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Opinion: Nigeria and Chinese Loans -By Reuben Abati

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By Reuben Abati 

The relationship between Nigeria and China with regard to loans obtained from the latter to fund Nigeria’s infrastructural projects suddenly became a matter of legislative intervention and public scrutiny last week when the House of Representatives summoned the Minister of Transportation, the Minister of Finance, Budget and National Planning and the Minister of Communications and Digital Economy to appear before it on August 17. The Ministers are expected to explain certain clauses in the Agreement signed between Nigeria and the Export-Import Bank of China with regard to a loan of $400 million for the country’s National Information and Communication Technology (ICT) Infrastructure Backbone Phase II Project. The agreement was signed in September 2018 by the Federal Ministry of Finance on behalf of Nigeria (the borrower).  Nigeria’s lawmakers have raised eyebrows about a clause therein which waives Nigeria’s sovereign immunity if it defaults in its repayment plan. 

 

The contentious clause is Article 8(1) which provides inter alia that “the borrower hereby irrevocably waives any immunity on the grounds of sovereign or otherwise for itself or its property in connection with any arbitration proceedings pursuant to Article 8(5) thereof with the enforcement of any arbitral award pursuant thereto, except for the military assets and diplomatic assets.” This has been interpreted to mean that Nigeria is in danger of losing its sovereignty to China. The opposition People’s Democratic Party (PDP) has seized upon it to proclaim that it has been vindicated because it has always argued that the mission of the ruling party, the All Progressives Congress (APC) has always been to mortgage the future of Nigeria. PDP Presidential candidate in the 2019 General elections, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, quickly added that Nigeria faces the risk of embracing the fate of Zambia with regard to Chinese loans. Groups and stakeholders in civil society, including lawyers and the Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Group (SERAP) have asked that all agreements ever signed between Nigeria and China should be brought forward and subjected to close scrutiny, just in case any government official either out of ignorance or incompetence has committed Nigeria to a debt-trap, to the disadvantage of future generations. 

 

From the government’s side, the only man who has spoken up is Rotimi Amaechi, the Minister of Transportation, but his explanations do not seem to address the issue. He says for example, that the waiver of immunity in the agreement is merely “a contract term”, a sovereign guarantee. Nobody is convinced. Amaechi and his colleagues who have been summoned by the House of Representatives would have to do much better than that. Nigerians no longer trust their government when it comes to international agreements. The quoted Article 5(1) in the said agreement with the Export and Import Bank of China rings too familiar and too topical in the light of recent revelations about the handling of Nigeria’s agreement with a certain Process & Industrial Development (P&ID). In that case, still on-going, a sum of $9.6 billion is still pending against Nigeria, just because some Nigerian officials signed an agreement that put the country into trouble. 

 

Now, again, in the case of China, the aforementioned Article 8(1) refers to such words as “arbitration”, “property”, “enforcement of arbitral award”. These are the same key words in the P&ID case. Hence, additional questions need to be raised about the Chinese agreement: who signed the agreement? Was due diligence carried out? Was Nigeria thrown under the bus by the negotiators as has been alleged in the P&ID case?  Ordinarily, a waiver of sovereign immunity does not mean that China will take over the running of Nigeria. Sovereign immunity is a principle in customary international law which simply means that a state cannot be pushed around by another state without its own consent to be so treated, in a foreign court. Hence, in every agreement that may go to arbitration, there is usually an agreement as to the place of arbitration and other details. What exactly did Nigeria sign up to on September 5, 2018 with the China EXIM bank? To the extent that the Nigerian people have a right to know, I am convinced that the House of Representatives is in order to raise the questions before us.     

