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Open Letter to Governor Godwin Obaseki

Published

7 years ago

July 24, 2018

Eric

By Sylvester Odion Akhaine

Your Excellency,

I chose this medium of an open letter to reach out to you because of the existential danger presently confronting the peoples of Edo State. It is no longer news that Nigeria has become an open killing field stalked by so-called Fulani ‘herdsmen’, a roving band of terrorists acknowledged by the Global Terrorism Index as the fourth most dangerous terrorist organisation in the world.

The crux of the matter is that while every community in Nigeria is alive to this danger posed by this band of terrorists and have openly rejected penetration projects variously referred to as ‘cattle colonies’ and ‘ranches’ advanced by their sponsors who currently control the levers of power at the centre, the governing elite in Edo state has maintained felonious silence over their forceful occupation of Edoland and murderous activities within. It is possible that the silence is induced by honest ignorance of the dynamics of the activities of these terrorists on your part and therefore requires some enlightenment by a recourse to some aspects of our history.

History is a resource central to the survival of peoples and organisations. As it is often said, it is the compass to navigate the past, appreciate the present and consider the future. The Edo people fenced off attempts by neighbours and aliens to dominate them. We did not impose our culture on them if they were sworn to oaths of peace and good neighbourliness. As indigenous people with a legend of the creation of the world, we never ceded an inch of our territory to any other people. We resisted the incursion of the British in 1897, despite their superior fire power and occupation of the capital, we waged enduring guerrilla battles against the British up to the time of so-called independence in 1960.

Importantly, before British invasion, the same alien forces who are ravaging all parts of the country in murderous adventures today invaded Hausaland in 1804 and seized the political superstructure of the Hausa who today are subsumed under their domination. They indeed invaded Edoland from the north of our space known today as Kukuruku areas, a name engendered by the heroic resistance to the invaders known to oral tradition as Azanamas.

To be sure, in about 1850 during the reign of Oba Adolo (1848-1888) the Edo people fought wars with the Nupes who formed the bulk of the invaders under the superintendence of the Fulanis. The Nupes who launched out on two fronts, westwards against the Yorubas and southwards against the Edos in their crusade against the peoples of the forest region met with resistance. The Yorubas inflicted a crushing defeat on them at the famous battles of Osogbo spearheaded by the Ibadan forces in 1840 and later the British at Erinmope in the late 19th century. They had a field-day in the Kukuruku country which they raided for slaves and altered the socio-political institutions of that part of Edoland a great deal. In the records of the British, the Kukuruku division was formed with headquarters in Fugar in 1919. Until this period much of Edo North, including Ososo, Okpella, Uzairue North and North Ibie were administered as part of Northern Nigeria under the British from Lokoja. Indeed, without the overwhelming resistance from our forebears, we would have been living in a world of aliens (for a comprehensive knowledge, read Akhaine, S. O., The Kukuruku Wars and the Secularity of the Nigerian State: Some Preliminary Reflections).

Unfortunately, the British decolonisation process placed the levers of power in the hands of the same feudal forces and the dynamics of the civil war were to ensure their total control of the material forces of the state—all the instruments of coercion to ensure perpetual domination of the rest of the country (See Kunle Lawal, The Role of the United States in the Decolonisation process in Nigeria). A recent writer and combatant in that war called the outcome of the civil war, ‘tragedy of victory’.

Your Excellency, the struggle for restructuring is to restore what Pa Enahoro called equitocracy to the federal arrangement of the country. It is the extant relation of domination that Majors S. D. Mukoro and Gideon Orkar sought to undo in their military revolt of April 22, 1990. It is exactly what the incumbent administration has been reinforcing by what is now famous as his nepotist appointments in the security forces. The partisan nature of the military in the genocidal war against peace-loving peoples of this country is legendary. For example, when the people of Ukpabi Nimbo in Enugu in South-East converged to discuss their fate in the hands of the Fulani terrorists, security forces were deployed to halt the gathering while arrest were made. Bosso Community in Niger state were attacked by the ‘herdsmen’, and therefore primed themselves for self-defence. For that reason, men of the 31st Artillery Brigade invaded the community in a dawn raid. Nearer home, after the killings in Ewu, Edo State, the innocent protesters were shot at by the military from a unit in Auchi. There are more damning evidences across the country which lent credence to the accusation of complicity of the military/security forces by the former army chief, General T. Y Danjuma.

