making. This restricted autonomy curtails their ability to innovate academically, manage financial resources effectively, and respond nimbly to evolving educational needs (https://journals.researchparks.org/index.php/IJIE/article/view/4286? > Accessed on 9th September, 2025).

Limited Global Competitiveness of African Universities

A third significant constraint is the diminished global competitiveness of African universities. Many fall short of top-tier global rankings—such as QS or Times Higher Education—due to a combination of inadequate research funding, low output of high-impact publications, poor infrastructure, and limited international engagement. For example, in Nigeria only a handful of universities appear in the global QS rankings, often placed far below their counterparts in Egypt or South Africa. Issues like academic instability (e.g., frequent strikes), brain drain, and limited visibility in global research networks further hinder competitiveness. In South Africa, previously high-performing institutions are slipping in global rankings, citing weakened research output and intensifying international competition (https://thenigeriaeducationnews.com/2025/03/19/africas-top-10-universities-academic-excellence-global-rankings-and-the-challenges-hindering-world-class-recognition/?utm_source=chatgpt.com> accessed on 9th September, 2025).
PATHWAYS TO RECLAIM THE UNIVERSITY’S ROLE

Adequate Funding and Resource Allocation

No institution thrives on starvation. For decades, African universities, particularly in Nigeria, have been treated as beggars at the table of national budgets. The result is crumbling lecture halls, under-equipped laboratories, poorly paid staff, and students learning theory without practice. If the university is truly the furnace where nations are forged, then it must be funded like the arsenal of national survival. Adequate funding does not mean mere salary payment; it means strategic investment in infrastructure, digital libraries, research grants, and innovation hubs. Without resources, universities cannot catalyze societal development—they will merely recycle mediocrity.

University–Industry–Government Synergy (Triple Helix Model)

Universities cannot exist as isolated ivory towers; they must become bridges between theory and practice. The “triple helix model” insists that government provides enabling policy, industry provides practical platforms and funding, while universities supply research and talent. In Nigeria, this linkage is painfully weak. Industries complain that graduates are unemployable, while universities lament poor funding. The cure is deliberate partnerships—internship pipelines, joint research projects, industrial endowments, and policy incentives. When these three actors intertwine, the university becomes a genuine catalyst, converting knowledge into usable development.

Emphasis on Research Commercialization
Too often, African universities produce theses and dissertations that gather dust on shelves instead of birthing patents, startups, or policy tools. This academic graveyard must be transformed into a marketplace of innovation. Research should not end in publication alone; it should translate into products, services, and solutions that society can use. In medicine, in agriculture, in law, in energy—findings must be commercialized and protected through intellectual property systems. By bridging the gap between “research for recognition” and “research for relevance,” universities can directly shape national economies.

Curriculum Reform: Innovation, Entrepreneurship, Technology, Ethics
The curriculum is the blueprint of a nation’s future. Outdated syllabi that ignore present realities will continue to produce graduates unfit for tomorrow’s challenges. Reform must be bold—infusing innovation, entrepreneurship, and technology across disciplines. Yet, skill without character is dangerous; hence ethics and leadership must also be embedded. Universities should not only produce engineers and lawyers, but entrepreneurs, inventors, and nation-builders who combine competence with conscience. Such curricula create graduates who are not job seekers, but job creators.

International Collaboration and Global Competitiveness

Knowledge knows no borders. In a world where research is increasingly global, African universities cannot afford parochialism. Partnerships with international institutions, exchange programs, joint publications, and participation in global rankings expose universities to best practices and raise their credibility. Furthermore, attracting foreign students and researchers generates revenue, enhances diversity, and situates the university as a global player. For Africa, this is not about imitation but about integration—entering the global stage while retaining local relevance.

Revival of Mentorship, Discipline, and Value-Driven Leadership

At the heart of the university’s decline lies a deficit of character. A generation of students has witnessed more strikes than semesters, more corruption than integrity, more shortcuts than mentorship. To reclaim the university’s role, there must be a moral revival. Senior academics must mentor juniors not only in scholarship but in values. Discipline—academic rigor, respect for deadlines, ethical research practices—must be re-enthroned. Leadership within universities must be less about politics and more about service. For without values, knowledge becomes a weapon; with values, knowledge becomes light.

CONCLUSION

The university, when rightly positioned, is far more than an academic enclave; it is the multiplier of societal progress and the beating heart of national destiny. It is here that knowledge is preserved, expanded, and transmitted across generations. It is here that research generates the innovations which fuel economic development, and where civic values are cultivated to sustain social cohesion. More than a training ground for professionals, the university is a crucible of leadership, a forum for critical debate, and a repository of cultural memory. In every society, universities function as both mirrors and architects—reflecting prevailing realities while simultaneously shaping the trajectory of the future.
No nation can rise above the strength of its universities. Where universities thrive, societies flourish with creativity, industry, and progress; where they falter, societies stumble into ignorance, unemployment, and stagnation. To underfund or neglect the university is not simply to weaken an institution—it is to weaken the very foundations of national development. To politicize it or reduce it to a degree factory is to mortgage the future and silence the engines of transformation that drive innovation, governance, and economic competitiveness.

Yet, when universities are nurtured, they become unstoppable catalysts for growth. With adequate funding, sound governance, global collaboration, and strong research–industry linkages, they evolve into hubs of knowledge creation, innovation, and civic renewal. They serve as bridges between past traditions and future aspirations, ensuring that societies remain adaptive, resilient, and forward-looking. They also extend their impact beyond the campus walls, engaging with communities, shaping public policy, and inspiring social reform.

For Africa, and Nigeria in particular, the stakes are especially high. If the continent is to break cycles of dependency and underdevelopment, it must reclaim and reposition its universities as engines of transformation. This requires more than piecemeal interventions; it calls for systemic reform, sustained investment, and a cultural revaluation of the role of higher education. When universities are strong, they not only prepare individuals for the workforce but also generate solutions to national challenges, foster inclusive societies, and project the intellectual sovereignty of the continent.

The truth is simple but profound: a society’s development is mirrored by the strength of its universities. To strengthen them is to secure the future, to invest in human capital, and to expand the horizons of possibility. To neglect them is to doom tomorrow to mediocrity, dependency, and decline. If Africa seeks genuine transformation, and if Nigeria desires enduring progress, then the university must remain at the centre: resourced, reformed, and revered as the catalyst of societal development. (Concluded)

THOUGHT FOR THE WEEK

“A University should be a place of light, of liberty, and of learning” – Benjamin Disraeli