The Oracle
Nigeria’s Political Leadership Since 1960 and Rhythms of Corruption (Pt. 2)
Published
9 months agoon
By
Eric
By Prof Mike Ozekhome SAN
Introduction
In the first part of this article, we examined the nexus between leadership and corruption, after which we embarked on a brief historical review of our political leadership from the pre independence period to the First Republic. Today, we shall examine how the first republic was aborted by the military coup and its push-back (the counter-coup) and how ethnic tensions preceeded the civil war which followed afterwards.
Thereafter, we shall trace the persistent trajectory of corruption through the ensuing thirteen years of military rule up to our 2nd experience of democracy between 1979 and 1983; the Buhari-Idiagbon military era (and its preference for draconian decrees) which was later replaced by the seemingly benevolent/benignly regime of our first (and only) military president, Ibrahim Babangida. Enjoy.
MILITARY COUPS: THE END OF THE FIRST REPUBLIC
By 1966, the situation had reached a boiling point. The civilian government, unable to control the escalating violence and political instability, was overthrown in Nigeria’s first military coup. On January 15, 1966, a group of young army officers, mostly of Igbo extraction, assassinated key political leaders, including Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa, Northern Premier Ahmadu Bello, and Western Premier Samuel Akintola.
Major Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu, the leader of the coup, declared that the military intervention was necessary to rid the country of corruption, tribalism, and political mismanagement. In his words, “We must halt this rigged dancing competition where the winner is pre-determined before the music even begins.” However, rather than halting Nigeria’s downward spiral, the coup plunged the country into even deeper turmoil.
The coup was widely perceived in the north as an Igbo conspiracy to dominate Nigeria, especially since key northern leaders were among the casualties while the Igbo-dominated Eastern Region’s leaders remained untouched (see Wikipedia contributors. (n.d.). Nigerian Civil War. Wikipedia. <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nigerian_Civil_War>. Assessed on the 19th of September, 2024.). The result was a counter-coup in July 1966, led by northern officers, which culminated in the assassination of the new head of state, General Aguiyi-Ironsi, who was Igbo. Lieutenant Colonel Yakubu Gowon, a northern Christian, assumed leadership. What followed was a period of intense ethnic violence, particularly targeted against Igbos living in the northern regions. Tens of thousands of Igbos were massacred in what some historians consider a precursor to the Nigerian Civil War (ibid).
ETHNIC TENSIONS AND THE ROAD TO CIVIL WAR
As Nigeria lurched from one crisis to another, the dream of a united nation began to fade. The period from 1966 to 1967 was marked by intense negotiations to prevent the breakup of the country (ibid). However, the killing of Igbos in the north created a mass exodus of Igbos back to the Eastern Region. The regional military governor of the east, Colonel Odumegwu Ojukwu, declared the secession of the Eastern Region, naming it the Republic of Biafra in May 1967 (Lewis, P. (2007). Oil, politics, and economic change in Indonesia and Nigeria. University of Michigan Press. p. 78. ISBN 9780472024742.). In his declaration, Ojukwu framed the conflict as a matter of survival for the Igbo people, stating that “We are humans. We live. We fight, fight because the decision to be free is a decision taken freely and collectively, because to become involved in violent struggle for freedom is the only honour left to an oppressed people threatened with genocide, because in the final analysis the only true bulwark against death is to live. Biafra rejects death…Biafra lives” (Brittle Paper. (2014). 9 powerful quotes by Ojukwu on the history of Biafra and the revolution. Brittle Paper. <https://brittlepaper.com/2014/06/9-powerful-quotes-ojukwu-history-biafra-revolution/>. Assessed on the 19th of September, 2024.).
Gowon, on the other hand, insisted on the unity of Nigeria. To him, allowing Biafra to secede would set a dangerous precedent for other regions, potentially leading to the disintegration of the entire country. His famous declaration that “There is no basis for a Nigerian nation, except the will to stay together” encapsulated the fragile nature of Nigeria’s unity.
What followed was a brutal civil war that lasted from 1967 to 1970, with millions of lives lost, particularly on the Biafran side which killed an estimated 500,000 to 3,000,000 people (see Encyclopaedia Britannica. (n.d.). Nigerian Civil War. Encyclopaedia Britannica. <https://www.britannica.com/topic/Nigerian-civil-war>. Assessed on the 19th of September, 2024.). The images of starving children from Biafra became a symbol of the horrors of the war, drawing international attention. The war ended with Biafra’s surrender in 1970, and Gowon’s government famously declared that there was “no victor, no vanquished.” (Origins. (2020). The Nigerian Civil War: Remembering Biafra, 50 years later. Origins: Current Events in Historical Perspective. https://origins.osu.edu/milestones/nigerian-civil-war-biafra-anniversary. Assessed on the 19th of September, 2024.). However, the scars of the war would linger, deeply affecting Nigeria’s political trajectory in the years to come.
