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COUP! Who Wants Tinubu Out by Force?
Published
3 months agoon
By
Eric
By Eric Elezuo
The experiences of African countries such as Burkina Faso, Mali, Niger and most recently Madagascar, would have been the lot of the giant of Africa, Nigeria, if the intentions of alleged coup plotters, currently in the custody of the Nigerian security agencies, had seen the light of the day.
What started like a mere rumour, propagated by popular online medium, SaharaReporters, blossomed into full grown story of attempt to dislodge the democratically elected government of President Bola Tinubu. This situation also midwifed the sack and retirement of the Chief of Defence Staff, General Christopher Musa and other military chiefs, including the Chiefs of Naval and Air Staff in one fell swoop. The Chief of Army Staff, General Olufemi Oluyede had luck on his side, as he was rather elevated to the Chief of Defence Staff position while his superior and contemporaries were sacked. General Waidi Shaibu took over as the COAS. Also, Major General Emmanuel Undiendeye was retained as the Chief of Defence Intelligence. These developments had fueled the unpopular belief that the two officers stood stoutly against the alleged coup, and their loyalty to the government of the day is not in doubt.
It is however, worthy of note that the Presidency and the Military have continued to deny any link between the sacking of the military chiefs and the alleged coup.
But the question that has continually been posed is who wants the president removed by force of arms?
The Tinubu-administration has come under the radar of removal-speculations ever since it assumed office in May 2023 as a result of policies which many Nigerians have dismissed as oppressive and inhumane.
Recall that in August 2024, the then Chief of Army Staff, late Lieutenant-General Taoreed Lagbaja, noted that the Armed Forces would “not allow itself to be used to undemocratically sail some interests to power”, adding: “thanks, but no thanks” to calls for intervention.
Lagbaja’s comments hinted at a possible dissatisfaction and dissension among the ranks and files of the military, who with collaboration of the civil populace were calling for a forceful change, no thanks the supposed harsh economic realities of the time, and which has continued to prevail.
In the same August 2024, General Christopher Musa, supported Lagbaja’s narrative, stressing that “Democracy is what we stand for, and democracy is what we will continue to defend.” He had earlier pledged the forces’ “unwavering commitment” to the constitution and the president.
Again, in October 2024, during the #EndBadGovernanceInNigeria protests across some parts of the country, protesters were seen and heard urging military action to topple Tinubu’s government. Lagbaja, again rejected the notion.
In the wake of the coup reports by the online newspaper, the Defence Headquarters categorically denied that officers arrested on October 4, and numbering 16, were not coup plotters, but aggrieved officers, who chose the wrong way to express their grievances.
The DHQ said it detained the 16 senior officers for “indiscipline and breach of service regulations” while rejecting claims of a failed coup, adding that “perceived career stagnation caused by repeated failure in promotion examinations, among other issues” were some of the reasons the officers officers violated service regulations, leading to their arrest.
Their names were listed as Brigadier General Musa Abubakar Sadiq (Nasarawa, 44th Regular Course); Colonel M.A. Ma’aji (Niger, 47th Course); Lt Col S. Bappah (Bauchi, 56th Course); Lt Col A.A. Hayatu (Kaduna, 56th Course); Lt Col Dangnan (Plateau, 56th Course); Lt Col M. Almakura (Nasarawa, 56th Course); Major A.J. Ibrahim (Gombe, 56th Course); Major M.M. Jiddah (Katsina, 56th Course); Major M.A. Usman (FCT, 60th Course); Major D. Yusuf (Gombe, 59th Course); Major I. Dauda (Jigawa, DSSC 38); Captain I. Bello (DSSC 43); Captain A.A. Yusuf; Lieutenant S.S. Felix (DSSC); Lieutenant Commander D.B. Abdullahi (Navy); and Squadron Leader S.B. Adamu (Air Force).
In its statement, the DHQ, which supported the “democracy is forever” slogan, warned that it would not tolerate behaviour that “undermines the integrity of the institution or threatens its constitutional role under democratic authority”. Still, they maintained the no coup attempt posture.