The above is to give you a sense of the continuity in the quest for domination by the Fulanis currently masquerading as herdsmen. One of the methods they have adopted in recent times is what the British have called swamping. They evacuate their people at nights into neighbourhoods and then form innocuous retail posts over which they make inroads into occupied communities. It is an old stratagem they employed in Hausaland before take-over in the 19th century. Having been profiled by their murderous activities, they have been unable to realise their occupation agenda so far. The current minders of the Nigerian state whose interest is coterminous with this murderous ethnic group seek the realisation of the agenda through ‘cattle colonies’ and ‘ranches’. Hence, the corresponding resistance across the North, Middle Belt and the South.

Assuming, it was a question of grazing only, late Chief Obafemi Awolowo who read between the lines, suggested a civilised approach to nomadic grazing long ago: a functional rail line between the North and South that could facilitate the transportation of beef through airconditioned compartments to the markets in the South. The Guardian Newspaper even suggested in one of its editorials, a dual economy, that is, the south selling hay to the herders in the north while purchasing beef from them. It will interest you to know that the then Midwest region had attempted a self-sufficiency approach by establishing ranches to feed its own people. They include Igarra and Ubiaja. The latter had a dairy. The last stocks at Igarra were slaughtered for pepper soup by the Igbinedion Administration while the Ubiaja ranche was sold to late Admiral Aikhomu for a pittance and ownership has since changed.

My fear is the influx of the ‘herders’ into all parts of Edoland: from Ovia North East, Orhionmwon, Ikopa-Okha, Ibillo, Igarra, Ekpoma, Irrua, Ugbegun, Igueben Agenegbode. Most alarming is large concentration of the ‘herders’ in a large swathe of land lying athwart Ewohimi and Uromi in Edo central (Esanland). The ‘herders’ script in Nigeria is land grab and control of the locals.

The quest for land acquisition is beyond doubt a well-thought out occupation script acted successfully in Darfur by the Sudanese government. Under the pretext of drought, Arabs from the north of Sudan and Chad moved into Darfur known for its lush vegetation and settled. Before long, the Arab government in Khartoum first and foremost armed the Janjaweed bands to undermine the local people. Subsequently, it re-engineered the administrative units of the areas and imposed the hegemony of the migrants over the indigenous groups such as Fur, Masalit and Daju. The consequence was the formation of two armed groups for self-determination, namely, Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) and the Sudan Liberation Army/Movement (SLA/M) (for details, see the UN Report on Darfur). This is already being perfected in Southern Kaduna where Governor Nasir el-Rufai has just created new emirates to impose Fulani jurisdiction over the indigenous people of Southern Kaduna and render them second class citizens in their ancestral lands.

Indeed, the continuous influx of the terrorist herders into Edoland indicates that the State government under your leadership may have ceded our land to them for occupation, thereby fostering an existential crisis for Edo people. I am not unaware of a statement from your office to the effect that Edo State Government “has not ceded any land, in any part of the state, for ranching project to any one” and recognises animal husbandry as a form of business by private individuals, and that “the state government does not, as a matter of policy, directly engage in businesses” but act to provide enabling environment to attract private investors. I am also not unaware of the ban on night grazing by your government. In relation to the actions of Governors Ortom and Fayose, these are all kid gloves approaches. Human lives matter.

The reality on the ground belies your government’s position. It is that a large chunk of Edoland is being occupied by ‘herdsmen’ steadily and illegally. The lie of things in relation to the subject demands more than statements. It requires practical action.

So far, we have recorded uncountable casualty from their murderous activities. In the last three years, the following killings, by no means exhaustive, were recorded. In 2016, a 64-year old farmer was killed in Okada town in Ovia North East; a medical doctor identified as Ehidiamen Oakimena was killed by herdsmen along Okada-Benin road in Edo state, a teenager was killed in Ibore, Irrua; Two women, Mrs. Martina Emoyon and Mrs. Ariu were raped and killed in Ewu in 2017; also, in 2017, a pregnant woman was raped and killed in Ukpenu, Ekpoma. In the current year, a student of Ambrose Alli, Collins Ojierakhi, was killed in Ugboha; Mr. Pius Eromosele, a pastor was killed in Odighi Community in Ovia North East; the right hand of Arowolo Jerome, a farmer in Igodi quarters of Ojah in Akoko Edo Local Government Area of Edo State amputated by the herdsmen; A bus driver with Gloryland group of school was butchered along Auchi road, Igarra. The domino effect in terms of halting farming activities is immeasurable. Our people now stand the risk of famine.