 

To go further, the various stakeholders who have asked for a proper audit of all agreements with China are definitely aware of how the $6.6 Billion judgment against Nigeria which became $9.6 billion (because of accrued interest) in the P&ID case poses a serious risk to the country’s economic survival. They are also probably aware that there are similar cases relating to lack of due diligence in the signing of agreements that Nigeria is also grappling with. This includes the international arbitration in Paris with Sunrise Power and Transmission Company over the Mambilla Hydro Power Plant. Sunrise went to arbitration accusing the Nigerian government of breaching a 2003 agreement when it granted a separate contract to Chinese companies. The same Export-Import Bank of China was on the sidelines of that agreement. I understand the matter has been resolved but 17 years after the initial agreement, the country is yet to make any significant progress with the Mambilla Hydro which if things had progressed as scheduled would have emerged as the second largest hydro power plant in the whole of Africa. In this case, as in others, Nigeria remains behind because some characters failed to do the right thing. Similarly, the Ajaokuta Steel Company Limited which was meant to be a game-changer for Nigeria’s industrial growth process, was also held down for years by disagreements over agreements and a prolonged legal tussle between the Federal Government and a company called Global Infrastructure Nigeria Limited (GINL). Ajaokuta Steel is a living archetype of how all good intentions in Nigeria fail. In one word, legal tussles and arbitral disputes over contracts, obligations and commercial agreements have over the years, exposed the failure of public policy and the incompetence of state officials in Nigeria. Minister Amaechi is concerned that if the same controversy is brought to the door-step of the Chinese, they may simply refuse to provide necessary loans for the Ibadan-Kano rail line. Amaechi appeals to the patriotic instincts of Nigerian lawmakers: he wants them to suspend all further enquiries until Nigeria gets an additional $5.3 billion from the Chinese. He means well no doubt, he wants Nigeria to get that Chinese money that Nigeria needs, but in his appeal lies the bigger question about Sino-Africa relations, and the place and conduct of African leaders within that matrix. 

 

Amaechi is certainly an admirer of China’s romance with Africa. He begs his own country’s parliament to “mechionu” as Igbos would say, so Nigeria can get more Chinese money and sign more agreements. Someone needs to tell Rotimi Amaechi that Nigeria’s engagement with China cannot and should not be reduced to an Abiriba, Aba, or Alaba market transaction business model: “my brother, bring money make we do business, chop together.” But he is not alone. Many African leaders are like that and as they engage China, they fail to look at the sub-text.

Amaechi is certainly an admirer of China’s romance with Africa. He begs his own country’s parliament to “mechionu” as Igbos would say, so Nigeria can get more Chinese money and sign more agreements. Someone needs to tell Rotimi Amaechi that Nigeria’s engagement with China cannot and should not be reduced to an Abiriba, Aba, or Alaba market transaction business model: “my brother, bring money make we do business, chop together.” But he is not alone. Many African leaders are like that and as they engage China, they fail to look at the sub-text.

 In the 70s, China was far behind many African countries. I grew up in a country where any product that was made in China or Taiwan was derisively dismissed. China and Taiwan were the standard euphemisms for fakery, inferiority and cheapness. In those days, Nigerians talked about the British Standard (BS). Nigeria’s economy was doing well. The Naira was at par with the pounds sterling.  Nigerians travelling to London on Fridays aboard Nigeria Airways, stopped by at Liverpool market and the Main street and spent money as if it was going out of business as a legal tender. This was the age of the oil boom. No Nigerian would touch anything Chinese. I grew up being told that anything Chinese or Taiwan does not last. Even when this COVID-19 break-out began, I heard some older Nigerians insisting that if indeed the virus originated from China, it would not last, because nothing that comes from China can be relied upon. Unfortunately, China pulled itself up by the boot-straps. China re-invented itself while other countries either went to sleep or became complacent. It is ironic that today, Nigeria adores China. In our class at the University of Maryland, College Park, 1996 -97, in an American Foreign Policy Process class taught by Hodding Carter III, in the Department of Government and Politics, we read a book titled “The Coming Conflict with China”. That conflict then was at best hypothetical. Today, it is a reality. China is one country that has leap-frogged into the future in an unimaginable manner. The emergent conflict between China and the Western world will be the most definitive factor of this century and the next to come. Africa and the developing world are both at the centre of that conflict. 