With the events steadily unfolding, observers have concluded that there was a intended coup to oust Tinubu is no longer in doubt, but the unanswered question, which has lingered is who actually wants Tinubu out of office before the next general election in 2027? Aggrieved military, who continually and publicly pledges their loyalty, or politicians, who felt robbed in broad day light in the last general election or perceived enemies, who lost out in the game of power among the president’s All Progressives Congress.
“But there’s one fact, there was a coup that was truncated; whether foiled or failed on its own is a question for another day,” a political source told The Boss.
More emerging facts revealed that the plotters intended to assassinate President Bola Tinubu, Vice President Kashim Shettima, Senate President Godswill Akpabio, and Speaker of the House of Representatives Tajudeen Abbas, among others.
Lending credence to the coup story, the Department of State Service (DSS) has arrested a man, who was said to have used his social media handle to canvass for military takeover of Nigeria government.
However, in a report by The Guardian, the said was meant to take place on October 1, 2025, giving insight as to the reason the Tinubu government decided at the last minute to cancel celebrations and parade for the day.
Quoting a ‘decent source’, the Guardian noted fresh facts, which emerged regarding the identities of at least 16 military officers of Nigerian origin, where were allegedly involved in the coup plot.
“14 of the detainees are from the Nigerian Army, including one brigadier general, one colonel, four lieutenant colonels, five majors, two captains, and one lieutenant.
“The other two officers include a Lieutenant Commander from the Navy and a Squadron Leader from the Air Force, both equivalent to majors.”
Quoting another medium, the paper revealed “that most Army officers belong to the Infantry Corps, with one from the Signals Corps and another from the Ordnance Corps. Many of the detainees are graduates of the 56th Regular Course of the Nigerian Defence Academy (NDA) who trained between September 2004 and October 2008, with six from this group among the first arrested.
“The remaining Army officers come from various other NDA courses. Sources indicate that 15 of the detained officers are from Nigeria’s North Central, North East, and North West geopolitical zones, while one lieutenant is from the South West.
Analysts have declared unequivocally that the coup scare, beyond the exercise of constitutional right of systemic reshufflement of military top brass, was the major reason behind Tinubu’s sack of Gen Musa and others, promotion of Gen Oluyede, and appointments of Waidi Shaibu, Kelvin Aneke and Idi Abbas for the Army, Airforce and Navy respectively.
As the days go by, the number of arrest continues to increase. From the original 16 officers reported shortly after the Independence Day anniversary, the number has soared to as much as 40, and still counting, with many of the dissidents supposedly giving out information that has necessitated investigations outside the military enclave including raiding the Abuja home of a former governor of Bayelsa State, Timipre Sylva. In his absence, his brother, who doubles as his personal assistant, was arrested.
Speaking through his spokesperson, Julius Bokoru, Sylva informed that he was in the UK for a medical check-up and planned to travel to Malaysia for a conference. Bokoru also said that the “individuals believed to be operatives of the Defence Headquarters” conducted the raid on his principal’s home without providing a reason for their actions.
Nigeria has enjoyed 26 years of unbroken democracy since 1999. In all these years, at no time was it reported or rumored that a mutiny was in the offing. Consequently, Tinubu, who rode on the back of APC to achieve presidential victory in 2023, is the first leader since the new republic to experience a failed coup or rumored coup.
With many hailing Tinubu’s government as focused and courageous with regards to his tough decisions and policies, which have changed the existential living of Nigerians, many others, especially the opposition and the general public, have knocked the president as insensitive to the plight of the ordinary Nigerian.
Though the elites have not protested openly against the hardship in the land, the last throng of Nigerian citizens, most of the time, led by activist, who is a former presidential candidate, Omoyele Sowore, have most of the times, taken to the streets, to protest. The protests have always been subdued forcefully by the Police just as the government never takes another look.
It is still not known who is leading the charge to forcefully remove Tinubu, and why. But there exists many reasons anyone who want Tinubu to stay in power perpetually, and there exists reasons many people would want Tinubu to exit office as quickly as possible. But it all depends on the side of the divide one is viewing from.
But a cross section of Nigerians have spoken up saying that much as the hardship continues to bite harder, a civilian government is still preferred.
