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Atiku Abubakar: The Best Man for the Job

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By Eric Elezuo

The year 2023 is no longer a mirage; it’s less than two months away, and fast approaching. And on February 25, 2023, Nigerians will troop out to various polling stations and booths to elect a president, who is expected to drive the economy with equanimity, tackle insecurity without bias, distribute infrastructure with equitable integrity and make rescue the people from the present maladministration.

On the roll call of front line candidates seeking to serve the country come May 19, 2023 are Alhaji Atiku Abubakar of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Mr. Peter Obi of the Labour Party (LP), Senator Rabiu Kwankwaso of the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) and Asiwaju Bola Tinubu of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC).

However, much as a cross section of party followers has identified their individual candidates as suitable, a greater collection of Nigerians has settled for the candidacy of Atiku Abubakar, saying he alone has what it takes to sincerely unify the country, and return it to reckoning after many years in the doldrum owing to the mismanagement occasioned by the President Muhammadu Buhari-led Federal administration.

Atiku, a lot of people has reasoned, “occupies a pride of place among those contesting for the position of President in 2023 in terms of performance and experience on the job. This should be of paramount importance to the electorate because, even in normal times, the Presidency does not permit of a long learning period and the margin of error in the actions and decisions of the President must be minimal.” He is somebody who is set to create jobs like a practitioner. His antecedents in job creation and provision of employment is very much in the public domain. He is not just a politician, he is an entrepreneur, whose enterprises span across Education, Oil and Gas, Agriculture, Manufacturing and Logistics. This has unarguably made him one of the highest employers of labour in Nigeria.

The campaign organistion of the Atiku presidency has made it clear from both his biography and manifesto that the former Custom officer, who rose out of dint of hard work to become the vice president between 1999 and 2007 has all attributes that qualify him as the best President for Nigeria in 2023.

“The single most important factor that makes him most-suited for the high office of the President, particularly at this critical point in our national development, is ADEQUATE PREPARATION. This is what makes him tower well above all the other contestants for the 2023 Presidential Election.” The campaign quoted copiously from  Rudolph Giuliani, who said:

As I Progressed in my career, I realised that PREPARATION was the single most important key to success, no matter what the field. A leader may possess brilliance, extraordinary vision, fate, even luck. All these help. But no one, no matter how gifted, can PERFORM without careful preparation, thoughtful experiment and determined follow-through.”

It goes without saying that having shown interest in the presidency since 2007, and at each occasion, churning out speculative manifestoes that specifically addressed the challenges the nation is going through, Atiku remains the best prepared for the job of president come 2023.

The organisation noted: “For Atiku, it has been a life-time of meticulous preparation for leadership culminating in resounding success in all his endeavours. The circumstances of his birth and childhood, the challenges he faced, the deprivations he endured and the opportunities created for him by the existing order in those days largely influenced the choices he made, his values and principles, his entrepreneurial spirit, his passion for education and for creating opportunities for his fellow citizens, particularly the youth, to develop their full potentials.

“Atiku had been involved in politics long before the formation of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) in 1998. He had participated in the struggle for the enthronement of Democracy, a Constitutional Conference and several Transition Programmes by the Military under the auspices of the People’s Democratic Movement (PDM) led by the late General Shehu Musa Yar’Adua. His involvement in the democratic struggle entailed a lot of courage and personal sacrifice as it inevitably brought him into collision course with the military establishment and even brought him into harm’s way especially when he joined others in demanding the exit of General Sani Abacha’s brutal regime. At the same time his principled stance made him to reject offers of political appointment to silence him.

“This long involvement in national politics came with two distinct advantages. The first is an intimate knowledge of the dynamics and complexities of Nigerian politics. The second is a formidable political network throughout the country. In fact, by the time preparations were in top gear for the return to civil rule during the General Ibrahim Babangida regime the PDM was the most cohesive, strategic and effective political group in the country. Atiku used the movement as the launching pad for his Presidential aspiration in 1993 on the platform of the Social Democratic Party (SDP). It is on record that the sacrifice he made ensured the emergence of Chief M.K.O. Abiola as the Presidential Candidate and the eventual winner of the election.”

