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COUP! Who Wants Tinubu Out by Force?

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By Eric Elezuo

The experiences of African countries such as Burkina Faso, Mali, Niger and most recently Madagascar, would have been the lot of the giant of Africa, Nigeria, if the intentions of alleged coup plotters, currently in the custody of the Nigerian security agencies, had seen the light of the day.

What started like a mere rumour, propagated by popular online medium, SaharaReporters, blossomed into full grown story of attempt to dislodge the democratically elected government of President Bola Tinubu. This situation also midwifed the sack and retirement of the Chief of Defence Staff, General Christopher Musa and other military chiefs, including the Chiefs of Naval and Air Staff in one fell swoop. The Chief of Army Staff, General Olufemi Oluyede had luck on his side, as he was rather elevated to the Chief of Defence Staff position while his superior and contemporaries were sacked. General Waidi Shaibu took over as the COAS. Also, Major General Emmanuel Undiendeye was retained as the Chief of Defence Intelligence. These developments had fueled the unpopular belief that the two officers stood stoutly against the alleged coup, and their loyalty to the government of the day is not in doubt.

It is however, worthy of note that the Presidency and the Military have continued to deny any link between the sacking of the military chiefs and the alleged coup.

But the question that has continually been posed is who wants the president removed by force of arms?

The Tinubu-administration has come under the radar of removal-speculations ever since it assumed office in May 2023 as a result of policies which many Nigerians have dismissed as oppressive and inhumane.

Recall that in August 2024, the then Chief of Army Staff, late Lieutenant-General Taoreed Lagbaja, noted that the Armed Forces would “not allow itself to be used to undemocratically sail some interests to power”, adding: “thanks, but no thanks” to calls for intervention.

Lagbaja’s comments hinted at a possible dissatisfaction and dissension among the ranks and files of the military, who with collaboration of the civil populace were calling for a forceful change, no thanks the supposed harsh economic realities of the time, and which has continued to prevail.

In the same August 2024, General Christopher Musa, supported Lagbaja’s narrative, stressing that “Democracy is what we stand for, and democracy is what we will continue to defend.” He had earlier pledged the forces’ “unwavering commitment” to the constitution and the president.

Again, in October 2024, during the #EndBadGovernanceInNigeria protests across some parts of the country, protesters were seen and heard urging military action to topple Tinubu’s government. Lagbaja, again rejected the notion.

In the wake of the coup reports by the online newspaper, the Defence Headquarters categorically denied that officers arrested on October 4, and numbering 16, were not coup plotters, but aggrieved officers, who chose the wrong way to express their grievances.

The DHQ said it detained the 16 senior officers for “indiscipline and breach of service regulations” while rejecting claims of a failed coup, adding that “perceived career stagnation caused by repeated failure in promotion examinations, among other issues” were some of the reasons the officers officers violated service regulations, leading to their arrest.

Their names were listed as Brigadier General Musa Abubakar Sadiq (Nasarawa, 44th Regular Course); Colonel M.A. Ma’aji (Niger, 47th Course); Lt Col S. Bappah (Bauchi, 56th Course); Lt Col A.A. Hayatu (Kaduna, 56th Course); Lt Col Dangnan (Plateau, 56th Course); Lt Col M. Almakura (Nasarawa, 56th Course); Major A.J. Ibrahim (Gombe, 56th Course); Major M.M. Jiddah (Katsina, 56th Course); Major M.A. Usman (FCT, 60th Course); Major D. Yusuf (Gombe, 59th Course); Major I. Dauda (Jigawa, DSSC 38); Captain I. Bello (DSSC 43); Captain A.A. Yusuf; Lieutenant S.S. Felix (DSSC); Lieutenant Commander D.B. Abdullahi (Navy); and Squadron Leader S.B. Adamu (Air Force).

In its statement, the DHQ, which supported the “democracy is forever” slogan, warned that it would not tolerate behaviour that “undermines the integrity of the institution or threatens its constitutional role under democratic authority”. Still, they maintained the no coup attempt posture.

With the events steadily unfolding, observers have concluded that there was a intended coup to oust Tinubu is no longer in doubt, but the unanswered question, which has lingered is who actually wants Tinubu out of office before the next general election in 2027? Aggrieved military, who continually and publicly pledges their loyalty, or politicians, who felt robbed in broad day light in the last general election or perceived enemies, who lost out in the game of power among the president’s All Progressives Congress.

