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Opinion: P&ID vs. Nigeria: A Review- Reuben Abati

Published

6 years ago

August 20, 2019

Editor

By Reuben Abati

The report that a commercial court in the UK has ruled that Nigeria must pay a UK firm, Process and Industrial Development Limited (P & ID) a sum of $9.6 billion or have its assets in the UK to the tune of that amount forfeited has generated more than a little interest. For a country with a foreign reserve of $45 billion and sovereign debt profile of over $80 billion that judgment debt is quite a lot, potentially capable of rendering Nigeria even more technically insolvent. Dayo Apata, Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Justice and Solicitor-General of the Federation has told the public that Nigeria will appeal the judgement and apply for a stay of execution to forestall the enforcement order that has been granted. Whereas this may be a logical step to take, even if it may achieve nothing in the long run other than putting more money in the pockets of counsel, there are specific issues that have been thrown up by Nigeria’s (mis)management of the case so far and the ruling of the UK court.

The first issue is Nigeria’s habitual disregard for the sanctity of contracts and terms of agreement, and the failure of Nigeria’s representatives in many cases to enter into agreements that are in the best interest of the country. The facts of the case in Process & Industrial Development vs. Federal Republic of Nigeria (2019) EWHC2241 (Comm), by way of summary are as follows: In January 2010, the Federal Republic of Nigeria (FRN), through its Ministry of Petroleum Resources entered into a Gas Supply and Processing Agreement (GSPA) with P&ID. Under the terms of the agreement, Nigeria “was to supply natural gas (wet gas) at no cost to P&ID via a government pipeline to the site of P&ID’s production facility.” P&ID was required to construct and operate the facility, process the wet gas and return to the government of Nigeria, lean gas to be used for power generation at no cost to the government of Nigeria. P&ID was entitled to other derivatives stripped from the wet gas. The GSPA had a tenure of 20 years from the date of first supply of wet gas. Clause 20 of the GSPA provided for (a) the agreement to be construed in accordance with the laws of Nigeria; (b) in the event of a dispute over the interpretation or performance of the Agreement, which cannot be resolved amicably, either party will serve on the other a notice of arbitration, (c) the Arbitration award shall be final and binding upon the parties and (d) “the venue of the arbitration shall be London, England or otherwise as agreed by the Parties.” Two years later, a dispute arose between the P&ID and the Nigerian Government, and as this could not be settled amicably, the former served a notice of arbitration on the Nigerian government on the grounds that Nigeria had failed to make Wet Gas available in accordance with the GSPA.

The matter went before an Arbitration Tribunal, under the Rules of the Nigerian Arbitration and Conciliation Act 2004, with London, England as place of Arbitration. After affirming its jurisdiction in the matter, the Tribunal began its procedural hearing to determine whether or not there was any repudiatory breach of contract. At this point, there was an attempt by the Ministry of Petroleum to reach a settlement agreement with P&ID to the tune of $850 million, payable in instalments. This was submitted for Presidential approval a week to President Jonathan’s departure from office. It would have amounted to tying the hands of the incoming government to grant the approval for the payment of that sum. Meanwhile, the Arbitration Tribunal had bifurcated the case and by July 2015, it affirmed that indeed Nigeria had failed to perform its obligations under the GSPA and then unanimously decided that P&ID was entitled to damages with interest. It took the new Nigerian government more than 4 months to respond. The excuse given for the delay, by Ms. Folakemi Adelore, witness for Nigeria, was that there had been a change of administration in Nigeria and that Ministers, including the Attorney General had only just been appointed. Nigeria asked for an extension of time to act on the outcome of the Arbitration Tribunal.

The Commercial court led by Phillips J. dismissed that appeal and the explanation for the delay at the time. Unsuccessful in having its way in England, Nigeria took up the matter at the Lagos Judicial Division of the Federal High Court of Nigeria, seeking essentially the same reliefs that were rejected by Phillips J. When notified of the proceedings in the Lagos High Court, P&ID dismissed the proceedings as “abusive and as a deeply unattractive attempt to forum shop”. There was a back-and-forth exchange of emails between the parties involved and the Tribunal over the meaning of venue or seat of arbitration. The Tribunal would eventually rule that London is the seat of arbitration “in the juridical sense”. The Nigerian government then went back to the Lagos High Court to set aside the Tribunal’s Procedural Order No. 12 and got favourable judgment. The Arbitration proceedings in London continued nonetheless to determine the quantum of damages and on January 31, 2017, the Tribunal issued its Final Award. The Tribunal insisted that P&ID would have played its own part in the contract if Nigeria had not repudiated its own obligations. It therefore ruled in favour of P&ID and ordered Nigeria to pay US$6.597,000, 000 being net present value of the profits which would have been earned by the P&ID. The Federal Government was also asked to pay interest on the amount at 7% per annum from March 2013. This final ruling was given in 2017. The Nigerian Government refused to pay and also failed to appeal the ruling! Why?