His rare display of camaraderie and raw experience at governance set him aside as he was unequivocally chosen as the vice presidentially candidate, an office he handled with the dexterity of a man with a mission. His stewardship during the eight years he held sway as the second in commander, could be described as monumental, and a gracious in period in Nigeria’s economic upliftment. He is a man built in and out with veritable ideas that easily translates to prosperity.

A document on Essential Atiku put it succinctly: “It did not take too long for Atiku to demonstrate that he was the most appropriate choice for the position of Vice President. He deployed effectively to the service of the new administration his political savvy and network, his ability to build consensus by inspiring confidence and trust, his cosmopolitan and detribalised nature, his profound understanding of the terrain and dynamics of Nigerian politics as well as his exposure to the private sector. He thus, became the critical bridge between the Administration and the political class, the Organised Private Sector, Labour Unions, the Legislature and the other tiers of Government and complemented the vast experience, tested leadership and international exposure of Chief Obasanjo to achieve the speedy stabilization of the Administration. This was a great feat for a country that was just emerging from prolonged military rule as it created the conducive environment for embarking on the much needed social and economic transformation of Nigeria.

“As Vice President, apart from his Constitutional role as the Chairman of the National Economic Council, Atiku presided over the National Council on Privatization which is charged with implementing the privatization and commercialization of public enterprises. Under his s effective leadership, Nigeria undertook one of the most massive privatization programmes in the world involving about 200 public enterprises. The enormity of the privatization programme with its exacting transactional regulations and timelines required great capacity for work, firmness, decisiveness and the ability to lead and inspire the sound technocrats at the Bureau of Public Enterprises. It is noteworthy that the National Council on Privatization’s mandate also included critical reforms in Telecommunications, Pensions, Tax as well as Ports and Debt Management.

“Perhaps it is in the area of reforms that the Obasanjo – Atiku Administration recorded its greatest achievements and most enduring impact on the socio-economic development of Nigeria. At the inception of the administration, the Public Service was literally crumbling under the heavy weight of bureaucratic inertia, corruption, inefficient service delivery and near-total disregard for due process, transparency and accountability. The Public Service Reforms, with SERVICOM as its face, brought about noticeable positive changes in work ethics and service delivery.”

If he could achieve so much and influence so much to the betterment of Nigerians as the number two man, it is therefore, better imagined what he can achieve and influence with the privilege of the executive powers to the advantage of Nigerians. It is on record that he influence major legislations and initiatives including, but not limited to

  1. National Economic Empowerment and Development Strategy (NEEDS) I and II;
  2. Vision 20:2020 – a Strategic Framework for making Nigeria one of the 20 largest economies in the world and a major player in the global economy by the year 2020.
  3. The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and Independent Corrupt Practices and other Related Offenses Commission (ICPC) as effective institutional and legal frameworks for combating corruption.
  4. Public Service Reforms – to enhance work ethics and service delivery.
  5. The Fiscal Responsibility Act – an essential tool for Public Sector Financial Management.
  6. The National Health Insurance Scheme (NHIS).
  7. Pension Reform – with the introduction of Contributory Pension Scheme.
  8. The Agri-Business and Agricultural Value Chain – to diversify the economy.
  9. Development of National Multi-modal Transportation Master Plan, Including the Railway Master Plan.
  10. Very aggressive and highly successful drive for Foreign Direct Investment (FDI).
  11. Debt Relief to tune of $18 billion by the Paris Club which was a measure of the confidence generated by our Good Governance and Reforms.
  12. Establishment of the Infrastructural Concessioning Regulatory Commission (ICRC) as the regulatory framework for Public Private Partnership.
  13. The Communication Reforms and GSM revolution (It is noteworthy that Nigeria had only about 400,000 functional telephone lines before the advent of the Administration in 1999).
  14. Banking Consolidation and Reforms – which revolutionised banking in Nigeria.
  15. Tax Reforms.
  16. Establishment of the Price Intelligence (Due Process) Unit which is the Precursor of the Public Procurement Act.
  17. Keying into the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative.
  18. Establishment of the Excess Crude Account (ECA) which is the Precursor of the Nigeria Sovereign Investment Authority, otherwise known as the Sovereign Fund.