“But there’s one fact, there was a coup that was truncated; whether foiled or failed on its own is a question for another day,” a political source told The Boss.

More emerging facts revealed that the plotters intended to assassinate President Bola Tinubu, Vice President Kashim Shettima, Senate President Godswill Akpabio, and Speaker of the House of Representatives Tajudeen Abbas, among others.

Lending credence to the coup story, the Department of State Service (DSS) has arrested a man, who was said to have used his social media handle to canvass for military takeover of Nigeria government.

However, in a report by The Guardian, the said was meant to take place on October 1, 2025, giving insight as to the reason the Tinubu government decided at the last minute to cancel celebrations and parade for the day.

Quoting a ‘decent source’, the Guardian noted fresh facts, which emerged regarding the identities of at least 16 military officers of Nigerian origin, where were allegedly involved in the coup plot.

“14 of the detainees are from the Nigerian Army, including one brigadier general, one colonel, four lieutenant colonels, five majors, two captains, and one lieutenant.

“The other two officers include a Lieutenant Commander from the Navy and a Squadron Leader from the Air Force, both equivalent to majors.”

Quoting another medium, the paper revealed “that most Army officers belong to the Infantry Corps, with one from the Signals Corps and another from the Ordnance Corps. Many of the detainees are graduates of the 56th Regular Course of the Nigerian Defence Academy (NDA) who trained between September 2004 and October 2008, with six from this group among the first arrested.

“The remaining Army officers come from various other NDA courses. Sources indicate that 15 of the detained officers are from Nigeria’s North Central, North East, and North West geopolitical zones, while one lieutenant is from the South West.

Analysts have declared unequivocally that the coup scare, beyond the exercise of constitutional right of systemic reshufflement of military top brass, was the major reason behind Tinubu’s sack of Gen Musa and others, promotion of Gen Oluyede, and appointments of Waidi Shaibu, Kelvin Aneke and Idi Abbas for the Army, Airforce and Navy respectively.

As the days go by, the number of arrest continues to increase. From the original 16 officers reported shortly after the Independence Day anniversary, the number has soared to as much as 40, and still counting, with many of the dissidents supposedly giving out information that has necessitated investigations outside the military enclave including raiding the Abuja home of a former governor of Bayelsa State, Timipre Sylva. In his absence, his brother, who doubles as his personal assistant, was arrested.

The former governor has since denied any involvement in the alleged coup plot.

Speaking through his spokesperson, Julius Bokoru, Sylva informed that he was in the UK for a medical check-up and planned to travel to Malaysia for a conference. Bokoru also said that the “individuals believed to be operatives of the Defence Headquarters” conducted the raid on his principal’s home without providing a reason for their actions.

Nigeria has enjoyed 26 years of unbroken democracy since 1999. In all these years, at no time was it reported or rumored that a mutiny was in the offing. Consequently, Tinubu, who rode on the back of APC to achieve presidential victory in 2023, is the first leader since the new republic to experience a failed coup or rumored coup.

With many hailing Tinubu’s government as focused and courageous with regards to his tough decisions and policies, which have changed the existential living of Nigerians, many others, especially the opposition and the general public, have knocked the president as insensitive to the plight of the ordinary Nigerian.

Though the elites have not protested openly against the hardship in the land, the last throng of Nigerian citizens, most of the time, led by activist, who is a former presidential candidate, Omoyele Sowore, have most of the times, taken to the streets, to protest. The protests have always been subdued forcefully by the Police just as the government never takes another look.

It is still not known who is leading the charge to forcefully remove Tinubu, and why. But there exists many reasons anyone who want Tinubu to stay in power perpetually, and there exists reasons many people would want Tinubu to exit office as quickly as possible. But it all depends on the side of the divide one is viewing from.

But a cross section of Nigerians have spoken up saying that much as the hardship continues to bite harder, a civilian government is still preferred.

And so the question continues to ring louder; who wants Tinubu out by force?

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Wike Remains Undisputed Rivers APC, PDP Leader, Tinubu Rules

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President Bola Tinubu has, again, intervened to halt the escalating feud between Rivers State Governor, Siminalayi Fubara, and his predecessor and estranged godfather, Nyesom Wike.

The peace deal came after months of failed settlements that had pushed the state to the brink of governorship impeachment, legislative paralysis, and prolonged instability.