It may be routine conduct in Nigeria to ignore court orders, and assume that nothing will happen but things don’t work like that in the international domain. In March 2018, P&ID went to the Commercial Court in England to institute proceedings for the enforcement of the Final Award as declared by the Arbitration Tribunal. The Nigerian Government again did not respond in time. It waited till October 2018 before it finally acknowledged service and applied for relief for sanctions. The matter would finally be heard by Justice Christopher Butcher. It should be noted that on all the issues raised before the court of Butcher J. viz: the seat of arbitration and the order of the High Court of Lagos, issue estoppel, the conclusions of Procedural Order No. 12, (that is the ruling of the Arbitration Tribunal), public policy, pre-award interest and whether or not, the Final Award in favour of P&ID was excessive and punitive, the Court found in favour of P&ID on all the issues. Justice Butcher’s ruling raises cogent and recondite points of law, in a learned and rigorous manner; but in one word, he butchered Nigeria. The manner in which he did so, I intend to indicate shortly.

For now, what is clear to me is the reckless manner in which Nigerian officials often enter into agreements, on behalf of the country, without paying attention to the small print of the agreement and thinking through the feasibility of the agreement entered into. The net result is that the country incurs liabilities that are detrimental to corporate interest. On the face of it, the GSPA with P&ID would have been beneficial to Nigeria, particularly in terms of the constructive use of associated gas and the supply of lean gas to the national electricity grid for both industrial and domestic use. The GSPA was signed by the Ministry of Petroleum on behalf of Nigeria: was the Ministry not in a position to know the volume of wet gas that would be required to fulfil Nigeria’s obligations? What happened to the proposed pipeline? It would appear as if Nigeria signed the agreement in 2010 and just went to sleep. Where international contracts are involved, and we breach the terms of agreement, we end up projecting the country as an unfit and risky destination for investment. Even the private sector has been accused of failing to respect contractual agreements, the most recent example being the case of Nigerian airline operators and Boeing which has more or less blacklisted Nigerian airlines from leasing its aircraft. As it is with the Federal Government, so it is with the states. The Lagos Metro line project conceived by the Lateef Jakande administration in 1983 could have solved the perennial mass transit crisis in Lagos but it was soon politicized. When the Buhari military regime came to power, the project was eventually cancelled in 1985, without regard for the terms of the contract. The foreign contractor went to court and Nigeria had to pay a penalty of more than $78 million. The contractor was compensated for doing nothing!

Another issue is the lack of diligent prosecution of cases in which Nigeria is involved by those whose duty it is to do so. I assume that this is due to our tendency to either politicise everything or focus more on personal interests, or failure on the part of either representing counsel or the Attorney General’s office. As stated, it took Nigeria in this case about five months to respond to the initial ruling of the Arbitration Tribunal in London. The excuse that Nigeria was busy with elections and that new Ministers were not in place until November 2015 naturally appeared strange and laughable. When final ruling was given, Nigeria also did nothing. It had to wait until P&ID sought enforcement.

Butcher, J. in his August 16, 2019 ruling made heavy weather out of several acts of omission on the part of the Nigerian authorities. He observed in one instance, that “…the FRN had remedies for any procedural unfairness, but it did not utilise them”. Nigeria could also have objected to Procedural Order No. 12 or question the Final Award. In the words of Butcher J., “it did neither and the time for doing so is long past.” This is a serious indictment (see paragraphs 64 -66 of the ruling). The energy that should have been devoted to the Arbitration in London was diverted towards obsession with “seat of arbitration” and getting a favourable judgment from the Lagos High Court which in Nigeria’s contention was the “supervisory court”, a point about “sovereignty” both the Tribunal and the Court dismissed. Nigeria failed to pursue relevant questions: Questions for example about the quantum of damages. Or the tax that would have accrued to Nigeria through P&ID. Besides, what is the profit value of Nigeria’s 10% equity? And why were questions not raised about in-door management rules? It is also curious that Nigeria failed to insist on something quite obvious: the competence and the failure of P&ID to build the facility stated in the GSPA. Equity aids the vigilant, not the indolent. Could the Nigerian team have been making needless mistakes in order to help the other party? In a country that is perpetually in search of patriots, particularly in official corridors, this is a relevant question.