Cultured and well mannered, Atiku has not directly or indirectly threw a jab at any of his rivals even as the campaign progresses, and amid unwarranted provocations. Recall that he only advised the vice presidential candidate of the APC, Kashim Shettima, who derided him over his bottle water business. He has not till date attacked Governor of Rivers State, Nyesom Wike, or the other four governors, who have consistently taunt him, and practically withdrew their support for him. That is the hallmark of a leader and leadership. These, Atiku is endowed with, and many more

It has been revealed that his Policy Document is basically a revelation of of the “high premium he places on Human Capital Development with education and health as the main building blocks. For him, adequate education and sound health not only have social but economic benefits in the immediate and long run because a well-educated and healthy child is a potentially more productive and self-reliant citizen who will NOT constitute great social costs in the future. Not surprisingly, he has proposed a budgetary provision of 25% and 15% for education and health respectively.” This is in conformity with the United Nations standard.

Highly detribalised, Atiku is also gender friendly, and has women empowerment as a core agenda in his administration. He has said severally that his decision to establish a Microfinance Bank was to defeat poverty particularly among women. He has also disclosed that 80% of the bank’s customers are women who, significantly, have an impressive repayment record.

I AM ATIKU ABUBAKAR

To come to grasp the personality of the PDP presidential candidate, it is much profitable to hear from the horse’s mouth. Below is a brief autobiography of the man built for the job, as at 2014.

Childhood:

I was born on the 25th of November 1946 in Jada village, Adamawa State Like many of my generation, my father was opposed to Western education and tried to keep me out of school. When the government discovered this, my father spent a few days in jail. I was then enrolled in Jada primary school.

When I was only 11 years old, my father drowned and died while trying to cross a small river. The task of raising me then fell on my mother. At that age I resolved to work hard, remain focused and be successful in life to make my her proud. In 1960, I was admitted to Adamawa Provincial Secondary School in Yola.

Academically, I did well in English Language and Literature but I struggled with Physics, Chemistry and Mathematics. I spent most holidays working to earn extra money. In 1961, when I was 15 years old, my mother’s elder brother sold the family house in Jada without her knowledge and rendered us homeless. I spent that holiday working and from my earnings, I bought a house for my mother in Ganye. I became an orphan when my mother suffered a heart attack and died in 1984.

Post Secondary School

I graduated from secondary school in 1965. After that, I studied at the Nigeria Police College in Kaduna for a short while. I left when I was unable to present an O-Level Mathematics result. I worked briefly as a Tax Officer in the regional Ministry of Finance, from where I gained admission to the School of Hygiene in Kano in 1966.
I graduated with a Diploma in 1967, having served as Interim Student Union President at the School. In 1967 I enrolled for a Law Diploma at the Ahmadu Bello University Institute of Administration, on a scholarship from regional government. After graduation in 1969, I was employed by the Nigerian Customs Service.

Family

I met nineteen year old Titilayo Albert when I was serving at Idiroko, Lagos, and in December 1971 I married her secretly, because her family was initially opposed to the union. On 26 October 1972, Titi delivered a baby girl and we named her Fatima. Titi later gave birth to Adamu, Halima and Aminu.

In January 1979 I married Ladi Yakubu as my second wife. I wanted to expand the Abubakar family. I had no siblings and I felt extremely lonely as a child. I did not want my children to feel that way.