CORRUPTION: A PERSISTENT THEME
While the political landscape of Nigeria was shaped by ethnic tensions and military coups, corruption quickly became a persistent theme in its governance. From the early years of the First Republic, political leaders were accused of using their positions to enrich themselves at the expense of the people (Republic. (2023). Political party financing in Nigeria. Republic. <https://republic.com.ng/February-March-2023/political-party-financing-in-nigeria/>. Assessed on the 18th of January, 2025.). A report by Nigeria’s Coker Commission of Inquiry in 1962 found that Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s government in the Western Region had used public funds to finance the operations of his political party, the Action Group. This was just one of many scandals that eroded public trust in the political class.
The military leaders who took over after the coup of 1966 were not immune to corruption either. While they came to power with promises of cleaning up the political mess, they quickly became entangled in the same web of patronage and self-interest. Gowon’s government, despite overseeing the end of the civil war and initiating efforts to “rebuild” the nation, was plagued by accusations of financial impropriety. Nigeria’s sudden oil wealth, thanks to the oil boom of the 1970s, only made matters worse (Ogunmodede, T. A., & Egunjobi, F. (2018). Historical analysis of Boko Haram insurgency and terrorism in Nigeria.Open Access Library Journal, 5(2), 1-13. <https://www.scirp.org/journal/paperinformation?paperid=83885>. Assessed on the 19th of September, 2024.). As one critic put it, “Nigeria is not suffering from poverty; it is suffering from the mismanagement of wealth.” (Ucha, C. (2010). Poverty in Nigeria: Some dimensions and contributing factors. American University. <https://www.american.edu/cas/economics/ejournal/upload/ucha_accessible.pdf>. Assessed on the 19th of September, 2024).
THE ERA OF MILITARY DOMINATION: AUTHORITARIANISM AND DEEPENING CORRUPTION (1980-1999)
The Military Marches In: Power Through the Barrel of a Gun
By the dawn of the 1980s, Nigeria had seen more coups than it had enjoyed democratic elections. The post-colonial optimism of the early 1960s had withered, leaving behind a country caught in the throes of military domination. The soldiers who had come to “save” Nigeria from the divisive politics of the First Republic now found themselves enmeshed in the very corruption, tribalism, and mismanagement they had sworn to eradicate. The rise of military rule in Nigeria was not an accident but a consequence of a fractured political system, made worse by economic mismanagement and elite-driven greed. As the Nigerian saying goes, “He who rides the tiger cannot dismount without being devoured.” The military, having tasted power, found it too tempting to give up.
After General Yakubu Gowon’s ouster in July of 1975, the military era took a sharp turn with the ascension of General Murtala Mohammed, a brash and energetic leader determined to right the ship of state. However, his tenure was cut short when he was assassinated in an attempted coup just six months into his rule, throwing the country once again into uncertainty. His deputy, General Olusegun Obasanjo, succeeded him and became the first military ruler to hand over power voluntarily to a civilian government in 1979, paving the way for Nigeria’s Second Republic. However, this democratic experiment was brief, as the nation soon returned to military rule in 1983, beginning what many call the “era of authoritarianism.” (Ameh, A. O., & Oghojafor, B. E. A. (2014). Leadership theories and Nigeria’s development crisis: A retrospective view. CORE. <https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/328106737.pdf>. Assessed on the 17th of January, 2025)
THE SECOND REPUBLIC: A FRAGILE DEMOCRACY
Nigeria’s Second Republic (1979-1983) came into existence amid cautious optimism. Obasanjo’s transition to civilian rule was lauded as a step toward stability, and Alhaji Shehu Shagari became the first democratically elected president of the Second Republic. Shagari’s government inherited a country rich in oil but mired in problems: poverty, ethnic divisions, and, most alarmingly, widespread corruption.
Oil was the lifeblood of Nigeria’s economy by this time, providing over 90% of the nation’s foreign exchange earnings (Chinweze, C. (2018). Analysis of the impact of oil spills and the Niger Delta crisis on Nigeria’s external relations. World Maritime University Dissertations. https://commons.wmu.se/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=3304&context=all_dissertations. Assessed on the 19th of September, 2024.). However, rather than being a blessing, this black gold became a curse. The government, flush with oil wealth, mismanaged the windfall, while politicians lined their pockets and patronage networks flourished. As one critic noted, “The Nigerian government is like a leaking basket filled with oil money the more you pour in, the more it spills out.”