The Commercial Court in London has held that the Final Award by the Tribunal in favour of P&ID is not punitive or excessive, rather it is compensation for damages suffered. The Court gave an order enforcing the Final Award. There is no guarantee that Nigeria will succeed with either its appeal or its request for stay of execution. Whatever happens, the (mis)handling of this case requires introspection and steps to be taken to ensure that this kind of embarrassment does not occur again, hoping that there are no such similar cases in other jurisdictions or in hibernation which may soon come to the knowledge of the Nigerian public. The success of P&ID may well embolden other parties with similar issues with Nigeria to go to court. Our case is not helped either by the politicization of the matter with the on-going trading of blames. It may be necessary for the National Assembly when it returns from its recess to conduct an inquiry into how Nigeria, with all the concerns about revenue and growth, is now faced with a judgment debt of $9.6 billion, with daily interest accruing. Who are the state officials and their collaborators if there are any, who failed to ensure due diligence, both at the level of the contract and the management of the dispute with Process and Industrial Development Ltd? Why was wet gas not made available? Did the Attorney General’s office even vet the GSPA at all? From all indications, the dispute could have been settled out of court. Why did that option fail? $9.6 billion is about 20% of the country’s external reserves and 2.5% of GDP. Every single person, dead or alive, lawyer or state official, who has a hand in this mess must be called out.

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Rivers Crisis: The Taming of Sim Fubara

Published

11 hours ago

May 13, 2025

Eric

By Eric Elezuo

Listening to the suspended Governor of Rivers State, Sir Siminalayi Fubara, on matters arising over his suspension and possible reinstatement, one is bound to conclude that the embattled governor, who fell under the hammer of executive emergency declaration, either buckled to pressure from high places, or have compromised his hard stand as a no-nonsense people-oriented governor. In all, it is believed that Fubara has been categorically tamed; a situation profoundly compared to William Shakespeare’s ‘The Taming of the Shrew’.

The Rivers State scenario typically adapted the characterisation of the Shakespeare’s classic, where the character, Christopher Sly, was roundly pranked by a mischievous nobleman to mistakenly believe that he too was of nobility. Alas, it was a ploy to tame his ego, distract him from what he cherished most.

Fubara, at the service of songs held in Port Harcourt, Rivers state capital, in honour of late Edwin Clark, elder statesman and the leader of the Pan Niger Delta Forum (PANDEF), not only disclosed that his heart is no longer in the governorship job from which he was suspended almost two months ago, but lambasted his supporters and followers for adopting the ‘oshogbe’ approach in fighting for his cause.

Fubara, in a tone, that betrayed his earlier tough stand, said he is not desperate to return to office nearly two months after President Bola Tinubu declared emergency rule in the state.

“Have you asked yourself, do you think I’m interested in going back there? I want to ask you—don’t you see how much better I’m doing?” Fubara asked the audience at the service of songs.

“Do you think I’m interested in going back there? If I had my way, I would say this is it. This is the will of God. I don’t wish to go back there. My spirit has left that place,” he added, much to the surprise of a divided in opinion audience.

Fubara was not only basking in the euphoria of a deceived commoner, but also wore the garb of Katherina, the unwilling participant, who was tamed by his would-be groom with various psychological torments, including refusing food and drink until she becomes an obedient, desirable and compliant bride.

This typifies the beginning of the relationship between Fubara and his erstwhile benefactor, Wike, who went the whole yard, proving the not available nobility of the then chief accountant, denying him the appurtenaces of the office of Governor till he can become what they want of him. And like Katherina to Petruchio in Shakespeare’s classic, the Rivers governor has completely turned around, jettisoned his supposed shrewness to become a loyalist, who is now at the beck and call of the master. If his masters say a man is a woman, or the sun is the moon, the tamed subject will willingly agree, and without rancour. His actions and utterances have to a great extent proved his tamed status.

Fubara’s remark was in response to several tributes by members of the Rivers Elders Forum, who referred to him as “governor” and condemned his suspension.