I have in the above-offered insight into the threat the ‘herdsmen’ pose to our collective existence. I am inclined to suggest some solutions. The first solution is based on assumptions. If the present conflict is truly farmer-herder and driven by climate change as some have argued the Edo government should sponsor an executive bill to prohibit open grazing in Edoland as is done in all civilised countries. The states from which the herdsmen are coming have been the recipient of cash to push back desertification, and fortunately for them, the Chinese have evolved biotechnique for growing vegetation in the desert, they should buy into it and not export the consequence of their negligence to other states. Some Edo indigenes have cows that are also grazing in the open, they should be summoned and ask to put them into ranches and encouraged to make the state self-sufficient without relying on cows from the north. Also, there are already existing cattle markets in Aduwawa and Ivbiaro-Warake road at the bank of River Orle on the Auchi Side; they should be re-organised to be exclusively managed by Edo State indigenes. Northern cattle traders can bring in their cows, sell and go—no settlement and no occupation. Nigeria is not a frontier state but a country of Indigenous people.

The second solution flows from my conviction that the elements masquerading as ‘herdsmen’ are terrorists and are part of a heinous agenda of the current minders of the Nigerian state to occupy the rest of the country and subjugate them. The level of killings and its morbid nature which the terrorist herdsmen have perpetrated in the Middle Belt and our own casualty in their barbarism support my position. Our solution is a no, no, to the Federal Government herders project, namely, Cattle Colony, Ranches and Livestock Transformation Plan. Edo is listed among others state where the pilot project would be experimented and over which the Federal Government has voted N179 billion naira. While other states have said no vehemently, Edo state under your watch is still prevaricating. In practical terms, the state government must mobilise all available legal instruments to remove the terrorists presently occupying parts of the state. The open grazing law will deny them the cover for their sinister project.

Let me warn that if proactive steps are not taken now, we might soon find ourselves in ‘dishonourable graves’. It requires practical action and the time to act is now.

Thanks for your attention.

Sylvester Odion Akhaine, PhD (London), is an associate professor of political science and acting head, department of political science, Lagos State University.

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Why I Visited Nnamdi Kanu in Prison – Alex Otti

Published

23 hours ago

December 21, 2025

Eric

By Eric Elezuo

Governor Alex Otti of Abia State has explained the reasons behind his much talked about visit to the leader of the Indigenous Peoples of Biafra (IPOB), Mazi Nnamdi Kanu, in Sokoto Correctional Centre.

Nnamdi Kanu was found guilty of all the seven count charges of terrorism brought against him by the Federal Government, and sentenced to life imprisonment, by Justice James Omotosho of the Federal High Court, Abuja, on November 20.

The governor also declared his intention to retire from partisan politics after serving as governor of the state.

Governor made these remarks in Umuahia while reacting to a viral video in which an individual berated him for visiting the IPOB leader in Sokoto Correctional Centre recently and alleged that the visit was aimed at positioning him (Otti) for either the presidential or vice presidential ticket. Otti however, denied having any presidential or vice presidential ambition after his governorship role.

According to him, he would not even contest for the senatorial position after serving as governor of Abia State.

Criticisms, he said, are part of democracy, adding that everyone is free to hold an opinion, even as he acknowledged that some criticisms, especially undue ones, are far from being the truth.

His words, “In the first place, that is the beauty of democracy. So, people should hold their opinions, and we respect people’s opinions. And that you hold a different opinion doesn’t mean you are right.

“One of the things he talked about was my ambition after being governor. And I had said it before, and I want to say it again, that by the time I’m done with governorship, I will retire.

“So, I don’t have presidential ambition, nor vice-presidential ambition. I also don’t have senatorial ambition. So, when I finish with the governorship, I’ll retire.

“I came for a mission. And when I deliver that mission, I will give way to younger people. So, he was talking of Igbo presidency. I don’t even understand what that means.

“So, I think if his thesis is based on that assumption, the assumption has collapsed, because he won’t see me on the ballot.