During the Shagari administration, corruption became rampant, with large-scale embezzlement and looting of public funds HistoryVille. (2020). President Shehu Shagari: The honest man who was overthrown in a coup. HistoryVille. <https://www.thehistoryville.com/president-Shehu-Shagari/>. Assessed on the 19th of September, 2024.). Public projects were over-inflated, contracts were awarded to friends and allies, and government officials lived in opulence while the majority of Nigerians languished in poverty. A popular Nigerian proverb, “The goat eats where it is tied,” describes this situation perfectly. In the Nigerian political landscape, leaders and their close associates devoured the resources of the state with reckless abandon. The atmosphere of greed became so pervasive that when the oil prices collapsed in the early 1980s, plunging Nigeria into an economic crisis, the government was too crippled by corruption to provide meaningful solutions.
THE BUHARI-IDIAGBON ERA: WAR AGAINST INDISCIPLINE
On December 31, 1983, the military once again intervened. Major General Muhammadu Buhari and his deputy, Brigadier Tunde Idiagbon, overthrew the Shagari administration, accusing it of corruption and economic mismanagement. In his first speech as head of state, Buhari made his intentions clear: “Since what happens in any society is largely a reflection of the leadership of that society, we deplore corruption in all its facets. This government will not tolerate kick-backs, inflation of contracts and over-invoicing of imports etc. Nor will it condone forgery, fraud, embezzlement, misuse and abuse of office and illegal dealings in foreign exchange and smuggling.”
Buhari’s military regime was marked by an aggressive anti-corruption campaign. His government launched the “War Against Indiscipline” (WAI), a series of policies aimed at reforming the moral fabric of Nigerian society announced in March 1984 by Tunde Idiagbon, the Chief of Staff, Supreme Headquarters and the launch event was held at Tafawa Balewa Square to much fanfare. Public officials were arrested and tried for corruption, and draconian laws were introduced to curb societal vices like tardiness and disorder. Citizens could be flogged publicly for breaking queues, and civil servants faced harsh penalties for lateness. To Buhari and Idiagbon, discipline was the key to Nigeria’s recovery. (To be continued).
THOUGHT FOR THE WEEK
“We will not agree on every issue. But let us respect those differences, and respect one another. Let us recognize that we do not serve an ideology or a political party; we serve the people.” – John Lynch.
LAST LINE
God bless my numerous global readers for always keeping faith with the Sunday Sermon on the Mount of the Nigerian Project, by humble me, Prof Mike Ozekhome, SAN, CON, OFR, FCIArb., LL.M, Ph.D, LL.D, D.Litt, D.Sc, DHL, DA. Kindly come with me to next week’s exciting dissertation.
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The Oracle
The Oracle: The University As a Catalyst for Societal Development (Pt. 2)
Published
3 hours agoon
December 19, 2025By
Eric
Prof Mike Ozekhome SAN
INTRODUCTION
The inaugural installment of this treatise was foundational, commencing (suitably enough) with an overview of relevant terms (“University”, “education” “societal/human capital development”, “innovation ecosystem”, “etc). We later develved into a brief history of universities and tertiary education in general worldwide. Today, we shall continue same focusing on Nigeria as an entity. Enjoy.
THE HISTORY OF UNIVERSITIES AND TERTIARY INSTITUTIONS GLOBALLY (Continues)
Universities and the Scientific Revolution
By the 17th and 18th centuries, universities had become laboratories of scientific discovery (https://courses.lumenlearning.com/suny-hccc-worldhistory2/chapter/the-popularization-of-science/> Accessed on 8th September, 2025). Figures such as Galileo, Newton, and Descartes advanced theories that challenged established doctrines. Universities shifted from preserving old knowledge to producing new insights that fueled the Industrial Revolution. While continental universities in Italy, Germany, and Scotland became central to scientific teaching and research, the English universities of Oxford and Cambridge remained more conservative, with much of the scientific activity shifting to metropolitan institutions like the Royal Society. Nevertheless, the scientific revolution fundamentally redefined the university’s role as an engine of discovery.
The German Research University and the Modern Model
The 19th century introduced another pivotal model: the German research university, most famously represented by the University of Berlin under Wilhelm von Humboldt (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Humboldt_University_of_Berlin> Accessed on 8th September, 2025). This model emphasized the unity of teaching and research, academic freedom, and the pursuit of truth for its own sake. It gave birth to the modern research university, where laboratories, libraries, and seminar systems became central. This template spread globally and remains the backbone of contemporary higher education.