The president had previously intervened in the rift between Fubara and Wike in December 2023, when he brokered a fragile peace, which broke down soon after, leading the declaration of a six-month emergency rule in the state on March 18, 2025 by Tinubu and suspension of the governor.

However, in the fresh push to defuse one of the country’s most combustible political disagreements in recent times, Tinubu ordered an immediate suspension of any impeachment moves against Fubara, but with very strict conditions.

Multiple highly placed sources familiar with the issue told THISDAY that Tinubu, who acted just before departing for an official trip to Türkiye on January 26, laid down the political terms aimed at restoring peace between the two key political actors in Rivers State, a state seen as critical to the president’s re-election in 2027.

Tinubu’s intervention came with a blunt message to Fubara: Wike remains the undisputed political leader of the party, whether APC or Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in Rivers State, and he must be respected in that regard.

THISDAY was told that the president, visibly displeased by the depth of the rift, despite his efforts in the past, warned that continued hostilities would undermine governance in the state and lead to instability, a situation Tinubu said he was not ready to condone.

Tinubu was said to have clearly told Wike to back off any impeachment plots against Fubara and allow governance in the state.

Fubara and his predecessor, Wike, have had a cat and mouse relationship just within months of the governor’s swearing into office in May 2023. What is now out in the open is that Wike, who personally engineered Fubara’semergence as his successor, has sought to control the levers of power from Abuja, while the governor has resisted what many see as the FCT minister’s chokehold on him.

The relationship began to fracture within months of Fubara’s inauguration, as the governor quietly sought to assert his independence, with political actors in the state immediately taking sides. Notably, in the ongoing fight, almost all the state lawmakers align with Wike.

Subsequently, attempts to impeach Fubara emerged from the pro-Wike group in the House of Assembly. Although the governor has tried to wriggle out of the situation several times, the shadows of impeachment continue to haunt him every time there is a disagreement with the minister.

Several efforts have been made to resolve the crisis, all of which failed to produce lasting peace. The failure of one of the peace meetings eventually led to the declaration of a state of emergency in the oil-rich state, which lasted six months.

While Wike’s camp continues to accuse Fubara of betrayal and political ingratitude, the governor’s allies argue that Rivers State cannot be run from outside the state by a former governor now serving as the FCT minister.

Still on the latest attempt to seek an end to the prolonged imbroglio, one insider recounted the president’s thinking, drawing a parallel with Lagos State, where Sanwo-Olu is the leader of the party.

Tinubu was said to have stated, “Is Babajide Sanwo-Olu my leader in Lagos, or was Babatunde Fashola my leader when he was governor?”, according to a source.

The president was equally said to have stated that Fubara should respect elders, saying Wike is an elder statesman in Rivers politics and should be regarded as such. Tinubu, one of the sources added, made it clear that political seniority could not be wished away because of personal disagreements.

As part of the peace deal, the president directed Wike and his camp to immediately halt all impeachment-related actions against Fubara, citing his overriding concern about stability in Rivers State.

In return, Fubara was instructed to make significant concessions. Chief among them was the formal recognition of Wike as the “political leader” in Rivers State, with final authority on party matters.

Sources said Tinubu stressed that all internal party disputes in the state must ultimately defer to Wike.

However, the complexity of Wike’s case is that he is not a card-carrying member of APC in Rivers State. Officially, he remains a member of the struggling opposition PDP, although he is a top minister under the ruling APC government – A position he has used to weaken his party, the PDP.

Besides, the understanding covered the upcoming state House of Assembly bye-elections in Rivers State. Tinubu directed that candidates loyal to Wike should be recognised by the APC leadership for the two vacant assembly seats. “It was explicitly stated that Wike has two candidates for the by-elections and that those candidates are to be recognised by the APC party structure,” one source said.

Already, Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has fixed February 21, 2026 for the contentious by-elections into Ahoada East II and Khana II State Constituencies of the state.

THISDAY learnt that while the Ahoada-East II seat became vacant following the resignation of its former occupant, Edison Ehie, who was appointed Chief of Staff (CoS) to Governor Fubara, the Khana II seat was vacant since the death of its lawmaker, Dinebari Loolo, in September 2023.

Notably, the sensitive issue of Fubara’s second term ambition also came up for deliberation, the source said, but was deliberately side-lined, with the president alleged to have said such discussions were too early for now. One source said Tinubu described any talk about the 2027 governorship in the state as still premature.