 

With China thus on the ascendancy, its leaders defined for that country, broad geo-political ambitions. With the West in retreat and increasingly navel-gazing, protectionist and isolationist, China launched a muscular approach to foreign policy with its Belt and Road Way Initiative through which it sought to engage developing economies by way of financial support through loans and grants. The focus has been so far, infrastructural development but there is a lot more in there. Strategically, therefore, long before COVID-19, China tried to fill a vacuum that Western nations created. As Western creditors prescribed more and more stringent conditions for bilateral and multilateral loans, China offered cheap, easy and accessible alternative financing arrangements: interest-free government to government credits, and preferential loans from China EXIM and the China Development Bank. The latter, that is preferential loans, represents the bulk of China’s overseas lending. Developing countries were over-excited. They swooped on China’s offers like bees after nectar. Today, China is the world’s largest creditor to the developing world. Since 2008, China has been Africa’s main trading partner. There is even now in place, a Forum on China-Africa Co-operation. 

 

Nobody saw the catch, and countries were caught flat-footed. China has been accused of debt-trap diplomacy. Many countries embraced that diplomacy with their hands tied behind their backs and today, their countries are in the throes of debt servitude. China gives but it takes! China helped Sri Lanka to build the port of Hambantota. Both countries signed an agreement, similar to the one Nigeria signed with the Export-Import Bank of China. Today, China runs that port with Chinese personnel. In Djibouti, the Chinese are in charge of the ports too, just because Djibouti borrowed money it could not pay back. In Zambia, for similar reasons, China is now controlling the Zambia National Broadcasting Corporation (in other words, China is in charge of mind control in Zambia). China is also planning to take over the Zambia National Electricity Company. Djibouti took loans from China to build a new port and two new airports, Unable to repay its loans, China has also taken over a part of Djibouti’s sovereign rights and possession of its new port, and has since set up in that country, its first military overseas base. There have been issues as well, with China’s relations with Kenya, Democratic Republic of Congo and other African countries.  

 

But should we blame China? Whatever travails developing countries may have gone through in the hands of China, in the form of damages to their sovereignty, we must all agree on certain basic points. One, “there is no free lunch”. China is not offering anyone a free lunch. Its cheap loans are tied to its own strategic interests in the world.  African nations are the ones submitting themselves as pawns to China’s global strategic agenda. African leaders are most certainly complicit.  Two, “when you borrow, you pay”.  Chinese negotiators are often focused. If you don’t pay in cash, you will pay in kind. The Chinese only give out their loans even under the Belt and Road Initiative to countries that have something to offer in return. Many developing countries are so economically narrow and badly managed, they end up giving up national resources for borrowed funds that translate into debt servitude. Three, and this is the worst part, is that Chinese loans are often opaque. This is one of the reasons China is not a member of the Paris Club. It may have committed to the G-20 process on the moratorium for debt service re-payments for example, but China has stubbornly refused to participate in data calls. It is the biggest player in Africa’s infrastructure boom but it may never disclose the full details. China’s influence in Africa even runs far deeper. In Nigeria, that influence has gone beyond loan agreements that touch on sovereign rights to an increasing ubiquity of Chinese presence in Nigerian lives. It is so real that the Chinese have now taken over a rather complicated business chain in the country from manufacturing to retail, including internet services, hospitality, car sales and ride hailing services. One of these days, we may wake up to see a Chinese roasting corn by the road-side in Nigeria, properly licensed to do so!