And so the question continues to ring louder; who wants Tinubu out by force?
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By Eric Elezuo
The furore generated with the passing of the Electoral Bill 2026 by the Nigerian Senate, is yet to die down as various groups, sections and institutions, have continued to lend their voices in condemnation of the tactical removal of the proposed real-time electronic transmission of results.
The Civil Society Organisations and Action Aid have declared a protest to kickoff on Monday, February 9, 2026, titled Occupy NASS Protest, until the Senate find reason to listen to Nigerians, and do what is right, and that aligned with the aspirations of Nigerians, according Samson Itodo, the Executive Director of YIAGA Africa.
In the same vein, the African Democratic Congress has pledged to begin a protest in Abuja on Monday over the removal of real-time clause in the new electoral bill.
The Senate, on Wednesday, passed the Electoral Bill 2026 following hours of debate, but ended up rejecting a proposal to mandate real-time electronic transmission of election results while however, approving significant reforms to election timelines, penalties for electoral offences and voting technology.
The Boss learnt that at the centre of the controversy was Section 60, which governs the transmission of polling unit results, where the Senators voted down a recommendation by the Senate Committee on Electoral Matters that would have compelled presiding officers to upload results to the INEC Result Viewing (IReV) portal in real time. The rejection has drawn the irk of majority of Nigerians, who have have wondered if anyone is actually afraid of the new electoral law? If yes, who? And what could be the reason behind such fears as the need to regulate a hitchfree and smooth and fair electoral process have remained the goal and aspirations of politically savvy Nigerian.
But the lawmakers, contrary to the yearnings of most Nigerians, have retained the approach in the 2022 Electoral Act, which allows electronic transmission after votes are counted and publicly announced at the polling unit. In other words, giving approval to transfer of results instead of transmit in real-time of results.
In their defence however, Senators opposing the real-time upload argued that inconsistent network coverage and logistical challenges could trigger legal disputes and undermine electoral credibility.
The rejected proposal was contained in the new Clause 60(5) of the draft bill, which aimed to mandate presiding officers to electronically transmit polling unit results in real time after completing and signing Form EC8A.
The clause was designed to strengthen transparency and reduce electoral malpractice through technology-driven result management.
The motion to reject the electronic transmission clause was swiftly seconded by the Deputy President of the Senate, Barau Jibrin.
Similarly, the Senate also rejected a proposed amendment under Clause 47 that would have allowed voters to present electronically-generated voter identification, including a downloadable voter card with a unique Quick Response (QR) code, as a valid means of accreditation.
In his defensive remarks, the Chairman of the Senate Committee on Media and Public Affairs, Adeyemi Adaramodu, described the debate as a process subjected to an invisible world of semantics.
“Electronic transmission remains part of the law,” he said, “and results will continue to be available to the public both electronically and through physical forms, ensuring verifiable records for disputes,” Adaramodu said.
In his own defence, President of the Senate, Godswill Akpabio, though admitted that the Senate deliberately deleted the provision for “real-time” transmission of election results from the Electoral Bill, 2026, noted however, that the Senate took the decision because it believed that “technology must save and not endanger democracy.”
Speaking at the launch of a book, “The Burden of Legislators in Nigeria”, authored by Senator Effiong Bob, in Abuja, Akpabio likened the issues raised in the book to the challenges faced by lawmakers in the course of their duties, including the controversy and alleged “abuses” directed at the Senate following the passage of the electoral bill.
The Senate President argued that the entire country could be thrown into chaos if, for instance, network or power failure affected the uploading of results.
He insisted that Form EC8A and other official election records should remain the most reliable means of declaring results.
“All we said was to remove the word ‘real-time’ to allow INEC decide the mode of transmission. If you make it mandatory and there is a system failure, there will be a serious problem,” Akpabio told the gathering, further confirming that the bill, as passed, excluded real-time electronic transmission of results.
Continuing, he said, “Real-time means that if there are nine states where there is no network, does it mean elections will not take place there?
“Or in any part of the country where there is a grid breakdown, does it mean there will be no election?”
The Senate President sounded a note of warning to Nigerians amid outrage, saying the legislature would not be “intimidated” into passing a faulty law simply to please opposition political parties, civil society groups and non-governmental organisations (NGOs).