ThisDay/Arise News

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Otunba Adekunle Ojora: Farewell to a Good Man

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By Eric Elezuo

The curtain dropped on the elitist life of prominent Lagosian, traditional custodian, boardroom guru, refined journalist and elaborate philanthropist, Otunba Adekunle Ojora, on January 28, 2026, bringing to an over nine decades of spreading good tidings, prosperity, unity and humanity. He was 93 years.

His death was announced via a statement by his daughter, Mrs Toyin Ojora-Saraki, on behalf of the Ojora Family, saying he died early in the morning in full submission to the will of Almighty Allah (SWT)

“With total submission to the will of Almighty Allah (SWT), the Ojora family of Lagos hereby announces the passing of our beloved patriarch, Otunba Adekunle Ojora, the Otunba of Lagos and Lisa of Ife, who returned to his creator early this morning.

“We say Alhamdulilahi for a life well lived, and we comply with Allah’s words: ‘Surely, to Allah we belong, and to Him we will all return’ (Q2:156),” the statement reads.

A distinguished businessman, people-oriented-person, the Olori Omo Oba of Lagos and the Lisa of Ife, Adekunle Ojora’s passing came with a much ancipated heartbreak, wailings and regrets, among his hugely extended family members, circle of friends, mentees, colleagues in and across business and traditional terrain, associates and the well impacted general public.

With the announcement of his death came the heavy traffic of personalities, dignitaries and nobles to his Ikoyi palatial home, where his adorable wife, Ojuolape Ojora, and one of his distinguished daughters, Mrs Toyin Saraki, who is the wife of the former Senate President, Bukola Saraki, played significant hosts.

President Bola Tinubu was one of the first mourners with a statement signed by his spokesperson, Bayo Onanuga, acknowledging the dimunitive personality of the deceased, noting how he had affected humanity in a positive light.

Tinubu commiserated with the government and people of Lagos State, as well as the Ojora and Adele royal families.

“The passing of Otunba Ojora is a significant loss to the country, the private and public sectors, and traditional institutions,” the President said, describing the late industrialist as a man whose life was defined by humility, perseverance, hard work and generosity. He further noted that his values shaped his long and distinguished career.

“He remained a towering figure whose counsel and experience benefited institutions at both national and subnational levels,” Tinubu added.

In his condolence message, former President Olusegun Obasanjo described Ojora’s death as painful, saying his absence would be difficult to fill, according to a statement released by his Special Assistant on Media, Kehinde Akinyemi.

The ex-president described Ojora as “an amiable and distinguished Nigerian who, during his lifetime, built a remarkable legacy of integrity, wisdom, and unwavering dedication.”

“By his death, the country has lost a notable captain of industry and commerce, but there is no doubt that his memory lingers on through his many landmark contributions to the development of the South-West zone in particular, and the country in general,” Obasanjo added.

He also stated that “He was a remarkable entrepreneur whose vision, determination, and resilience added value to the community and to hundreds of families who depended on his commercial activities. He was a role model and exemplar whose personal life and achievements inspired a generation of entrepreneurs, industrialists, and merchants. Over the years, with his wise counsel, unquestioned strength, and gentle guidance, Otunba Ojora commanded respect and reverence, and took particular pleasure in mentoring younger men and women to succeed in life.”

Also reacting, a former Minister of Communications, Major General Tajudeen Olanrewaju (Rtd) described Ojora as a “veteran journalist and boardroom titan”.

The former General Officer Commanding (GOC) 3 Division Nigerian Army noted that he made positive contributions to the industrial and entrepreneurial sectors of the economy, lightened up the social fabric of his time in Lagos, in particular, and across our nation.

Among dignitaries that called to the home of the Ojora’s to express heartfelt condolences were the Governor of Osun State, Senator Ademola Adeleke and his elder brother, Dr. Deji Adeleke; Africa’s richest man, Alhaji Aliko Dangote, Mr. Femi Otedola and former governor of Akwa Ibom State, Udom Emmanuel.