 

Nigerian lawmakers have a responsibility to shout out about Nigeria’s sovereignty, and the integrity of agreements with China or others.  We certainly don’t want to hear that a certain Amaechi has signed off Nigeria’s Presidential Villa to the Chinese to get cheap loans to build a rail line to Port Harcourt!. If that were to be the case, the Chinese will take over that Villa and like P&ID, look at us all in the face, talk about the sanctity of agreements, and dare Nigeria to go to the court of international arbitration. The onus is on Amaechi and co to tell us what we need to know. The Chinese knee is on our necks today, simply because our leaders have failed to lead us aright.  

 

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Tinubu’s 2026 Budget Bad Omen for Nigerians – PDP

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By Eric Elezuo

The 2026 Appropriation Bill presented by President Bola Tinubu before a joint session of the National Assembly has been rated below par, and described as a bad omen for Nigerians, by the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

The Tanimu Turaki-led Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) said on Friday that President Bola Tinubu’s 2026 budget would add to the sufferings of Nigeria rather than giving them any renewed hope or consolidation of economic reforms.

The party noted that there would be no renewed hope in an environment where hunger, insecurity and other forms of deprivation were the lot of Nigerians.

It cited the 2025 World Bank Poverty & Equity Brief, which placed more than 30.9% of Nigerians below the international extreme poverty line.

“This shows that there is growth without prosperity for our citizens, meaning that despite GDP growth, poverty remains endemic”, the National Publicity Secretary, Comrade Ini Ememobong, stated on Friday soon after Tinubu presented the 2026 Appropriation Bill of N58.18trillion to a joint session of the Senate and the House of Representatives in Abuja.

Ememobong noted: “The budget, which is themed ‘Budget of Consolidation, Renewed Resilience and Shared Prosperity’, claims that the economy is stabilising and promises shared prosperity.

“In response, we see it rather as a budget of consolidated renewed sufferings, because what Nigerians have witnessed since the birth of this administration is nothing but unmitigated hardship on the people, while the governing class relishes in affluence.

“Nigerians have suffered greatly from many economic woes under this administration.

“President Tinubu cited a 3.98% GDP growth rate as evidence of economic stabilisation under his administration.

“However, it is well established that economic growth alone does not and cannot guarantee improved living standards for citizens.

“According to the 2025 World Bank Poverty & Equity Brief, more than 30.9% of Nigerians live below the international extreme poverty line. This shows that there is growth without prosperity for our citizens, meaning that despite GDP growth, poverty remains endemic.

“This clearly indicates that whatever economic gains exist are not reaching the majority of Nigerians.”

The PDP rejected the President’s figures on economic progress, saying rather that Nigeria has been on rever gear.

“The President stated that the economy under his watch grew by 3.98% without stating the sectors that stimulated the growth or identifying those who benefitted from it. This figure reflects the economic decline the nation has suffered under the leadership of the APC-led Federal government when compared to the growth rate of 6.87% recorded in 2013(same period under the last PDP administration), which was driven largely by non-oil sectors such as agriculture and trade.

“Today, the President celebrates a 3.98% growth rate, whereas a reality check reveals excruciating hunger, a high cost of living, and other indices of economic hardship, which Nigerians are currently facing.

“While we acknowledge the security allocation in the 2026 budget, we must remind the government and Nigerians that allocation alone is insufficient.”

The party added, “We therefore, demand effective and transparent execution to ensure that security funding translates into tangible improvements -modern equipment, adequate ammunition, improved intelligence capabilities, and better welfare for security personnel who are currently engaged in different theatres of armed conflict, where criminal non-state actors are alleged to possess superior arms compared to our security forces.

“Overall, we are deeply concerned about the unapologetic admission by the President that the execution of the 2024 capital budget had been extended to December 2025, while the 2025 budget is still in force.

“This confirms the long-standing rumours of the concurrent operation of multiple budgets.

“This cannot be described as best practice, as every budget has a defined period of operation and no two budgets should operate concurrently. The operation of different budgets at the same time undermines fiscal discipline, transparency, and accountability. These multiple budgetary regimes show yet another unprecedented negative feat by this APC Bola Tinubu-led administration.