He criticised NGOs for insisting that because they organised retreats for lawmakers, where ideas were exchanged on the electoral bill, the Senate must adopt their positions, even if such positions did not align with the interests of all segments of the country.
“Why are people setting up panels on television stations and abusing senators? I leave them to God.
“We will not be intimidated but will do what is right for Nigeria, not what one NGO says. A retreat is not law-making.
“Why do you think that the paper you agreed to in Lagos must be what we must approve?” he asked.
Akpabio frowned at the public attacks on the Senate, saying they were uncalled for, and stressing that any provision rejected by the Senate could be reinstated by the Conference Committee of the Senate and the House of Representatives. He said there was therefore no need to hastily criticise senators.
“We have not even completed it until we look at the votes and proceedings. When we bring out the votes and proceedings, any senator has the right to rise and amend it.
“We can amend anything before we approve the votes and proceedings. Why abuse the Senate when what we have is incomplete?
“I can’t talk until they tell me to drop the gavel. In this case, we are yet to complete the process,” he said.
Besides Akpabio’s defences, many groups and individuals have risen stoutly against the removal of the real-time electronic transmission clause, describing the act as irresponsible and detrimental to the feeling of Nigerians.
In his reaction, the National Chairman of the main opposition party, African Democratic Congress (ADC) Senator David Mark, who himself, was a Senate President, and was also present at the book launch, cautioned Akpabio against speaking for the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).
“What the ADC is saying is: pass the law and let INEC decide whether it can implement real-time electronic transmission or not. Don’t speak for INEC.
“The position of the ADC is clear: pass the bill and let INEC decide what it will do with it,” Mark harped.
Reacting also, a former governor of Anambra State and presidential candidate of the Labour Party in the 2023 presidential election, Mr. Peter Obi, delivered knocks to the Senate for the rejection, noting that the Senate decision to stick to the 2022 Electoral Act, which concedes the discretion to apply electronic transmission of results to the Independent National Electoral Commission ( INEC), is an assault on democracy.
In a lengthy post in X titled, “We Continue to Confirm our ‘Now Disgraced Status’ as a Nation?” the now ADC chieftain expressed concern that while other nations have embraced the practise of electronic transmission of results, “the supposed giant of Africa, shamelessly lags behind, dragging the continent backwards.”
He wrote: “Let us all pause and pray for the souls of over 150 innocent lives lost in Kwara yesterday. This tragedy is precisely why I delayed commenting on the outrageous and shameful news surrounding our electoral system.
“The Senate’s blatant rejection of mandatory electronic transmission of election results is an unforgivable act of electoral manipulation ahead of 2027.
“This failure to pass a clear safeguard is nothing short of a deliberate assault on Nigeria’s democracy. By rejecting these essential transparency measures, they are eroding the very foundation of credible elections. “One must ask: Does the government exist to ensure order and justice, or to institutionalise chaos? Is its purpose to serve the people, or to fulfil the sinister ambitions of a select few?
“The turmoil, disputes, and manipulations that plagued past elections, especially the 2023 general election, stemmed directly from the refusal to fully implement electronic transmission.
“Nigerians were fed excuses of a fabricated “glitch” that never existed. While numerous African nations adopt electronic transmission to bolster democracy, Nigeria, the supposed giant of Africa, shamelessly lags behind, dragging the continent backwards.
“We are wasting time hosting conferences and drafting papers on Nigeria’s problems while we, the leaders and elite, are the real issue. Our deliberate resistance to reform is pulling the country backwards, dragging us toward a primitive state of governance.
“By rejecting mandatory electronic transmission—a critical safeguard for electoral integrity—we are entrenching disorder aimed at perpetuating confusion according to the whims of a small clique. Have we not reached a point where we must think seriously about the future of our country and our children? Should leadership not focus on building a credible, orderly, and livable nation for the next generation, rather than one permanently ensnared in chaos?