Unlike the Fubara before the March 18 suspension by President Bola Tinubu, the governor dissociated himself from those statements, describing them as personal views not aligned with his approach.

He said such comments were unlikely to support peace in the state.

The governor also expressed concerns that actions taken by some of his backers had, in fact, worsened the crisis.

He asked the audience to focus their reflections on Clark’s life and legacy, rather than turning the event into a political protest.

It would be recalled that Fubara’s alleged change of heart in the heated crises that have seen him become estranged with his political godfather and immediate past governor of Rivers State, who is presently the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike, became visible after his supposed meeting with Tinubu in London. Though the outcome of the meeting is yet unknown, recent actions and utterances of the governor tends to prove that a sort of compromise, which may seem detrimental to his political future, was arrived at. He was quoted shortly after arriving Nigeria from London, as saying that Tinubu should be supported.

Wike, with whom he has been at loggerheads over leadership of party structure in the state for over 18 months, confirmed during a media chat on Monday, that the embattled governor visited his Abuja residence, with two other governors, to plea for peace and understanding.

Recall also that Fubara and Wike have been locked in a bitter political standoff since late 2023. This created a dichotomy in the leadership loyalty with Wike controlling the members of the House of Assembly, except for four of them, while Fubara controlled the executive. Both arms of government have not been able to see eye to eye until the eventual emergency rule declaration. While the Assembly sought to impeach the governor, the governor and his team were bent on kicking the Assembly members out, leaning on their well celebrated decamping to the All Progressives Congress (APC). The members later denied defecting.

On Friday, February 28, 2025, the Supreme Court made landmark pronouncements that placed Governor Fubara on the receiving end, and giving Wike and his supporters victory in what seem to be a foreclosure in the game of throne that paralysed the political and administrative existence of the state since inauguration in 2023.

Not only did the court nullified all the structures that sustained Fubara’s administration, it lambasted the governor, thoroughly reducing him to a laughing stock among Wike and his followers, berating him for breaking down the Rivers State House of Assembly building as a way to stop the defected 27 lawmakers from sitting, thereby forcing them to sit outside to carry out their lawful activities.

The justices said it is a regular occurrence for those in executive power who feel threatened that their seat is being taken or is about to be impeached to resort to actions like demolishing buildings and other acts of bigamy.

THE ROAD TO PEACE

Fubara, seeming to have lost following the Supreme Court judgment, started exploring every option to ensure peace so that his impeachment is never put on the table. As a result, putting aside the disgrace of being locked out of the assembly quarters, the governor promised to re-present the budget in fulfillment of the Supreme Court order, choosing Wednesday March 19, 2025, or any other date in March, the lawmakers might choose. But the President preempted the move with an emergency rule.

Rivers State has been at the centre of a deepening political feud between Fubara and his predecessor and political godfather, Nyesom Wike.

Following the political situation in the state, President Bola Tinubu intervened in December 2023, brokering a peace deal between both sides.

However, on March 18, Tinubu declared a state of emergency in Rivers and suspended Fubara, his deputy, Ngozi Odu, and all the state lawmakers, temporarily bringing the tension in the state to an end

The President also appointed a retired naval chief, Ibok-Ete Ibas, as the sole administrator of the oil-rich state.

The move effectively dissolved the existing government structure, placing the state under federal control.

The 11 Peoples Democratic Party governors had filed a suit at the Supreme Court in protest, to challenge the President’s action; a move the National Assembly challenged, urging the court to dismiss the suit filed by the PDP governors.

The National Assembly also contended that the suit was procedurally flawed and lacked merit, while further arguing that the court lacked the jurisdiction to entertain the suit and should award N1 billion in costs against the plaintiffs for filing what it termed a frivolous and speculative suit.

The suit is yet to be determined.

Fubara remains in limbo, but seems to have chosen the path that would give him a soft political landing. Every finger points to the fact that he may have compromised his mandate, pushing his fighting supporters to stop the criticisms against Tinubu and Wike as well as insinuating that he was fed with the governorship mandate.

It has also been alleged that even if Fubara is restored to complete his term, he may not be allowed to seek another term. This could be the premise on which the suspended governor is speaking from the other side of the mouth.

When Shakespeare wrote The Taming of the Shrew many centuries ago, exactly between 1590 – 1592, the Wike/Fubara was not in the equation, but today, the plot typifies the present day Rivers State where the incumbent governor has been tamed to speak everything good of his tormentors.