“We hereby call for increased transparency and accountability in the administration of the finances of our country, as these have been conspicuously absent so far under this administration.

“Financial accountability and transparency are critical to public trust-building and effective public administration.”

The budget with the theme, “Budget of consolidation, Renewed Resilience and Shared Prosperity”, is N3.19trillion higher than the N54.99trillion approved for 2025.

The key aggregates of the budget are expected revenue of N34.33trillion; debt servicing of N15.52trillion; recurrent (non‑debt) expenditure of N15.25trillion; capital expenditure of N26.08trillion; a deficit of N23.85trillion representing 4.28% of GDP.

In addition, the budget will be benchmarked at $64.85 per barrel of crude oil, daily oil production of 1.8million barrels and a dollar/naira exchange.

Below is the full presentation of Tinubu’s 2026 Budget:

FULL SPEECH BY PRESIDENT BOLA AHMED TINUBU AT THE PRESENTATION OF THE 2026 NATIONAL BUDGET

“Budget of Consolidation, Renewed Resilience and Shared Prosperity”

Distinguished Senate President,
Rt. Honourable Speaker and Honourable Members of the House of Representatives,
Distinguished Senators and Honourable Members of the National Assembly,
Fellow Nigerians,,

1. I am here today to fulfil an essential constitutional obligation by presenting the 2026 Appropriation Bill to this esteemed Joint Session of the National Assembly for your consideration.

2. This budget represents a defining moment in our national journey of reform and transformation. Over the last two and a half years, my government has methodically confronted long‑standing structural weaknesses, stabilised our economy, rebuilt confidence, and laid a durable foundation for the construction of a more resilient, inclusive, and dynamic Nigeria.

3. Though necessary, the reforms have not been painless. Families and businesses have faced pressure; established systems have been disrupted; and budget execution has been tested. I acknowledge these difficulties plainly. Yet, I am here, today, to assure Nigerians that their sacrifices are not in vain. The path of reform is seldom smooth, but it is the surest route to lasting stability and shared prosperity.

4. Today, I present a Budget that consolidates our gains, strengthens our resilience, and takes this country from out of the dark tunnel of hopelessness, from survival to growth.

5. The 2026 Budget is themed: “Budget of Consolidation, Renewed Resilience and Shared Prosperity”. It reflects our determination to lock in macroeconomic stability, deepen competitiveness, and ensure that growth translates into decent jobs, rising incomes, and a better quality of life across for every Nigerian.

6. Mr. Chairman, Leaders of the National Assembly, while the global outlook continues to improve, this Budget aims to further strengthen our Nigerian economy to benefit all our citizens.

7. I am encouraged that our reform efforts are already yielding measurable results:
1) Our economy grew by 3.98 per cent in Q3 2025, up from 3.86 per cent in Q3 2024.

2) Inflation has moderated for eight consecutive months, with headline inflation declining to 14.45 per cent in November 2025, from 24.23 per cent in March 2025. With stabilising food and energy prices, tighter monetary conditions, and improving supply responses, we expect the deflationary trend to persist over the 2026 horizon, barring major supply shocks.

3) Oil production has improved, supported by enhanced security, technology deployment, and sector reforms.

4) Non‑oil revenues have expanded significantly through better tax administration.

5) Investor confidence is returning, reflected in capital inflows, renewed project financing, and stronger private‑sector participation.

6) Our external reserves rose to a 7‑year high of about US47 billion dollars as of last month, providing over 10 months of import cover and a more substantial buffer against shocks.

8. These outcomes are not accidental or lucky. They are the consequence of our difficult policy choices. Our next objective is to deepen our gains in pursuit of enduring and inclusive prosperity.

9. Mr. Chairman, Distinguished Members, our 2025 budget implementation faced the realities of transition and competing execution demands. As of Q3 2025, we recorded:
• 18.6 trillion naira in revenue — representing 61% of our target; and
• 24.66 trillion naira in expenditure — representing 60% of our target.