“When the former Prime Minister of the UK, aware of our history, labelled us “fantastically corrupt,” we reacted defensively. When President Donald Trump declared us a “now disgraced nation,” we were incensed. Yet, with every act of resistance against transparency and reform, we continue to affirm their claims. Those responsible will later point fingers at others for harming the country while they quietly suffocate its potential.
“Let there be no illusion, the criminality witnessed in 2023 will not be tolerated in 2027. Nigerians everywhere must start getting ready to rise up, resist, and reject the backward trajectory, legitimately and decisively reclaim our country from the clutches of deliberate malevolence.
“The International community must take heed of this groundwork for continued future electoral manipulation, endangering our democracy and development.”
Another respondent, Akin Osuntokun, who was the Labour Party campaign DG in 2023, noted that the removal is an affront to democracy.
“It (Rejection of e-transmission of election results) does not portend good omen, it does not portend good for the growth of democracy in Nigeria.
“The growth of democracy is rooted in accountability and the integrity of elections.
“It does not serve the purpose of democratic consolidation, so far as the elections that are conducted on that basis will not meet the bar or threshold of credible election,” Osuntokun said while fielding questions from NAN.
Also, opposition senators have stepped out as a group, insisting that the Senate passed the Act with provision of real-time in it, stressing that anything other than that, is not a document from the Senate.
In the midst of the public outrage, Akpabio has insisted that senate did not remove or reject electronic transmission, clarifying that it cannot guarantee the transmission of results in real time hence the omission of the status of ‘real-time’.
While presiding over the debate session, Akpabio also dismissed claims that electronic transmission had been removed, emphasising that “Retaining that provision means electronic transmission remains part of our law.”
WHAT THE SENATORS CONSIDERED APPROPRIATE FOR THE ELECTORAL BILL
But beyond the brouhaha of real-time electronic transmission, other major amendments to Nigeria’s electoral calendar were approved by the Senate.
The election notice period was reduced from 360 days to 180 days, the deadline for submission of party candidate lists was shortened from 120 to 90 days, and the nomination period was cut from 180 to 90 days.
To deter electoral malpractice, the fine for unlawful possession of voters’ cards was increased from N500,000 to N5 million, though the Senate rejected a proposal for a 10-year ban on vote-buyers, opting for stiffer financial penalties instead. The smart card reader was officially removed from the electoral framework and replaced with the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS).
Under the retained provisions, presiding officers are required to count votes at the polling unit, record results on prescribed forms, announce them publicly and transmit them electronically to the appropriate collation centre.
The e-transmission of results, if approved, would have required INEC presiding officers to upload results from each polling unit to the IReV portal in real time, immediately after completing Form EC&A, which must be signed and stamped by the presiding officer and countersigned by party agents.
Instead, the senators chose to retain the present Electoral Act provision, which mandates that “the presiding officer shall transfer the results, including the total number of accredited voters and the results of the ballot, in a manner as prescribed by the Commission.”
The Senate further upheld the provision mandating the use of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) or any other technological device prescribed by INEC for voter verification and authentication, rather than allowing alternative digital identification methods as proposed in the new bill.
With these decisions, the Senate reaffirmed the use of PVC and BVAS-based accreditation while rejecting efforts to expand digital voter identification and make electronic transmission of results compulsory.
Meanwhile, while Nigerians are planning to occupy NASS beginning from Monday, the Senate has called an emergency plenary for which the agenda is hitherto unknown, but related to votes and proceedings. It is interesting time in the Nigerian political circle now.
The bone of contention has remained ‘real-time’, and Nigerians continue to ask, ‘who is afraid of new electoral act’?
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Headline
Senate Passes Electoral Bill 2026, Rejects Real-time Electronic Transmission of Results
Published
5 days agoon
February 5, 2026By
Eric
The Senate, yesterday, passed the Electoral Bill 2026 following hours of robust debate. But it rejected a proposal to mandate real-time electronic transmission of election results while approving significant reforms to election timelines, penalties for electoral offences and voting technology.
At the centre of the controversy was Section 60, which governs the transmission of polling unit results. Senators voted down a recommendation by the Senate Committee on Electoral Matters that would have compelled presiding officers to upload results to the INEC Result Viewing (IReV) portal in real time.