It is still not known, however, if Fubara will make good his threat not to return to office, but it has become obvious that he is now willing to dance to the tune of he that pays the piper.

Headline

Behold the First Ever American Pope, Robert Francis Prevost

Published

4 days ago

May 9, 2025

Eric

Robert Francis Prevost, the first pope from the United States, has a history of missionary work in Peru but also a keen grasp of the inner workings of the Church.

The new Leo XIV, a Chicago native, was entrusted by his predecessor Francis, to head the powerful Dicastery for Bishops, charged with advising the pontiff on new bishop appointments.

The sign of confidence from Francis speaks to Prevost’s commitment as a missionary in Peru to the “peripheries” – overlooked areas far from Rome prioritised by Francis – and his reputation as a bridge-builder and moderate within the Curia.

The 69-year-old Archbishop-Bishop emeritus of Chiclayo, Peru, was made a cardinal by Francis in 2023 after being named Prefect of the Dicastery, one of the Vatican’s most important departments — and a post that introduced him to all key players in the Church.

Vatican watchers had given Prevost the highest chances among the group of US cardinals of being pope, given his pastoral bent, global view and ability to navigate the central bureaucracy.

Italian newspaper, La Repubblica, called him “the least American of the Americans” for his soft-spoken touch.

His strong grounding in canon law has also been seen as reassuring to more conservative cardinals seeking a greater focus on Theology.

Following Francis’s death, Prevost said there was “still so much to do” in the work of the Church.

“We can’t stop, we can’t turn back. We have to see how the Holy Spirit wants the Church to be today and tomorrow, because today’s world, in which the Church lives, is not the same as the world of ten or 20 years ago,” he told Vatican News last month.

“The message is always the same: proclaim Jesus Christ, proclaim the Gospel, but the way to reach today’s people, young people, the poor, politicians, is different,” he said.

Born on September 14, 1955, in Chicago, Prevost attended a Minor Seminary of the Order of St Augustine in St Louis as a novice before graduating from Philadelphia’s Villanova University, an Augustinian institution, with a degree in Mathematics.

After receiving a masters degree in divinity from Chicago’s Catholic Theological Union in 1982, and a doctorate decree in canon law in Rome, the polyglot joined the Augustinians in Peru in 1985 for the first of his decade-long missions in that country.

Returning to Chicago in 1999, he was made provincial prior of the Augustinians in the US Midwest and later the prior general of the order throughout the world.

But he returned to Peru in 2014 when Francis appointed him as apostolic administrator of the Diocese of Chiclayo in the country’s north.

Nearly a decade later, Prevost’s appointment in 2023 as head of the Dicastery came after Canadian Cardinal Marc Ouellet was accused of sexually assaulting a woman and resigned for age reasons.

The Vatican later dropped the case against Ouellet for insufficient evidence.

Prevost also serves as president of the Pontifical Commission for Latin America.

Headline

Remembering Ife’s 50th Ooni, Oba Sijuwade Okunade

Published

1 week ago

May 6, 2025

Eric

By Eric Elezuo

10 years after the death of one of the most cosmopolitan monarchs Nigeria has produced, His Imperial Majesty Oba Okunade Sijuwade, Olubuse II CFR, family, friends and the traditional institutions are gearing up for a mother of all remembrance and memorial ceremony. Oba Okunade Sijuwade is the 50th Oni of Ife.

On Tuesday, at the elaborate Civic Centre, in the heart of Victoria Island, stakeholders and people of interest, gathered to inform the public through the media, veritable steps being taken to honour the progeny of Oduduwa and until his death in 2015, the prime custodian of the Yoruba tradition.

According to the invitation to the media briefing, organizers noted that the events are being held in conjunction with the National Council of Traditional Rulers under the Chairmanship of His Imperial Majesty, Oba Adeyeye Ogunwusi, Ojaja II, Ooni of Ife CFR and His Eminence Sultan Sa’ad Abubakar, the Sultan of Sokoto CFR.

In his address, the Curator and Consultant for the 10th year Memorial Celebration of His Imperial Majesty, Oba Okunade Sijuwade, Olubuse II, Dr. Oludamola Adebowale, described the event as a decade of legacy, while noting as follows:

“A Decade of Legacy: 10th Year Memorial Celebration of His Imperial Majesty, Oba Okunade Sijuwade, Olubuse II.