10. Following the extension of the 2024 capital budget execution to December 2025, a total of 2.23 trillion naira was released for the implementation of 2024 capital projects as of June 2025.

11. While fiscal challenges persisted, the government met its key obligations. However, only 3.10 trillion naira — about 17.7% of the 2025 capital budget — was released as of Q3, reflecting the emphasis on completing priority 2024 capital projects during the transition period.

12. Let me be clear: 2026 will be a year of stronger discipline in budget execution. I have issued directives to the Honourable Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy, the Honourable Minister of Budget and Economic Planning, the Accountant‑General of the Federation, and the Director‑General of the Budget Office of the Federation to ensure that the 2026 Budget is implemented strictly in line with the appropriated details and timelines.

13. We expect improved revenue performance through the new National Tax Acts and the ongoing reforms in the oil and gas sector — reforms designed not merely to raise revenue, but to drive transparency, efficiency, fairness, and long‑term value in our fiscal architecture.

14. I have also provided clear and direct guidance regarding Government‑Owned Enterprises. Heads of all agencies have been directed to meet their assigned revenue targets. To support this, we will deploy end‑to‑end digitisation of revenue mobilisation — standardised e‑collections, interoperable payment rails, automated reconciliation, data‑driven risk profiling, and real‑time performance dashboards — so leakages are sealed, compliance is verifiable, and remittances are prompt. These targets will form core components of performance evaluations and institutional scorecards. Nigeria can no longer afford leakages, inefficiencies, or underperformance in strategic agencies. Every institution must play its part.

15. Mr Chairman and fellow Nigerians, the 2026 Budget is guided by four clear objectives:
1) Consolidate macroeconomic stability;
2) Improve the business and investment environment;
3) Promote job‑rich growth and reduce poverty; and
4) Strengthen human capital development while protecting the vulnerable.

16. In short: we will spend with purpose, manage debt with discipline, and pursue broad-based, sustainable growth.

17. Distinguished Members, the 2026 Federal Budget is anchored on realism, prudence, and growth.

18. The key aggregates are as follows:
1) Expected total revenue is 34.33 trillion naira.
2) Projected total expenditure is 58.18 trillion naira, including 15.52 trillion naira for debt servicing.
3) Recurrent (non‑debt) expenditure is 15.25 trillion naira.
4) Capital expenditure will be 26.08 trillion.
5) The Budget deficit is expected to be 23.85 trillion naira, representing 4.28% of GDP.

19. These numbers are not mere accounting lines. They are a statement of national priorities. We remain firmly committed to fiscal sustainability, debt transparency, and value‑for‑money spending.

20. The 2026–2028 Medium‑Term Expenditure Framework and Fiscal Strategy Paper sets the parameters for this Budget. Our projections are based on:
1) a conservative crude oil benchmark of US64.85 dollars per barrel;
2) crude oil production of 1.84 million barrels per day; and
3) an average exchange rate of 1,400 naira to the US Dollar for the 2026 fiscal year.

21. We will continue to reduce waste, strengthen controls, and ensure that every naira borrowed or spent delivers measurable public value.

22. Our allocations reflect the Renewed Hope Agenda and the practical needs of Nigerians. Key sectoral provisions include:
1) Defence and security: 5.41 trillion naira
2) Infrastructure: 3.56 trillion naira
3) Education: 3.52 trillion naira
4) Health: 2.48 trillion naira

23. These priorities are interlinked. Without security, investment will not thrive. Without educated and healthy citizens, productivity will not rise. Without infrastructure, jobs and enterprises will not scale. This Budget is, therefore, designed to provide a single, coherent programme of national renewal.

A. National Security and Peacebuilding
24. National Security remains the foundation of development. The 2026 Budget strengthens support for:
• modernisation of the Armed Forces;
• intelligence‑driven policing and joint operations;
• border security and technology‑enabled surveillance; and
• community‑based peacebuilding and conflict prevention.