Africa’s Pioneering Intellectual Heritage
Although the structures of modern higher education in Africa are often associated with European colonial frameworks (https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/EJ1079222.pdf> Accessed on 8th September, 2025), it is misleading to assume that advanced learning began only with colonial intervention. Long before the imposition of Western-style universities, Africa nurtured sophisticated systems of education at multiple levels, ranging from informal community instruction to highly organized institutions that rivaled, and in some cases preceded, their European counterparts.
One of the earliest and most celebrated centers of scholarship on the continent was the Academy of Alexandria, sometimes described as the Universal Museum Library, which flourished between the 4th century BC and the 7th century AD. This institution served as both a repository of knowledge and a vibrant intellectual hub, attracting scholars from across the Mediterranean and beyond. Within its walls, philosophy, mathematics, astronomy, medicine, and literature were studied in ways that shaped intellectual developments far beyond Africa’s borders.
Africa also gave birth to universities that remain monuments of global intellectual history. The University of al-Qarawiyyin, established in 859 AD in Fez, Morocco, is widely regarded as the oldest continuously operating degree-awarding university in the world. Not long after, in 970 AD, al-Azhar University in Cairo (see: Times Higher Education, “Al-Azhar University”, https://www.timeshighereducation.com/world-university-rankings/al-azhar-university > Accessed on 8th September, 2025) was founded, growing into one of the most influential centers of Islamic learning. Both institutions not only preserved knowledge but also generated new streams of thought, producing scholars whose works shaped jurisprudence, philosophy, theology, and the sciences across Africa, the Arab world, and Europe.
In West Africa, the city of Timbuktu (see: Emnet Tadesse Woldegiorgis, “The Changing Role of Higher Education in Africa: A Historical Reflection” Higher Education Studies 3(6) ), rose to prominence between the 12th and 16th centuries as one of the world’s most important centers of learning. The famed Sankore Madrasah and other scholarly institutions attracted thousands of students who engaged in studies ranging from law and theology to astronomy, mathematics, and medicine. The thousands of surviving manuscripts from Timbuktu attest to a sophisticated academic tradition that connected Africa to a global network of learning.
Equally remarkable is the intellectual legacy of Ethiopia, which developed a distinctive scholarly tradition anchored in its unique script, Ge’ez. For over 2,700 years, Ethiopia maintained systems of elite education within monastic schools, theological academies, and royal courts . This enduring heritage emphasized literacy, history, philosophy, and religious thought, ensuring that Ethiopia remained one of the most resilient centers of indigenous knowledge on the continent.
Taken together, these examples demonstrate that Africa was by no means a passive recipient of education. Rather, it was a pioneer and custodian of intellectual traditions that shaped civilizations both within and beyond its borders.
HISTORY OF UNIVERSITIES AND TETIARY EDUCATION IN NIGERIA
The history of university education in Nigeria began with the establishment of Yaba Higher College in 1930 (Yusuf Adulrahman, “Historical-Chronological Emergence of Universities in Nigeria: The Perspectives in ‘Colomilicivilian’ Periodization” https://www.researchgate.net/publication/342247766_Historical-Chronological_Emergence_of_Universities_in_Nigeria_The_Perspectives_in_’Colomilicivilian’_Periodization accessed 7 September 2025, the first institution of its kind in the country. At the time, other forms of post-secondary training were also introduced in government departments—such as agriculture at Moor Plantation in Ibadan and Samaru near Zaria, veterinary science at Vom, and engineering in Lagos. The Yaba College offered courses in fields like civil engineering, agriculture, medicine, surveying, teaching, and later, commerce and forestry. Its main purpose was to train Africans for junior administrative and technical roles, thereby reducing reliance on expensive European expatriates.
However, the college faced criticism, particularly from Nigerian nationalists. Its goals were seen as narrow compared to a full university; its diplomas lacked international recognition; and its graduates were limited to junior posts, unlike their British counterparts who advanced to higher civil service levels. This fueled stronger agitation for a true university in Nigeria.
In response, the Asquith and Elliot Commissions of 1943 were set up to review higher education across West Africa (N.Okoji, “The History and Development of Public Universities in Nigeria Since 1914” International Journal of Education and Evaluation 2(1) 2016). While the majority recommended three new university colleges (in Ibadan, Achimota, and the Gold Coast), the minority proposed a single college at Ibadan with regional feeder institutions. With the Labour Party’s victory in Britain, the minority view was adopted. Thus, in 1948, the University College, Ibadan, affiliated with the University of London, was established as Nigeria’s first university-level institution.