Instead, lawmakers retained the approach in the 2022 Electoral Act, which allows electronic transmission after votes are counted and publicly announced at the polling unit.
Relatedly, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), which concluded work on the timetable and schedule of activities for the 2027 general election, is unable to release it due to ongoing amendments to the Electoral Act by the National Assembly.
It also identified the inclusion of deceased persons on the voters’ register, prompting plans for a nationwide verification exercise.
On its part, the African Democratic Congress (ADC) raised the alarm over the National Assembly’s delay in passing the Electoral Act amendments, warning that the situation could expose political parties to technical and legal pitfalls ahead of the 2027 general elections.
Under the retained provisions, presiding officers are required to: count votes at the polling unit, record results on prescribed forms, announce them publicly and transmit them electronically to the appropriate collation centre.
Copies must also be provided to polling agents and security personnel where available. Violators face fines of up to N500,000 or a minimum of six months’ imprisonment.
Senators opposing the real-time upload argued that inconsistent network coverage and logistical challenges could trigger legal disputes and undermine electoral credibility.
Chairman of the Senate Committee on Media and Public Affairs, Adeyemi Adaramodu, described the debate as largely semantic.
“Electronic transmission remains part of the law,” he said, “and results will continue to be available to the public both electronically and through physical forms, ensuring verifiable records for disputes.”
Beyond the transmission debate, the Senate approved far-reaching amendments to Nigeria’s electoral calendar. The election notice period was reduced from 360 days to 180 days, the deadline for submission of party candidate lists was shortened from 120 to 90 days, and the nomination period was cut from 180 to 90 days.
To deter electoral malpractice, the fine for unlawful possession of voters’ cards was increased from N500,000 to N5 million, though the Senate rejected a proposal for a 10-year ban on vote-buyers, opting for stiffer financial penalties instead. The smart card reader was officially removed from the electoral framework and replaced with the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS).
INEC Chairman, Prof Joash Amupitan, noted the delay yesterday in Abuja at INEC’s first quarterly consultative meeting with Civil Society Organisations (CSOs).
The e-transmission of results, if approved, would have required INEC presiding officers to upload results from each polling unit to the IReV portal in real time, immediately after completing Form EC&A, which must be signed and stamped by the presiding officer and countersigned by party agents.
Instead, the senators chose to retain the present Electoral Act provision, which mandates that “the presiding officer shall transfer the results, including the total number of accredited voters and the results of the ballot, in a manner as prescribed by the Commission.”
The rejected proposal was contained in the new Clause 60(5) of the draft bill, which aimed to mandate presiding officers to electronically transmit polling unit results in real time after completing and signing Form EC8A.
The clause was designed to strengthen transparency and reduce electoral malpractice through technology-driven result management.
The motion to reject the electronic transmission clause was swiftly seconded by the Deputy President of the Senate, Barau Jibrin.
Similarly, the Senate also rejected a proposed amendment under Clause 47 that would have allowed voters to present electronically-generated voter identification, including a downloadable voter card with a unique Quick Response (QR) code, as a valid means of accreditation.
The Senate further upheld the provision mandating the use of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) or any other technological device prescribed by INEC for voter verification and authentication, rather than allowing alternative digital identification methods as proposed in the new bill.
With these decisions, the Senate reaffirmed the use of PVC and BVAS-based accreditation while rejecting efforts to expand digital voter identification and make electronic transmission of results compulsory.
The Guardian
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Headline
Wike Remains Undisputed Rivers APC, PDP Leader, Tinubu Rules
Published
7 days agoon
February 3, 2026By
Eric
President Bola Tinubu has, again, intervened to halt the escalating feud between Rivers State Governor, Siminalayi Fubara, and his predecessor and estranged godfather, Nyesom Wike.
The peace deal came after months of failed settlements that had pushed the state to the brink of governorship impeachment, legislative paralysis, and prolonged instability.
The president had previously intervened in the rift between Fubara and Wike in December 2023, when he brokered a fragile peace, which broke down soon after, leading the declaration of a six-month emergency rule in the state on March 18, 2025 by Tinubu and suspension of the governor.