“At a press briefing held at the Civic Centre in Victoria Island, Lagos, the family of the late Ooni of ile-Ife, His Imperial Majesty Oba Okunade Sijuwade, Olubuse II, unveiled a series of cultural, intellectual, and commemorative events marking the 10th anniversary of the revered monarch’s passing. The Programme is a tribute to his enduring legacy as a custodian of culture, a bridge-builder across Nigeria, and a global advocate for African heritage.

“Organized in partnership with the National Council of Traditional Rulers of Nigeria, the memorial activities are spearheaded by the Co-chairmen of the Council, Ooni of Ife, His Imperial Majesty Oba Adeyeye Enitan Ogunwusi, CFR, Ojaja II, alongside His Eminence, Alhaji Muhammadu Sa’ad Abubakar, CFR, the Sultan of Sokoto.

“A key highlight is a Three-State Inter-School Debate Tour featuring students from King’s College, Lagos; Abeokuta Grammar School; Oba Sijuwade’s alma mater; and Oduduwa College, Ile-Ife. The theme, “Traditional Governance vs. Modern Democracy: Which Best Preserves Cultural Heritage?’ invites students to explore the relevance of indigenous leadership in today’s world. The final debate presentation will be held on July 25, 2025.

“Another major feature is the Grand Memorial Exhibition, showcasing rare photographs, personal items, and archival materials from Oba Sijuwade’s life and reign—many being displayed publicly for the first time. The exhibition features collections from the National Archives of Nigeria, the UK National Archives, Horniman Museum & Gardens (UK), and the African American Research Library and Cultural Center (Florida), home of the Dr. Niara Sudarkasa Collection and also the Sijuwade Personal Collection.

“The exhibition is curated by renowned cultural historian and archivist Dr. Oludamola ADEBOWALE.

“A national symposium titled “Unifying and Securing Nigeria’s Future Through Traditional Institutions” will gather traditional rulers, scholars, and policymakers to examine the evolving role of indigenous leadership in peacebuilding, national identity, and governance.

“The grand finale of the memorial will take place in Ile-Ife, the cradle of Yoruba civilization. It includes a church thanksgiving service and solemn prayers at the late Ooni’s mausoleum—concluding the memorial in dignity and grandeur.

“Looking ahead, the Sijuwade family announced a series of legacy projects, including:

– A Nubian Jak Blue Plaque at his former London residence, recognizing his global impact in cultural diplomacy.

– The launch of a commemorative book detailing his life, leadership, and international engagements.

– The development of the Oba Okunade Sijuwade Memorial Hall and Museum in Ile-Ife to preserve his legacy and Yoruba heritage.

“This far-reaching initiative reflects the far-sighted vision of Oba Okunade Sijuwade—an imperial figure whose reign was defined by grace, wisdom, and an unwavering commitment to cultural excellence. These legacy projects are not only tributes to his memory but enduring pillars that will continue to inspire future generations in Nigeria, across Africa, and throughout the global diaspora. Through them, the timeless values he embodied—dignity, unity, heritage, and leadership—will live on, shaping a future deeply rooted in the strength of tradition and the promise of progress.

OBA OKUNADE SIJUWADE (1930 – 2015)

According to accounts obtained from Wikipedia, the life and times of Oba Sijuwade is captured as follows:

Born January 1, 1930, Alayeluwa Oba Okunade Sijuwade CFR, was the 50th traditional ruler (or Ooni) of Ife from December 6, 1980 to his death on July 28, 2015. He reigned for 35 influential years, taking the regnal name Olubuse II. His installation ceremony was attended by the Emir of Kano, Oba of Benin, Amayanabo of Opobo and Olu of Warri, as well as by representatives of the Queen of the United Kingdom.

Sijuwade was born to the ruling House of Sijuwade which is a fraction of the Ogboru ruling house, Ilare, Ile-Ife. His paternal grandfather was Ooni Adelekan Sijuwade – Olubuse I the 46th Ooni of Ife who ruled from 1884 – 1910. While his father was Omo-Oba Adereti Sijuade (1895 – 11 May 1949) and his mother was, Yeyeolori Emilia Ifasesin Sijuwade (nee Osukoti Adugbolu), from the town of Akure. He was a Christian and in November 2009 he attended the annual general meeting of the Foursquare Gospel Church in Nigeria accompanied by 17 other traditional rulers. He declared that he was a full member of the church and said all the monarchs who accompanied him would now become members. At his birthday celebration two months later, the Primate of the Anglican Communion described Sijuwade as “a humble monarch, who has the fear of God at heart”.