This is why I married more than one wife. My wives are my sisters, my friends, and my advisers and they complement one another. Ladi gave birth to Abba, Atiku, Zainab, Ummi-Hauwa, Maryam and Rukayatu.

In 1983 the late Lamido of Adamawa who had become like my father made me the Turaki of Adamawa. This position was usually reserved for one of the Emir’s favorite sons and was rarely given to non-royals like me. To ensure that I met the ‘blood tie’ requirement for the title, the Lamido gave me one of his daughters, Princess Rukaiyat, to marry.

She gave birth to Aisha, Hadiza, Aliyu, Asmau, Mustafa, Laila and Abdulsalam. I married Fatima Shettima in 1986. She gave birth to Amina (Meena), Mohammed and two sets of twins Ahmed and Shehu, Zainab and Aisha and then Hafsat. Jennifer Jamila Atiku-Abubakar is my last wife. She gave birth to Abdulmalik, Zara and my youngest child, Faisal.

Customs

My Customs career commenced on 30 June 1969. My first posting was at Idi-Iroko, a border town between Nigeria and Benin Republic. My other assignments included the Lagos Airport, Apapa Ports (1974), Ibadan Customs Command (1975), Kano Command (1976), Maiduguri (Area Comptroller, 1977), Kaduna (1980) and the Apapa Ports in 1982.

In April 1984, when I was the Murtala Muhammed Airport Area Administrator, my name was associated with a scandal that made headlines. As part of efforts to cripple corrupt politicians who had stashes of stolen cash in their possession, the new military government had phased out the old naira currency and replaced it with new ones. Orders had been given to ensure that all luggage entering the country was properly screened to prevent smuggling of the old notes. The Emir of Gwangu and Ambassador Dahiru Waziri had arrived from Saudi Arabia with many suitcases. As is customary, the suitcases were supposed to pass through Custom officers for check
but the Emir’s son, who was a Major in the Army and also ADC to Head of State Gen Buhari drove straight to the Tarmac with soldiers, off-loaded the suitcases there, picked up his father and the Ambassador and drove away. The soldiers had threatened to shoot the Custom officers who had protested and tried to stop them. My officers reported in writing to me and I in turn reported the incidence to my boss, the Director of Customs. A few days later, one of the officers leaked the story to Guardian Newspapers and their correspondent called me to confirm if it was true. I did.

Soon after, Newspaper Headlines read, “Passenger with 53 suitcases leaves airport unchecked”. This scandal embarrassed the government and they tried to make me deny it happened. I refused and they threatened to throw me out of service. The Minister of Finance then, Soleye, who oversaw the Customs Service played a big role in ensuring I wasn’t dismissed. He had said it would be unfair to punish me for being honest and standing by my officers.

In 1987 I was promoted to Deputy Director of Customs and Excise in charge of Enforcement and Drugs. In April 1989, when I was 43, I voluntarily retired from Customs after 20 years of meritorious service.

Business

I’ve always had a good nose for business. In my early years as a Customs officer, I received a 31,000 naira Housing Loan, built a bungalow in Yola, and rented it out. With the rent I collected in advance, I bought a second plot and built another house. I continued building new houses with rent from completed ones and after a few years I had built 8 houses in choice areas in Yola. When I was transferred to Kaduna, I continued this process and in a few years I had 5 houses there.

In 1981, I moved into agriculture. I became the largest maize farmer in the whole of Gongola state. Unfortunately, due to Government policies that increased the cost of production, the business fell on hard times and closed in 1986.

The most successful business I ever ventured into was with Gabrielle Volpi, an Italian businessman. He intimated me about how profitable Oil and Gas Logistics business could be and, trusting his abilities, I partnered with him to form NICOTES which started operating from a container office at Apapa ports.