The Abia governor argued that it is important for a political office holder to know when to quit, especially when the politician has done what he is asked to do.

“When you have done what you have been asked to do, you clear, give way for other people. We’ve seen people here, after being governor who went to serve as Local Government Chairman. That’s not what we are. We are not cut out for those kinds of things.

Otti used the forum to explain why he visited Mazi Nnamdi Kanu at the Sokoto prison.

He said, “The second point is about Nnamdi Kanu. And I don’t want to put this matter in the public space so that it doesn’t jeopardise the discussions that I’m having.

“The truth about it is that exactly 24 months ago, I opened up discussions at the highest level on Nnamdi Kanu.

“And going to see him is the right thing to do, because he comes from my state. In fact, he comes from this local government (Umuahia North – the state capital).

“And there are always ways to solve a problem. I don’t believe that the way to solve a problem is to ignore it. And I had written extensively, even about Nnamdi Kanu and Operation Python Dance, I think in 2017 or 2018. And I condemned it.

“And I still condemn it. And some of the recordings that the gentleman put in his video, I cannot vouch for the veracity of that recording.”

Governor Otti maintained that he knows that when an issue has been approached from the legal point of view, there is also another window called the administrative point of view, stressing that, that is where he (the governor) is coming from.

“I’m not a lawyer. And if the judiciary says the man has been condemned to life imprisonment, that is the judiciary. Even that is not the end, because that’s the court of first instance. There is still an opportunity to appeal and then an opportunity to even go to the Supreme Court.

“But what we are trying to do is to intervene. I’m not a supporter of the disintegration of Nigeria.

“So, my position is that it would be insensitive of me to sit here and say one of our own who has been convicted should die when we have an opportunity to discuss, negotiate, and sue for peace. So, that is my position,” he said.

Featured

How Glo Network Became the Lifeline That Saved Two Lives: A True Story from Sallari

Published

2 days ago

December 20, 2025

Eric

By Dr. Sani Sa’idu Baba

It was one of those calm, bright mornings in Sallari, a town in Tarauni Local Government Area of Kano State. I had gone to visit my longtime friend and colleague, Dr. Muhammad Umar Abdullahi, at his private facility, Rauda Clinic and Maternity. We were in his office discussing research, the usual challenges of medical practice, and other issues when the sound of hurried footsteps and anxious voices broke the calm. A young man rushed in, calling for the doctor.

Without hesitation, Dr. Muhammad sprang into action. I followed him instinctively. Within moments, two people burst through the gate, one man carrying a weak, heavily pregnant woman in his arms. Her breathing was shallow and wheezy, her face pale, and her body trembling between labor contractions and an asthma crisis. The scene was intense, we both knew that every second counted.

The team quickly moved her to the emergency bed. The Chief Medical Director Dr. Muhammad and his nurses worked swiftly to stabilize her breathing and monitor the baby. Oxygen was connected, IV lines were set, and within minutes, her breathing began to steady. The baby’s heartbeat was strong. After a short but tense period, she delivered a healthy baby girl. Relief filled the room like a gentle wind.

At that moment, I couldn’t help but admire the efficiency and dedication of Rauda Clinic and Maternity. The facility operated with the precision and compassion of a modern hospital. Every member of the team knew their role, every piece of equipment was in place, and the environment radiated calm professionalism. It reminded me that quality healthcare is not only about infrastructure, but about commitment and readiness when it truly matters. Rauda Clinic stood out that day as a quiet pillar of excellence and hope for patients and families alike.

The following day, I placed a call to Dr. Muhammad to ask about the condition of the woman who had been brought in the previous morning. He sounded cheerful and relieved. “Both mother and baby are fine now,” he said. Then, with deep reflection in his voice, he narrated the extraordinary story behind their survival, a story that showed how a single phone call, made at the right moment, became the bridge between life and death. As I listened to him recount the events, I couldn’t help but marvel at how sometimes, survival depends not only on medicine but also on connection.

Her name was Amina, a mother of three. That morning, she was alone at home, her husband was in Dutse, the capital of Jigawa state where he works, and her children had already gone to school. The first wave of pain came suddenly, followed by a tightening in her chest. Within minutes, she was gasping for air, her asthma worsening with every breath. She reached for her phone to call her husband, but the call wouldn’t go through. She tried again and again, each time, “Network error.”