Further expansion came after independence. The Ashby Commission of 1959 projected Nigeria’s manpower and educational needs and recommended broader access to higher education. Following its proposals, several universities were founded: the University of Nigeria, Nsukka (1960) (Nigeria’s first autonomous university with an American orientation) followed by the University of Ife (now Obafemi Awolowo University, 1962), Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria (1962), and the University of Lagos (1962). By the same year, the University College Ibadan became a full-fledged university. Collectively, these five institutions are known as Nigeria’s “first-generation universities.”
Expansion continued with the University of Benin in 1970, later recognized by the National Universities Commission. During the Third National Development Plan (1975–1980), the federal government created seven additional universities—at Calabar, Jos, Maiduguri, Sokoto, Ilorin, Port Harcourt, and Kano—known as the “second-generation universities.” (ThisDayLive, “Endangered Universities: The Way Out” https://www.thisdaylive.com/2022/08/29/endangered-universities-the-way-out/ accessed 07 September 2025)
By the 1980s, with the creation of 19 states, the federal government sought geographical balance by approving universities of technology in states without federal universities (see: Bolupe Awe, “Quality and Stress in Nigerian Public Universities” 2020 American Journal of Educational Research 8(12). This marked the further spread of higher education across Nigeria, solidifying the university system as a central pillar of national development.
To be continued…
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The Oracle
The Oracle: The University As a Catalyst for Societal Development (Pt. 1)
Published
1 week agoon
December 12, 2025By
Eric
By Prof Mike Ozekhome SAN
ABSTRACT
Universities are not merely centres of learning but pivotal institutions that shape and sustain societal transformation. Positioned at the nexus of knowledge, innovation, and culture, they serve as engines of human capital formation, research, and socio-economic development. Their influence extends far beyond academic instruction: in developing societies grappling with political instability, economic challenges, and social inequities, universities have emerged as critical actors in nurturing critical thought, producing socially responsible graduates, and driving social reform. They contribute not only to national progress but also to regional and local development, acting as hubs of expertise, employers of labour, incubators of innovation and integrators of public policy.
By influencing governance, shaping labour market and skills policies, fostering entrepreneurship, and promoting sustainable development, universities play a unique role as catalysts for inclusive growth. Yet, their transformative capacity is often constrained by structural challenges such as underfunding, weak governance, and limited research–industry linkages. Drawing on theoretical perspectives and global best practices, this paper argues that universities can be repositioned as dynamic agents of societal change if granted greater autonomy, strengthened through research investment, and embedded in robust partnerships with government, industry, and civil society. Ultimately, the vitality of a society is mirrored in the strength and responsiveness of its universities.
KEYWORDS: Universities; Societal Transformation; Human Capital Development; Innovation Ecosystems; Higher Education Policy; Governance and Autonomy; Sustainable Development; Civic Engagement; Public Policy Reform.
INTRODUCTION
Different metaphors have long been used to capture the complex relationship between higher education and societal development in concise and memorable ways. The first is mechanical (https://www.researchgate.net/publication/387801956_Universities_as_Catalysts_for_Social_Transformation_in_Developing_Countries#:~:text=The%20role%20of%20universities%20in,also%20in%20driving%20social%20reform> accessed 7 September 2025): higher education is an engine, powerhouse, driver, dynamo, booster, accelerator, or lever of growth and prosperity, suggesting that the pace of regional and national progress is set within the university. The second is biological: universities as hothouses, seedbeds, breeding grounds, spawning places, catalysts, or fermenters, sites where ideas sprout, blossom and reinvigorate society through innovation. The third is network-oriented: universities as nodes, hubs, bridgeheads, mediators, transfer points, or transmission centres, emphasising their role in disseminating knowledge and linking government, industry and communities. Finally, the temporal metaphors portray universities as the spearheads, vanguards, lighthouses, and signposts of transformation, guiding society through periods of change.
Yet the university is not merely a catalogue of metaphors. It is not a mere edifice of stone and chalk, nor simply a marketplace where degrees are traded and rituals observed. It is, in truth, the living citadel of knowledge, the intellectual furnace where the raw ore of youthful potential is refined into the gold of human capital. At its best, the university is both the conscience and the compass of society: diagnosing its maladies, prescribing its cures, and charting its course into the future. To reduce it to a certificate mill is to misunderstand its sacred function and to weaken the very foundations of national development.
Consider, for instance, the metaphor of the catalyst. In the laboratory, a catalyst accelerates transformation without itself being consumed. So too must the university serve as the silent accelerator of societal progress, shaping minds, equipping hands, and moulding character while standing as a permanent reservoir of knowledge, values, and innovation. Through it, theory becomes praxis, and research becomes a weapon against poverty, disease and ignorance.