When the business began to grow, we relocated to Onne, Rivers State. The company, now known as INTELS (Integrated and Logistics Services) is a multi-billion naira company that has a staff of over 15,000 people and pays huge dividends to its shareholders. My other businesses include agriculture, feed making, plastics, printing, TV/radio media, and beverages.

Politics

I met Shehu Musa Yar’Adua towards the end of my Customs career. He invited me to the political meetings that were happening regularly in his Lagos home; and that was how my foray into politics began.

In 1989 the political meetings became Peoples Front of Nigeria and I was elected as the National Vice- Chairman.

First Governorship Run (1990)

I won the Adamawa state SDP gubernatorial primaries in November 1991, but the FG later disqualified me from contesting the election.

First Presidential Run (1992)

When Shehu Yar’Adua was disqualified from contesting the 1992 presidential primary of the SDP, he pushed me forward as the focal point of SDP’s ambitions. I came third in the convention primary. But because MKO Abiola, the winner, had won by only about 400 votes a run-off was due. I stepped down for Abiola, asking my supporters to cast their votes for him, with an unwritten agreement that Abiola would announce me as his running mate. He eventually won the SDP ticket, but announced Babagana Kingigbe as his running mate.

Second Governorship Run (1998)

I won the Adamawa State governorship elections in December 1998, but before I could be sworn in, I was chosen by Olusegun Obasanjo, as his vice-presidential candidate. We won the 27 February 1999 Presidential Elections with 62.78 percent of the votes.

Vice Presidency (1999–2007)

I was sworn in as Vice-President of Nigeria on 29 May 1999. Coming in after decades of military rule, Nigeria was in a very bad shape all round. Priorities were decided. We started by stabilizing the polity. I was put in charge of the economy in the first tenure. I oversaw the sale of hundreds of loss-making and poorly managed public enterprises. We curbed
inflation, fixed our foreign debts and consolidated the banks. I supervised the telecoms reforms which brought us GSM. In my second tenure, due to issues like fighting the bid to amend the constitution that would allow the President run a third term, so many things went wrong. At a point, all my staffs were even withdrawn. But I have put all that behind me.

Second Presidential Run (2006–2007)

On 20 December 2006, I was chosen as the presidential candidate of the Action Congress. On 14 March 2007, INEC released the final list of 24 aspirants for the 21 April presidential election and
my name was missing from the ballot. INEC issued a statement stating that my name wasn’t there because I was on a list of persons indicted for corruption by a panel set up by the government. I headed to the courts on 16 March to have the disqualification overturned and on the 16th of April, the Supreme Court unanimously ruled that INEC had no power to disqualify candidates. This was barely 5 days to the election, when most people had given up hope that I would be allowed to contest. In the end, as announced by INEC, I came third, behind Umaru. Yar’Adua and Muhammadu Buhari.

Third Presidential Run (2011)

On the 22nd of November 2010, a Committee of Northern Elders selected me as the Northern Consensus Candidate, over former Military President Ibrahim Babangida, former National Security Adviser Aliyu Gusau and Governor Bukola Saraki of Kwara State. In January 2011, I contested for the Presidential ticket of the PDP alongside President Jonathan and Sarah Jubril. I came second.

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Why Nigerians Must Reject INEC’s Revised Timetable – ADC

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By Eric Elezuo

The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), during the week, released a fresh elections timetable, with major amendments to accommodate the just passed and signed Electoral Act 2026 by the National Assembly and President Bola Tinubu respectively.

Following the repeal of the Electoral Act, 2022 and the enactment of the Electoral Act, 2026, which introduced adjustments to statutory timelines governing pre-election and electoral activities, the Commission has reviewed and realigned the Schedule to ensure full compliance with the new legal framework.

Accordingly, the Commission has resolved as follows:

  1. Presidential and National Assembly Elections will now hold on Saturday, 16th January 2027 as against the earlier stated February 20, 2027
  2. Governorship and State Houses of Assembly Elections will now hold on Saturday, 6th February 2027 as against the former date of March 6, 2027

Also in accordance with the approved Schedule of Activities, the electoral bidy noted in the revised timetable that:

Conduct of Party Primaries, including resolution of disputes arising from primaries, will commence on 23rd April 2026 and end on 30th May 2026.