Her strength was fading fast. She tried to reach her neighbors, but again, no connection. Alone, frightened, and struggling to breathe, she said she felt her end was near. Then, a thought crossed her mind, her maid had left her phone in the sitting room that morning. Gathering the last of her strength, Amina crawled toward the television stand where the phone lay.

When she reached it, she noticed the green SIM icon, it was a Glo line. Hope flickered. But when she tried to make a call, she saw there was no airtime. That could have been the end until she remembered Glo’s Borrow Me Credit service. With trembling fingers, she dialed the Glo borrow me code and she got the credit instantly, and that small credit became her lifeline.

Her first attempt to reach her husband failed. Then she dialed her younger brother, Umar. This time, the call went through immediately. Interestingly, Umar is a Glo user too. Without delay, Umar and his wife rushed to her house, found her collapsed on the floor, and carried her into their car.

On their way, Umar called ahead to alert the doctor, and again, the call went through clearly. By a remarkable coincidence, Dr. Muhammad was also using a Glo line. That seamless connection meant the hospital team was fully prepared by the time they arrived. Within minutes, Amina was stabilized, and both she and her baby were safe.

The next morning, Dr. Muhammad told me that Amina had smiled faintly and said to him, “Doctor, when every other network failed me, Glo answered. If that call hadn’t gone through, I wouldn’t be here today.”

Her words carried a truth that stayed with me. It wasn’t just a patient’s gratitude, it was a testimony about the power of reliable connection. At that moment, Glo wasn’t just a telecommunications network, it was the bridge between life and death, between despair and hope.

In today’s world, a simple phone call can determine whether someone lives or dies. That day reminded me that technology, when dependable, is not just about data speed, it’s about human connection at its most critical. Glo proved to be that connection: steady, available, and trustworthy when it mattered most.

Before she was discharged, she laughed and told the doctor she had already chosen a nickname for her baby “Amira Glo.” They both laughed, but deep down, Dr. Muhammad understood the meaning behind that name. It symbolized gratitude, faith, and survival.

As I ended the call with Dr. Muhammad that day, I felt a quiet pride. I had witnessed not just the miracle of life, but the harmony of medicine, compassion, and reliable technology. Through Rauda Clinic and Maternity, I saw what true service means, dedication without boundaries, and connection that saves.

Amina’s story isn’t an advert, but living proof that sometimes, when every other signal fades, Glo stands firm, and when every other facility seems far away, Rauda Clinic and Maternity remains a beacon of care and excellence.

For patients, families, and health workers alike, Glo is proven to be a network of necessity. It connects life to hope, when every second truly counts…

Dr. Sani Sa’idu Baba writes from Kano, and can be reached via drssbaba@yahoo.com

Featured

Delta Govt Confirms Death of Senator Nwaoboshi at 68

Published

2 days ago

December 20, 2025

Eric

Senator Peter Onyelukachukwu Nwaoboshi, the former lawmaker who represented Delta North Senatorial District in the National Assembly, has passed away. He was 68.

Reports said that Nwaoboshi died on Friday in Abuja following a brief illness.

His demise was confirmed in a condolence statement issued by the Delta State governor, Rt. Hon. Sheriff Oborevwori.

Expressing sorrow, the governor described Nwaoboshi’s passing as a monumental loss to Delta State, the Anioma nation, and the Nigerian federation.

In the statement by his Chief Press Secretary, Sir Festus Ahon, Governor Oborevwori hailed the late Senator as a “fearless advocate” of the Anioma cause whose contributions to nation-building remain indelible.

The governor recalled Nwaoboshi’s impactful tenure in the Red Chamber, particularly his role as Chairman of the Senate Committee on Niger Delta Affairs.

He noted that Nwaoboshi’s consistent advocacy for the development of the oil-rich region distinguished him as a passionate and committed leader.

“On behalf of the government and people of Delta State, I mourn the passing of my dear friend, Senator Peter Onyelukachukwu Nwaoboshi,” the governor said.

“I extend my heartfelt condolences to his immediate family, the people of Anioma nation, members of the All Progressives Congress (APC), and all those whose lives he touched. I pray that Almighty God grant his soul eternal rest.”

Before his elevation to the Senate in 2015, he served meritoriously as a two-term Chairman of the Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) in Delta State, where he was instrumental in consolidating the party’s grip on the State.