History testifies to this catalytic role. The Renaissance was mid-wifed by the universities of Bologna, Paris, and Oxford (Wikipedia, History of European Universities, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_European_universities> accessed 7 September 2025); the scientific revolutions that ushered in modernity were incubated within their walls. Even today, the technological marvels that define the twenty-first century from breakthroughs in medicine to advances in engineering and digital innovation are birthed in university laboratories and lecture halls.
But beyond science and technology, the university also shapes culture and character. It produces not only doctors and engineers, but statesmen, reformers and thinkers. It tempers technical knowledge with moral vision, reminding us that wisdom without values can be destructive. It challenges assumptions, disciplines impulses and prepares future leaders not merely for making a living, but for living lives of service and sacrifice.
Thus, when we describe the university as a catalyst for societal development, we are not indulging in rhetorical flourish. We are stating a sober truth: no nation has ever risen above the quality of its universities, and none ever will. The strength of the classroom is reflected in the courtroom, the marketplace, and the parliament. The decay of the university is the decay of the nation itself. If the university rises, society advances; if the university falls, society crumbles. The stakes could not be higher.
DEFINITION OF TERMS
UNIVERSITY
A university is far more than a cluster of buildings where lectures are delivered and examinations conducted. At its core, it is an institution of higher learning and research, uniquely mandated to generate, preserve, and disseminate knowledge across disciplines (Wikipedia, “University” https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/University#cite_ref-WordNet_Search_u476_1-0 > accessed 8th September 2025). Unlike earlier stages of education, which focus on absorbing established facts, the university emphasizes inquiry, critique, and innovation. It is here that theories are tested, discoveries made, and society furnished with the intellectual capital needed for progress. Rooted in the Latin universitas magistrorum et scholarium (meaning “a community of teachers and scholars”) (https://www.byui.edu/speeches/dallin-hansen/seeking-the-higher-view> accessed 8th September 2025
), the university represents a fellowship of minds devoted to truth, dialogue, and discovery. It is not simply a transmitter of knowledge, but a creator of it, standing as both a timeless custodian of wisdom and a timely responder to the needs of each age.
EDUCATION
Education is the systematic process of imparting and acquiring knowledge, skills, and values; formally or informally. It equips individuals with reasoning ability, judgment, and intellectual maturity. Formal education takes place in structured settings such as schools and universities, while informal education occurs through family, community, and other social interactions. At every level, education provides the foundation for personal growth and societal advancement.
SOCIETAL DEVELOPMENT
Societal development refers to the sustained improvement in a community’s well-being and collective capacity. It encompasses economic growth, improved social structures, access to quality public services, individual empowerment, and institutional strength. True development also requires social inclusion, equity, and sustainability, ensuring that progress today does not compromise the welfare of future generations.
HUMAN CAPITAL DEVELOPMENT
Human capital development is the process of enhancing individuals’ knowledge, skills, health, and productivity to unlock their potential and advance both economic and social progress. It involves deliberate investments in education, training, and healthcare, producing a workforce that is innovative, competitive, and equipped to drive sustainable national growth.
INNOVATION ECOSYSTEM
An innovation ecosystem is a dynamic network of interdependent actors such as entrepreneurs, firms, governments, universities, and investors working collaboratively to transform ideas into impactful solutions (https://share.google/awi0YhHoT1VD7aG4E > Accessed on 9th September, 2025). These ecosystems thrive on continuous interaction, resource sharing, and co-evolution, creating the environment necessary for sustained innovation, economic growth, and societal transformation.
THE HISTORY OF UNIVERSITIES AND TERTIARY INSTITUTIONS GLOBALLY
The idea of the university as we know it today did not emerge in a vacuum. It is the product of centuries of intellectual struggle, cultural refinement, and institutional development. To appreciate its role as a catalyst for societal progress, one must first understand its historical roots and the trajectory of its growth.
Ancient Foundations of Higher Learning
The earliest prototypes of the university can be traced to ancient centers of learning such as the Platonic Academy in Athens, the Library of Alexandria in Egypt, and the great schools of philosophy in India and China. These institutions were not universities in the modern sense, but they established traditions of advanced learning, debate, and preservation of knowledge that influenced later models.