25. We will invest in security with clear accountability for outcomes — because security spending must deliver results. To secure our country, our priority will remain on increasing the fighting capability of our armed forces and other security agencies and boosting the effectiveness of our fighting forces with cutting-edge equipment and other hardware.

26. We will usher in a new era of criminal justice. We will show no mercy to those who commit or support acts of terrorism, banditry, kidnapping for ransom and other violent crimes.

27. Our administration is resetting the national security architecture and establishing a new national counterterrorism doctrine — a holistic redesign anchored on unified command, intelligence gathering, community stability, and counter – insurgency. This new doctrine will fundamentally change how we confront terrorism and other violent crimes.

28. Under this new architecture, any armed group or gun-wielding non-state actors operating outside state authority will be regarded as terrorists.

29. Bandits, militias, armed gangs, armed robbers, violent cults, forest-based armed groups and foreign-linked mercenaries will all be targeted. We will go after all those who perpetrate violence for political or sectarian ends, along with those who finance and facilitate their evil schemes.

B. Human Capital Development: Education and Health
30. No nation can grow beyond the quality of its people. The 2026 Budget strengthens investments in education, skills, healthcare, and social protection.

31. In education, we are expanding access to higher education through the Nigerian Education Loan Fund. Over seven hundred and eighty eight thousand students have been supported, in partnership with two hundred and twenty nine tertiary institutions nationwide.

32. In healthcare, I am pleased to highlight that investment in healthcare is 6 per cent of the total budget size, net of liabilities.

33. We also appreciate the support of international partners. Recent high‑level engagements with the Government of the United States have opened the door to over 500 million United States dollars for health interventions across Nigeria. We welcome this partnership and assure Nigerians that these resources will be deployed transparently and effectively.

C. Infrastructure and Economic Productivity
34. Across the nation, projects of all shapes and sizes are moving from vision to reality. These include transport and energy infrastructure, port modernisation, agricultural reforms, and strategic investments to unlock private capital.

35. We will take decisive steps to strengthen agricultural markets. Food security shall remain a national priority. The 2026 Budget focuses on input financing and mechanisation; irrigation and climate‑resilient agriculture; storage and processing; and agro‑value chains.

36. These measures will reduce post‑harvest losses, improve incomes for small holders, deepen agro‑industrialisation, and build a more resilient, diversified economy.
37. In 2026, the Bank of Agriculture plans to plant confidence back into our soil; mechanising through seven regional hubs, protecting harvests with fair prices and substantial reserves, providing affordable finance to millions of small holders and growing export value. Under the plan, Nigerian farmers will cultivate one million hectares, create hundreds of thousands of jobs, and prove that prosperity can rise through better use of our God given land.

D. Procurement
38. Starting in November last year, the government has embarked upon a comprehensive framework of procurement reforms. These reforms have enhanced efficiency and generated significant cost savings for the government, resulting in resulting in reduced processing times for Government contracts and better enforcement procedures directed against erring contractors and government officials.

39. Our Nigeria First Policy has been established to encourage self-sufficiency and sustainable growth within Nigeria by promoting domestic products and businesses. By mandating that all Ministries, Departments, and Agencies (MDAs) consider Nigerian-made goods and local companies as their primary option, the policy aims to support local industries, create job opportunities, and reduce dependency on imported items. This bold new approach is expected to enhance the competitiveness of Nigerian enterprises, foster innovation, and ultimately contribute to the country’s overall economic development.

40. Distinguished Members and fellow Nigerians, the most significant budget is not the one we announce. It is the one we deliver.

41. Therefore, 2026 will be guided by three practical commitments:
1) Better revenue mobilisation through efficiency, transparency, and compliance.
2) Better spending by prioritising projects that can be completed, measured, and felt by citizens.
3) Better accountability through strengthening of procurement discipline, monitoring, and reporting.