As a revered Muslim, versed in Islamic doctrines, the nonagenarian’s burial followed the very next day, drawing an avalanche of well wishers and mourners to the Central Mosque, on Lagos Island, where the funeral rites or the Janazah, led by the Chief Imam of Lagos, Sheikh Sulaiman Abou-Nolla, and assisted by other prominent Islamic clerics, were conducted, and finally to the Vaults and Garden, Ikoyi, where the remains were committed to mother-earth. The events were a meeting point of some sort, as they drew together prominent Islamic scholars, family members, political bigwigs and other distinguished guests.

A roll call of the elite callers at the events include the deceased’s wife, Erelu Ojuolape Ojora; his daughter, Toyin Ojora-Saraki, and her husband, former Senate President and Kwara State Governor, Bukola Saraki. Also in attendance were Lagos State Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu, former Ogun State Governor Ibikunle Amosun, former Speaker of the Kwara State House of Assembly Ali Ahmad, former PDP National Chairman Kawu Baraje, Mufti of Ilorin Sheikh Sulaiman Onikijipa, and National President of Ansar-Ud-Deen Society of Nigeria Prince Adeniji Kazeem.

The burial ceremonies began with a recovery of the remains, which were borne by pallbearers for a burial procession before it was a motorcade bore it to the venue of the Janazah.

The long convoy of dignitaries that accompanied the body to the mosque spoke volumes of the personality of Adekunle Ojora. As the solenm approached, Imam Sulaiman Abou-Nolla led the congregation in prayers, asking for the repose of the siul of the deceased.

At the conclusion of the prayers, the body was conveyed to the Ikoyi Vault, where pallbearers and Muslim Ummah as well selected members of the family and notable dignitaries accompanied the remains,  amid chants, to its final resting place.

THE MAN, OTUNBA ADEKUNLE OJORA 

The highly principled businessman was born Isiaq Adekunle Ojora on June 13, 1932, into the distinguished Ojora Royal Family of Lagos, where he grew with a deeply-rooted tolerance for the history, culture and traditional governance of the Yoruba race and Lagos in particular.

His lineage placed him among the foremost royal families in the state, a heritage he upheld with dignity throughout his long life. Over several decades, he emerged as one of the most influential figures within Lagos’ traditional institutions, commanding respect across royal, cultural and civic circles.

Ojora was a member of the Ojora and Adele royal families of Lagos and was himself the holder of the chieftaincy of the Otunba of Lagos. He studied journalism at Regent Street Polytechnic, with the intention of developing a career in journalism. He started work as a staffer at the BBC where he rose to become an assistant editor.

In 1955, he switched his services to the Nigerian government as a reporter with the Nigerian Broadcasting Corporation. He was soon transferred to Ibadan as an information officer in the office of the regional premier. Ojora’s stint with NBC lasted until 1961 when he took up appointment as the public relations manager at United African Company.

Ojora soon developed interest in the commercial units of enterprises, he became an executive director of UAC in 1962. After a military coup truncated the first republic, Ojora was nominated as a member of Lagos City Council in 1966. A year later, he was given political appointments in two government agencies, in 1967, he was managing director of WEMABOD, a regional property and investment company and also in 1967, he succeeded Kola Balogun as chairman of Nigerian National Shipping Line.

After leaving WEMABOD, he became an investor in various firms including AGIP petroleum marketing and NCR Nigeria. He also founded the private firms Nigerlink Industries, Unital Builders and a holding company Lagos Investments. After the Nigerian Enterprise Promotion Act, he took equity interest in some foreign companies operating in Nigeria such as investments in the Nigerian operations of Bowring Group, Inchape, Schlumberger, Phoenix Assurance, UTC Nigeria, Evans Brothers and Seven-Up. He married Erelu Ojuolape, and among their children is Toyin Saraki.

Beyond royalty, Otunba Ojora was widely regarded as a bridge between tradition and modern governance.

The Otunba Adekunle Ojora would be remembered as a quintessential gentleman,  astute businessman, excellent in speech, dignified in conduct, and deeply respected across generations.

For as many as those who know him, Ojora has for decades, remained a familiar and revered presence in elite social and cultural spaces, where his highly sought-after counsel and calm disposition have proved relevant and needful.

He is also known for his refined lifestyle and strong family values, an embodiment of a “brand of old-school nobility that earned him admiration well beyond wealth or status. He was often described as a man of honour whose life reflected discipline, tradition, and unwavering integrity.

Otunba Adekunle Ojora is survived by his wife, Erelu Ojuolape Ojora, his children, grandchildren and great-grandchildren.