However, in the fresh push to defuse one of the country’s most combustible political disagreements in recent times, Tinubu ordered an immediate suspension of any impeachment moves against Fubara, but with very strict conditions.
Multiple highly placed sources familiar with the issue told THISDAY that Tinubu, who acted just before departing for an official trip to Türkiye on January 26, laid down the political terms aimed at restoring peace between the two key political actors in Rivers State, a state seen as critical to the president’s re-election in 2027.
Tinubu’s intervention came with a blunt message to Fubara: Wike remains the undisputed political leader of the party, whether APC or Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in Rivers State, and he must be respected in that regard.
THISDAY was told that the president, visibly displeased by the depth of the rift, despite his efforts in the past, warned that continued hostilities would undermine governance in the state and lead to instability, a situation Tinubu said he was not ready to condone.
Tinubu was said to have clearly told Wike to back off any impeachment plots against Fubara and allow governance in the state.
Fubara and his predecessor, Wike, have had a cat and mouse relationship just within months of the governor’s swearing into office in May 2023. What is now out in the open is that Wike, who personally engineered Fubara’semergence as his successor, has sought to control the levers of power from Abuja, while the governor has resisted what many see as the FCT minister’s chokehold on him.
The relationship began to fracture within months of Fubara’s inauguration, as the governor quietly sought to assert his independence, with political actors in the state immediately taking sides. Notably, in the ongoing fight, almost all the state lawmakers align with Wike.
Subsequently, attempts to impeach Fubara emerged from the pro-Wike group in the House of Assembly. Although the governor has tried to wriggle out of the situation several times, the shadows of impeachment continue to haunt him every time there is a disagreement with the minister.
Several efforts have been made to resolve the crisis, all of which failed to produce lasting peace. The failure of one of the peace meetings eventually led to the declaration of a state of emergency in the oil-rich state, which lasted six months.
While Wike’s camp continues to accuse Fubara of betrayal and political ingratitude, the governor’s allies argue that Rivers State cannot be run from outside the state by a former governor now serving as the FCT minister.
Still on the latest attempt to seek an end to the prolonged imbroglio, one insider recounted the president’s thinking, drawing a parallel with Lagos State, where Sanwo-Olu is the leader of the party.
Tinubu was said to have stated, “Is Babajide Sanwo-Olu my leader in Lagos, or was Babatunde Fashola my leader when he was governor?”, according to a source.
The president was equally said to have stated that Fubara should respect elders, saying Wike is an elder statesman in Rivers politics and should be regarded as such. Tinubu, one of the sources added, made it clear that political seniority could not be wished away because of personal disagreements.
As part of the peace deal, the president directed Wike and his camp to immediately halt all impeachment-related actions against Fubara, citing his overriding concern about stability in Rivers State.
In return, Fubara was instructed to make significant concessions. Chief among them was the formal recognition of Wike as the “political leader” in Rivers State, with final authority on party matters.
Sources said Tinubu stressed that all internal party disputes in the state must ultimately defer to Wike.
However, the complexity of Wike’s case is that he is not a card-carrying member of APC in Rivers State. Officially, he remains a member of the struggling opposition PDP, although he is a top minister under the ruling APC government – A position he has used to weaken his party, the PDP.
Besides, the understanding covered the upcoming state House of Assembly bye-elections in Rivers State. Tinubu directed that candidates loyal to Wike should be recognised by the APC leadership for the two vacant assembly seats. “It was explicitly stated that Wike has two candidates for the by-elections and that those candidates are to be recognised by the APC party structure,” one source said.
Already, Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has fixed February 21, 2026 for the contentious by-elections into Ahoada East II and Khana II State Constituencies of the state.
THISDAY learnt that while the Ahoada-East II seat became vacant following the resignation of its former occupant, Edison Ehie, who was appointed Chief of Staff (CoS) to Governor Fubara, the Khana II seat was vacant since the death of its lawmaker, Dinebari Loolo, in September 2023.
Notably, the sensitive issue of Fubara’s second term ambition also came up for deliberation, the source said, but was deliberately side-lined, with the president alleged to have said such discussions were too early for now. One source said Tinubu described any talk about the 2027 governorship in the state as still premature.
ThisDay/Arise News
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