Presidential and National Assembly campaigns will commence on 19th August 2026.

Governorship and State Houses of Assembly campaigns will commence on 9th September 2026.

As provided by law, campaigns shall end 24 hours before Election Day. Political parties are strongly advised to adhere strictly to these timelines. The Commission will enforce compliance with the law.

But in a swift reaction, the opposition coalition, African Democratic Congress (ADC), rejected the revised 2026–2027 general election timetable, describing it as a politically biased schedule designed to favour the re-election agenda of President Bola Tinubu, and calling on all Nigerians to speak up enmasse to reject the revised timetable.

The ADC, in a statement by its National Publicity Secretary, Bolaji Abdullahi, on Friday argued that the new deadlines and compliance requirements under the Electoral Act 2026 create near-impossible hurdles for opposition parties seeking to field candidates.

On February 13, INEC initially scheduled the 2027 Presidential and National Assembly elections for February 20, 2027, while the Governorship and State Houses of Assembly elections were fixed for March 6, 2027.

The timetable, however, faced objections from some Muslim stakeholders who noted that the dates coincided with the 2027 Ramadan period.

Following the concerns, the National Assembly amended Clause 28 of the Electoral Act Amendment Bill, reducing the required election notice period from 360 to 300 days, allowing INEC to adjust the election dates.

Subsequently, INEC released a revised schedule on Thursday, signed by its Chairman, Joash Amupitan, moving the Presidential and National Assembly elections to January 16, 2027, and the Governorship and State Houses of Assembly elections to February 6, 2027.

Reacting, the ADC said the requirement that political parties submit a comprehensive digital membership register by April 2, 2026, effectively bars opposition parties from participating.

The party stated: “The African Democratic Congress rejects the updated 2026–2027 electoral timetable released by the Independent National Electoral Commission. What has been presented as a routine administrative schedule of the upcoming general elections is, in fact, a political instrument carefully structured to narrow democratic space and strengthen the incumbent administration ahead of the 2027 general elections.

“According to the timetable, party primaries are to be conducted between April 23 and May 30, 2026, just 55 to 92 days from today. However, more significant is that, pursuant to Section 77(4) of the Electoral Act 2026, political parties are required to submit their digital membership registers to INEC not later than April 2, 2026.

“That is only about 34 days away. Section 77(7) further provides that any party that fails to submit its membership register within the stipulated time shall not be eligible to field a candidate. These are not routine administrative rules but are deliberately constructed barriers designed to exclude the opposition from participating in the election.”

The party further noted that Section 77(2) of the Electoral Act 2026 requires the digital register of members to contain name, sex, date of birth, address, state, local government, ward, polling unit, National Identification Number (NIN) and photograph in both hard and soft copies, while Section 77(6) prohibits the use of any pre-existing register that does not contain the specified information. It warned that failure to meet these requirements would lead to disqualification.

The ADC questioned the fairness of the digital membership requirement, noting that the ruling All Progressives Congress began its registration process in February 2025, long before the requirement became mandatory.

“It is not a product of foresight but insider advantage. They knew what was coming. They therefore had one full year to carry out an exercise that other political parties are expected to complete in one month, during which they must collect, process, collate and transmit large volumes of digital data to INEC under the threat of exclusion. This is practically impossible.

“Democratic competition is based on a level playing field that does not give any contestant an undue advantage. A system where one party exploits incumbency to gain a one-year head start on a requirement that other parties only became aware of when it was nearly too late is a rigged system.”

The ADC said it has joined other opposition parties in rejecting the Electoral Act 2026, adding that the INEC timetable is equally rejected as it appears designed to serve what it described as a self-succession agenda.