42. We will build trust by matching our words with results, and our allocations with outcomes.

43. Distinguished Members of the National Assembly, fellow Nigerians, the 2026 Budget is not a budget of promises; it is a Budget of consolidation, renewed resilience and shared prosperity. It builds on the reforms of the past two and a half years, addresses emerging challenges, and sets a clear path towards a more secure, more competitive, more equitable, and more hopeful Nigeria.

44. I commend the people of this country for their understanding and resilience. My administration remains committed to easing the burdens of the transition to a more stable and prosperous nation. We promise to make sure that the benefits of reform reach households and communities across the Federation.

45. In united purpose between the Executive and the Legislature; and with the resilience of the Nigerian people, we will deliver the full promise of the Renewed Hope Agenda.

46. It is, therefore, with great pleasure that I lay before this distinguished Joint Session of the National Assembly; the 2026 Appropriation Bill of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, titled: “Budget of Consolidation, Renewed Resilience and Shared Prosperity”. I seek your partnership in charting the nation’s fiscal course for the coming year.

47. May God bless the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

48. Thank you.

Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR
President, Commander-in-Chief of The Armed Forces,
Federal Republic of Nigeria

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Insecurity: Akpabio Begs Tinubu to Reinstate Police Orderlies for NASS Members

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Senate President, Godswill Akpabio, has appealed to President Bola Tinubu to reconsider the directive withdrawing police orderlies from members of the National Assembly, citing safety concerns.

Akpabio made the appeal during the presentation of the 2026 budget to a joint session of the National Assembly, by President Tinubu, warning that some lawmakers fear they might be unable to return home safely following the withdrawal.

His said: “As we direct the security agencies to withdraw policemen from critical areas, some of the National Assembly said I should let you know they may not be able to go home today.

“On that note, we plead with Mr. President for a review of the decision.”

President Tinubu, on November 23, ordered the withdrawal of police officers attached to Very Important Persons (VIPs), directing that they be redeployed to core policing duties across the country.

According to Bayo Onanuga, Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy, Tinubu issued the directive after a security meeting with Service Chiefs and the Director-General of the Department of State Services (DSS) following heightened security issues in the country.

Under the order, VIPs requiring security are to seek protection from the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps, as the Federal government seeks to boost police presence in communities, particularly in remote areas grappling with insecurity.

Tinubu later reaffirmed the directive on December 10, moments before presiding over the Federal Executive Council, expressing frustration over delays in implementation.

He instructed the Minister of Interior, Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo, to work with the Inspector-General of Police (IGP), Kayode Egbetokun, and the Civil Defence Corps to immediately replace withdrawn escorts to avoid exposing individuals to danger.

“I honestly believe in what I said…It should be effected. If you have any problem because of the nature of your assignment, contact the IGP and get my clearance,” Tinubu said.

“The minister of interior should liaise IG and the Civil Defence structure to replace those police officers who are on special security duties.

“So that you don’t leave people exposed,” he said.

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Defence Gulps Lion Share As Tinubu Presents N58.47trn 2026 Budget to NASS

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President Bola Tinubu has presented a budget of N58.47 trillion for the 2026 fiscal year to a joint session of the National Assembly, with capital recurrent (non‑debt) expenditure standing at N15.25 trillion.

Tinubu presented the budget on Friday, pegging the capital expenditure at N26.08 trillion and putting the crude oil benchmark at US$64.85 per barrel.

He said the expected total revenue is N34.33 trillion, projected total expenditure: N58.18 trillion, including N15.52 trillion for debt servicing. The budget is N23.85 trillion, representing 4.28% of GDP.

The budget was anchored on a crude oil production of 1.84 million barrels per day, and an exchange rate of N1,400 to the US Dollar for the 2026 fiscal year.

In terms of sectoral allocation, defence and security took the lion’s share with N 5.41 trillion, followed by infrastructure at N3.56 trillion.

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