Renaissance Humanism and the Scholarly Revolution
The Renaissance and Enlightenment eras transformed the university into an even more powerful agent of change. Humanism encouraged a rediscovery of classical texts, and universities became custodians of not only religious knowledge but also literature, science, and art. By the 14th and 15th centuries, figures such as Petrarch and Boccaccio began to challenge scholastic traditions, promoting grammar, rhetoric, poetry, moral philosophy, and history as central disciplines. Although humanism initially developed outside the universities—in princely courts, chancelleries, and academies—it soon penetrated academia. By the mid-15th century, humanist scholars like Lorenzo Valla were holding university professorships, and institutions such as Bologna and Florence had created chairs in Greek and humanistic studies.
This infusion of humanism altered the outlook of medicine, law, and philosophy. Medical humanists, for example, used philological techniques to critique both medieval and ancient medical texts, reshaping the discipline. While law and theology resisted transformation, natural philosophy and medicine were deeply influenced. By the 16th century, humanism and universities were intertwined, and their joint legacy paved the way for the Scientific Revolution.
The Rise of the Medieval European University
The University of Bologna, founded in 1088, is widely regarded as the first modern university . It was primarily a law school, devoted to the systematic study of Roman law, which became essential for the administration of European kingdoms. What distinguished Bologna was not merely the subjects taught but also its institutional structure: it was organized as a universitas, a guild of students and masters bound together in the pursuit of knowledge.
In 1150, the University of Paris followed, excelling in theology and philosophy, and soon after came Oxford and Cambridge in England, Salamanca in Spain, and Heidelberg in Germany. These institutions became the intellectual nerve centers of medieval Europe, training clerics, lawyers, physicians, and statesmen. The early universities were deeply intertwined with the Church, which provided both patronage and regulation. Theology was regarded as the “queen of the sciences,” while philosophy, law, and medicine were cultivated under its shadow. Yet, even within this religious framework, universities nurtured critical inquiry. It was within their walls that scholasticism: the rigorous method of logical reasoning, flourished, preparing the intellectual ground for the Renaissance.
To be continued
THOUGHT FOR THE WEEK
“All that is valuable in human society depends upon the opportunity for development accorded the individual”. (Albert Einstein).
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The Oracle
The Oracle: When a Nation Undermines Citizens’ Rights (Pt. 4)
Published
2 weeks agoon
December 5, 2025By
Eric
By Prof .Ike Ozekhome SAN
INTRODUCTION
In our last outing on this treatise, we addressed the operational weaknesses and structural mismanagement of the Police; the failure of internal accountability; collusion of its men with criminal networks; erosion of civil liberties by its illegitimate enforcement practices; and cycle of impunity. And later followed by analysis of the abuse of judicial power as well as executive lawlessness directed at the Bench. We then concluded with suggested pathways and recommendations. Today, we shall continue with the same theme focusing on strengthening judicial independence; institutionalizing a comprehensive anti-corruption framework; enhancing the protection of civil liberties; community-based security initiatives; electoral integrity; transparency in the public sector; protecting vulnerable and marginalized groups as well as institutionalizing a culture of consequences. Enjoy.
Judicial Strengthening and Independence
The Judiciary should be insulated from political interference through secure tenure, adequate remuneration, and independent budgetary control. Court processes must be digitized to reduce delays and enhance transparency. Special courts should be created to fast-track cases of corruption, rights violations, and electoral offences so as to prevent them from being lost in a backlog of other matters.
Comprehensive Anti-Corruption Framework
Anti-corruption agencies must operate without political bias. Investigations and prosecutions should be based solely on evidence, regardless of the political or social standing of the suspect. Asset recovery processes should be transparent, and recovered funds must be channeled directly into public services such as healthcare, education, and infrastructure.
Strengthening of Civil Liberties Protections
Security laws and policies must be reviewed to remove provisions that allow arbitrary arrests, prolonged detention without trial, and excessive surveillance. The rights to free expression, peaceful assembly, and privacy should be reaffirmed through legislation, judicial precedent, and administrative directives. Security personnel should receive specific training on respecting these rights in the course of their duties.
Enhanced Community-Based Security Initiatives
Community policing structures should be developed in partnership with local stakeholders, including traditional leaders, civil society, and youth groups. These initiatives should focus on early conflict detection, intelligence sharing, and non-violent dispute resolution. Proper integration of community policing into the national security architecture can improve trust and cooperation between citizens and the State.
Electoral Integrity and Protection of the Political Process
To reduce politically motivated violence, security forces must adopt a neutral stance in elections and enforce the law impartially. Electoral offenders, including those within security agencies, must face swift prosecution. The deployment of technology in elections, such as biometric verification, should be protected by strong legal safeguards to prevent manipulation. More importantly, the Electoral Act must be urgently amended to include the use of BIVAS, electronic voting and real time transfer of results into IReV.