“Let it be clear that ADC will not take any action that appears to confer legitimacy on a fraudulent system. We are reviewing our options and will make our position known in the coming days,” the party said.

The party also called on civil society organisations, democratic stakeholders and Nigerians to scrutinise the timetable and demand fairness, stressing that democracy cannot survive when electoral rules are structured to produce predetermined outcomes.

The party has consistently accused the Tinubu-led All Progressives Congress (APC) of scheming to silence the opposition as the 2027 General Elections draw closer, citing his manipulation of state governors and Assembly members from jumping ship, and settling with the ruling party.

Presently, the president’s party has a total of 31 out of 36 states governors, more than majority of the national and states Houses of Assembly.

A frontline publisher and chieftain of the ADC, Chief Dele Momodu, has warned that Tinubu is gradually transforming into full-blown dictatorship, stressing that his second term in office would turn state governors into ‘total slaves’.

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Second Term for Tinubu Will Turn Governors into Total Slaves, Dele Momodu Warns

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Chairman, Ovation Media Group, and former presidential aspirant, Aare Dele Momodu, has expressed strong concern over what he described as growing political support for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu among state governors across the country.

Speaking during an interview on News Central TV, Momodu said he was shocked by the level of backing the president is reportedly receiving, warning that Nigeria’s democracy could face serious risks if the current political trend continues.

The media entrepreneur cautioned that allowing Tinubu to secure a second term in 2027 could, in his view, lead to excessive concentration of power. He particularly criticized what he described as a growing wave of opposition figures aligning with the ruling All Progressives Congress> (APC).

Momodu referenced reports of opposition governors, including Ahmadu Umaru Fintiri, allegedly moving closer to the ruling party, describing the development as politically troubling.

According to him, some governors are allegedly competing to demonstrate loyalty to the president ahead of future elections.

“The governors are fighting to ensure Tinubu wins a second term, fighting to be the biggest thug for him. If a man in his first term can capture the bodies and souls of Nigerians this way, imagine what he would do with a second term. It will be a full-blown dictatorship, and the governors will regret it as they become total slaves to him,” Momodu said.

He concluded by urging Nigerians to remain vigilant and actively protect democratic institutions, warning that unchecked consolidation of political power could threaten the nation’s democracy and future stability.

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Court Validates PDP 2025 Convention in Ibadan, Affirms Turaki-led NWC

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The Oyo State High Court sitting in Ibadan has affirmed the validity of the 2025 Elective Convention of the Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP), which produced Dr. Kabiru Turaki as the substantive National Chairman of the party.

Delivering judgment on Friday, Justice Ladiran Akintola upheld the convention in its entirety, ruling that it was conducted in full compliance with the relevant constitutional and statutory provisions governing party elections in Nigeria.

The decision marked a significant legal victory for the party’s leadership and brought clarity to the dispute surrounding the convention’s legitimacy.

The ruling followed an amended originating summons filed by Misibau Adetunmbi (SAN) on behalf of the claimant, Folahan Malomo Adelabi, in Suit No. I/1336/2025.

In a comprehensive judgment, the court granted all 13 reliefs sought by the claimant, effectively endorsing the processes and outcomes of the Ibadan convention.

Justice Akintola held that the convention, organised by the recognised leadership of the party, satisfied all laid-down legal requirements as stipulated in the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, the Electoral Act 2022 (as amended), and the relevant provisions of the Electoral Act 2026.

The court found no breach of due process or statutory non-compliance in the conduct of the exercise.

In the same proceedings, the court dismissed the Motion on Notice seeking a stay of proceedings and suspension of the ruling, filed by Sunday Ibrahim (SAN) on behalf of Austin Nwachukwu and two others. The applications were described as lacking merit.

Earlier in the proceedings, the court had also rejected a bid by Ibrahim to have his clients joined in the suit.

Justice Akintola ruled at the time that the joinder application was unsubstantiated and consequently dismissed it.

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