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Incumbency Factor Will Not Determine 2027 Election, Atiku, Obi, Others Talk Tough

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The 2027 general elections will not be determined by incumbency, control of State power or wave of political defections, opposition leaders have declared.

They argued that voter choice, opposition unity, and the integrity of the electoral process would ultimately decide the outcome.

The opposition leaders made the declaration at the public launch of  “The Loyalist,’’ a memoir by National Publicity Secretary of the African Democratic Congress, ADC, Bolaji Abdullahi, in Abuja.

The event drew a wide mix of opposition leaders, former public office holders, lawmakers, intellectuals and party stakeholders.

Speakers included former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar; former Anambra State governor, Peter Obi; former Minister of Interior and ADC National Secretary, Rauf Aregbesola; former Senate President and ADC National Chairman, David Mark, and veteran columnist and public intellectual, Hakeem Baba-Ahmed, who reviewed the book.

Although convened as a book presentation, the gathering quickly assumed a strong political tone, with speakers repeatedly returning to the issues of opposition unity, leadership responsibility, and the limits of incumbency power, ahead of the next general election.

Addressing what he described as a growing misconception in Nigerian politics, Aregbesola argued that governors and incumbents do not automatically determine election outcomes.

Drawing on the 2023 electoral results, he said the belief that political office guaranteed victory was not supported by evidence.

“The fact that certain governors are defecting to the APC shows that our unity is weakened, but the statistics do not support the belief that governors win elections,” Aregbesola said.

Using the South-West as an example, he said ruling party dominance at the state level had not translated into overwhelming electoral success.

“In the South-West, the APC controlled all the states except one, yet the maximum performance of the party was 55 per cent, with the other parties sharing the rest,” he said.

On his part, former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar, speaking as special guest of honour, linked the political moment to the theme of the book, describing loyalty as both a moral test and a personal burden in public life.

Atiku, who noted that his participation was informed by his own role in the political history examined in the memoir, said: “I am honoured to be part of this launch because I was also involved in the eventual inauguration of the Bukola Saraki administration, which this book deals with in very great detail.’’

He praised the author for taking on difficult questions about loyalty and conscience, saying “this is a work that dares to question loyalties, illuminate conscience, and broaden our public imagination.’’

Drawing a contrast between military discipline and political life, Atiku said loyalty in politics was rarely absolute and often exacted a heavy price.

“For those of us who come from the military and paramilitary professions, loyalty is non-negotiable; there is only absolute obedience. But in political life, loyalty is not as rigid, and it comes with consequences,” he said.

The former vice president also spoke candidly about his own experiences.

“Many of us have suffered because of loyalty. I have faced exile as a result of loyalty. I have survived assassination attempts as a result of loyalty,” he said.

Atiku warned that loyalty should never become blind allegiance, adding that “loyalty should strengthen the common goal, not narrow the circle of belonging.’’

Similarly, a former Governor of Anambra State, Peter Obi, who arrived late due to flight delays from Lagos, apologised for not observing traditional protocol before addressing the audience.

Obi also signalled political solidarity and regional commitment, saying: “I have been directed to represent the South-East, and I want to assure you that you will not be disappointed.’’

In one of the most direct political moments of the event, the author, Bolaji Abdullahi, appealed to opposition leaders to rise above rivalry and present a united front, ahead of 2027, adding that Nigerians were ready for change, though political leaders were not yet matching that urgency.

“For 2027, Nigerians are ready. But I don’t think we are ready. Nigerians look at us and see different enclaves and different entities. They see competition, rather than cooperation,” Abdullahi said.

Reviewing the book, Hakeem Baba-Ahmed said it initially provoked skepticism but ultimately impressed him.

“I brought to the book some prejudice and heightened curiosity. I expected the author to fall on his face somewhere. I was wrong,” he said.

He described the memoir as revealing and historically significant.

“This book is easily one of the most readable and revealing books I have read in a long while. It captures the essence of our contemporary social and political character,” Baba-Ahmed said.

Former Senate President, David Mark, described the task of rescuing Nigeria as a shared responsibility and praised Abdullahi’s character.

“He is a straightforward person. Even when I disagreed with him, his advice was always adopted,” Mark said.

He also clarified the long-standing controversy around the Doctrine of Necessity, saying “it was the sole responsibility of the Senate and had nothing to do with Kwara State or anyone from Kwara State.’’

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