Public Sector Transparency and Open Data
Transparency in governance can significantly reduce opportunities for abuse of power. All government agencies should be required to publish regular reports on budgets, procurement, and performance indicators. Public access to information should be enhanced through stronger Freedom of Information laws and proactive disclosure of records.
Protection of Vulnerable and Marginalized Groups
Special attention should be given to protecting women, children, marginalized vulnerable persons and minorities and communities, who are disproportionately affected by rights violations and insecurity. Law enforcement and judicial olicers should be trained to handle cases involving such vulnerable groups with sensitivity. Dedicated units within security agencies should be tasked with preventing and responding to gender-based violence, child labour, human trafficking and exploitation.
Institutionalizing a Culture of Consequence
The single most important factor in ending impunity is ensuring that misconduct always attracts consequences. Disciplinary actions, criminal prosecutions and public reporting of case outcomes should become the norm. Political leaders must set the example by submitting themselves to the rule of law. They must lead by example and not by precepts.
CONCLUSION
The challenges confronting Nigeria in the areas of security, protection of citizens’ rights and enforcement of the rule of law are deeply rooted in a pattern of institutional neglect and governance failure. Throughout this work, it has become evident that insecurity in the country is not only result of violent crime or terrorism but also a product of weak and compromised institutions that allow such threats to flourish. When the very institutions tasked with safeguarding the people become unreliable or complicit, the result is a petrified environment where justice is selective, rights are precarious, and the social contract between citizens and the State is broken.
The evidence is clear that insecurity in Nigeria is a multi-dimensional crisis. Political violence undermines democratic processes. Economic hardship is exacerbated by corruption and the diversion of resources. Physical insecurity in many regions persists because law enforcement is either absent or compromised. The deterioration of education and healthcare further exposes the population to long-term instability. Each of these problems is interconnected and magnified by the failure of the justice and enforcement systems to function impartially and effectively.
Civil liberties, guaranteed by the Constitution and supported by international treaties, are repeatedly undermined by arbitrary arrests, unlawful detentions, and the suppression of free expression. When citizens live in fear of those entrusted to protect them, the legitimacy of the State is called into question. A society where speaking out invites retaliation and where wrongdoing by the powerful is met with silence or even approbation cannot claim to uphold the principles of democracy and justice.
The normalization of impunity is perhaps the most dangerous of all the trends identified. Impunity corrodes public trust, emboldens offenders, and creates a culture where breaking the law is not an aberration but an accepted norm of political and social life. Without decisive action to reverse this culture, every other reform will be weakened before it begins to take root.
Nigeria’s peculiar security realities demand a holistic approach. This includes rebuilding law enforcement into a professional, rights-respecting institution, ensuring the judiciary is free from political interference, and creating genuine accountability mechanisms that apply to everyone regardless of status. It also requires an investment in transparency, community trust, and the protection of vulnerable groups who suffer most from both insecurity and rights violations.
The task is undeniably challenging, but it is not impossible. The pathway to a more secure and just Nigeria begins with the recognition that true security cannot exist without justice, and justice cannot thrive without the rule of law. By committing to comprehensive reforms and by holding both leaders and institutions accountable, Nigeria can reclaim the promise of a society where rights are protected, laws are respected, and security is the shared foundation for national progress. In all these, one may ask, where is the Bar and what is its historic role? A once vibrant Association feared by the corrupt and dreaded by all successive governments has since become comatose, hardly responsive to societal needs. Aside many lawyers now professionally practising Bar instead of practising law by oscillating from one office to another over a period of decades, what has the Bar got to show for its continued relevance in terms of interrogating the status quo and challenging impunity? How has the Bar fared in holding governments responsible and accountable to the Nigerian people? Aside converging every year at designated venues for the annual ritual of the AGC, what dividends have we yielded from our usual banal communiqué?
How have we pushed to ensure we engaged the three arms of government to overhaul or at least improve on the status quo? Can we now blame some lawyers who are increasingly feeling disenchanted with the status quo and seek alternative platforms such as the Nigerian Law Society (NLS)? I think not. Colleagues, let us as lawyers and Judges wake up from our deep slumber of complicit silence and stop seeing law solely as a bread-and -butter profession. We must see law from the prism of Professor Dean Roscoe Pound-an instrument of social engineering. Anything short of this is not befitting of the legal profession. (Concluded).
THOUGHT FOR THE WEEK
“We cannot reform institutional racism or systemic policies if we are not actively engaged. It’s not enough to simply complain about injustice; the only way to prevent future injustice is to create the society we would like to see, one where we are all equal under the law”. (Al Sharpton).
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