Oba Okunade Sijuwade or Prince Okunade Sijuwade as he was then called started his elementary education at Igbedin School, Abeokuta from where he proceeded to Abeokuta Grammar School under the governance of the well-known educationalist Reverend I O Ransome-Kuti, who was the principal of the school. Upon leaving Abeokuta Grammar School, Oba Okunade Sijuwade transferred to Oduduwa College in Ile-Ife before attending Northampton Technical College in the United Kingdom to study business management.

He worked for three years in his father’s business, then for two years with the Nigerian Tribune, first as a reporter then a sales executive before going to university.

By the age of 30, he was a manager in A.G Leventis, a Greek-Nigerian conglomerate. In 1963 he became Sales Director of the state-owned National Motors in Lagos. After spotting a business opportunity during a 1964 visit to the Soviet Union, he formed WAATECO a company to distribute Soviet-built vehicles and equipment in Nigeria, which became the nucleus of a widespread business empire. He also invested in real estate in his hometown of Ile Ife. By the time Sijuwade was crowned Ooni in 1980 he was already a wealthy man.

Shortly after becoming the 50th Ooni of Ife, Oba Okunade Sijuwade founded Sijuwade Group, which he was the chairman of. The conglomerate operates in several sectors including oil and gas, infrastructure, real estate, industrials, and hospitality. The company holds partnerships with several multinational companies such as Centrica, Equinor (formerly Statoil), CCC, Eser and RCC (Reynolds Construction Company) and has executed over $2 billion worth of contracts and projects in Nigeria.

When Sijuwade became Ooni of Ife in December 1980, he inherited an ongoing dispute over supremacy between the obas of Yorubaland. In 1967 a crisis had been resolved when Chief Obafemi Awolowo was chosen as the leader of the Yoruba. In 1976 the Governor of Oyo State, General David Jemibewon, had decreed that the Ooni of Ife would be the permanent chairman of the State Council of Obas and Chiefs. Other Obas led by the Alaafin of Oyo, Oba Lamidi Adeyemi said the position should rotate. The dispute calmed down when Osun State was carved out of Oyo State in August 1991, but ill will persisted.

Towards the end of 2009 a more local dispute between the Ooni, the Awujale of Ijebuland and the Alake of Egbaland was finally resolved. Sijuwade traced the dispute back to a falling out between Obafemi Awolowo and Ladoke Akintola during the Nigerian First Republic, which had led to a division between the traditional rulers.

In February 2009, Sijuwade helped mediate in a dispute over land ownership between the communities of Ife and Modakeke, resolved in part through the elevation of the Ogunsua of Modakeke as an Oba. The new Oba, Francis Adedoyin, would be under the headship of Oba Okunade Sijuwade.

Oba Okunade Sijuwade had 4 wives and 20 children in total. His wives were:

Yeyeluwa Oyetunde Sijuwade, Oba Okunade Sijuwade’s first wife and the first Yeyeluwa of Ife. She was the mother to Prince Adetokunbo Sijuwade.
Olori Morisola Sijuwade, Oba Okunade Sijuwade’s second wife and the second Yeyeluwa of Ife from 1986 after Yeyeluwa Oyetunde Sijuwade’s death.
Olori Oladunni Sijuwade, Oba Okunade Sijuwade’s third wife and the daughter of the very popular politician Chief Adedamola Harold-Sodipo.
Olori Odunola Sijuwade, a princess of Ila-Orangun and the daughter of the revered Ila-Orangun, Oba William Ayeni.

According to Forbes Oba Okunade Sijuwade was the third Richest King in Africa. He also owned several residentials properties in Nigeria and the United Kingdom including Chester Terrace, Grosvenor Square, and a country home in Burnham, Buckinghamshire. In the 80’s, shortly after Oba Okunade Sijuwade became the Ooni of Ife, he visited President Rajiv Gandhi of India and King Fahd Al Saud of Saudi Arabia at the invitation of both countries to foster friendly relations between them and Nigeria. Few years later as Ooni, he visited Japan to meet Emperor Akihito along with Emir Ado Bayero of Kano.

Activities are expected to kick off in mid June 2025, and terminate late July, 2025.