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I am Worried About Nigeria, Here is Why by Osasu Igbinedion

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Growing up in Nigerian has been my greatest pride since childhood. Everywhere I travelled I never
hesitated to reveal my country of origin. Before I became a Broadcast Journalist and Media Entrepreneur I was already a propagator of Nigeria’s immensely rich and beautiful culture and her collectiveness.

Our collectiveness as a people was a pride of mine. As an inhabitant of many different countries, I have experienced diverse cultures and ways of life; none of them were comparable to Nigeria so I was always eager to teach foreigners about our people, our (pidgin) language, our food, our values and our heritage. I was eager to dispel the monopolistic narrative of a poor, corrupted and economically distressed nation that the international media formed about us.

I remember being mocked by my foreign friends for frequently starting conversations with “In my country, Nigeria” and then explaining to them how the topic of discussion applies at home. I conceded the race on Infrastructure to them because we were lagging far behind but I vehemently challenged them on the race on Culture. I truly believed we had the best culture in the world; a culture where Muslims and Christians, Northerners and Southerners, put their collective interest as Nigerians above individual, tribal and religious interests.

An event from my childhood further elucidates the collectivist culture we once practised. While growing up both my parents travelled frequently for a living therefore my siblings and I were often watched by our aunties, close friends and neighbours. On a particular trip my parents had taken abroad, my younger brother (God rest his soul) was riding his bicycle in full speed at the lobby of the house while my elder sister was running downstairs with a pair of scissors in hand. In what we know understand as a freak accident, both my siblings collided and before we could understand what was happening there was blood all over the place, oozing from my brother’s forearm as the scissors my sister had been holding penetrated him.

In a quick panic, I yelled for my neighbour who was watching over us at the time and she immediately appeared on scene. As expected, she calmed everyone down and rushed my younger brother to the hospital where he was stitched up and sent home. My parents were filled in on the situation and with all sense of ease and calmness they thanked the neighbour and reiterated to my siblings and I not to worry, everything will be fine because the neighbour was there.

How does this story apply you may ask? Our neighbour was a northern muslim who my parents love and trust till today. Any good parent knows leaving your children in the care of another person takes an immense amount of trust and respect. In this present clime, sautéed with deep hatred for each other, distrust for our neighbours, bigotry, irredentism and so on, many I know will rarely rely on a friend or neighbour to fill the integral role my neighbour played in not only watching over us when we were younger but taking us as her own children.

Today trivialities such as tribe and religion have overshadowed the trust and camaraderie we once shared; this is further highlighted in the private and public sector. Before a Nigerian is employed in any organisation he or she is inundated with trivial questions such as their State of Origin, Religion and Ethnicity rather than thoroughly scrutinising their competence and ability to execute the job. Isn’t it a pity that a diverse country such as Nigeria refuses to see this as a strength? An average Nigerian has no love for his neighbour, no faith in the government and no hope in Nigeria. The gap between Christians and Muslims, Northerners and Southerners, the Elite and Masses continues to widen. This should be a valid concern for all Nigerians, including the elite who feel they are immune to violence because they have protection.

I hate to break it to every Nigerian, whether rich or poor. No one is safe! There is a loud agitation to divide this country which is engineered by politics. Many can see it but are scared to talk and this worries me most. I’ve become even more worried after my visit to Kigali Genocide Memorial in Rwanda. It seems the path Nigeria is currently towing mirrors that which Rwanda traversed before the infamous genocide occurred. To rejig our memory, 1959 – 1961 was a period of ethnic violence between the Tutsi and Hutu ethic groups. Belgian scientists divided the Rwandan populace through various stages in history. The most threatening division came in 1959 when Belgians outrightly executed their plan to divide and conquer Rwandans. They did so through:

a. occupation (Farmers were predominately Southern based and owned 10 cattle or less while Herders were Northern based and owned more than 10 cattle).
b. size of skulls (the eugenics movement in Europe and the U.S. concluded that the bigger the skull the more intelligent the person).
c.  shadeof skin and height.
d. nose and other facial features.

Based on these classifications, the Tutsis were elevated above the Hutus and they began to believe the myth that they were superior to the Hutus. While the Tutsis were educated by the Belgian Roman Catholic Church the Hutus were left behind to work as peasant farmers. The Hutus grew hatred for the Tutsis and by the time Tustsi born King Mutara Rudahigwa decided to share power with the Hutus, the seed of discord had grown out of control.

The Belgians knew the power of ‘divide and rule’ strategy. It is important to note that before Belgium invaded Ruanda-Urundi (which is now referred to as Rwanda) both tribes cohabited peacefully without communal clashes. Their plans to destroy Rwanda was sealed by the issuance of Racial (tribal) Identification Cards which classified Rwandans as either Tutsis or Hutus. From April 7th, 1994 to July 15th, 1994 over eight hundred thousand (800,000) Rwandans, mostly from the Tutsi ethnic group, were killed in a barbaric way due to the division caused by the Belgians.

The behaviour that led to the Rwandan genocide is what we exhibit today in Nigeria; so called opposition leaders preach hate and intolerance both publicly and privately. The government in power is nepotistic and distrustful of other ethnicities. There is vast social and economic inequality in the land. The insensitivity of government policies is alarming. Social media influencers bastardise their follower-ship by propagating hate speech in exchange for political patronage. The present government is slow to act and quick to dispel constructive criticism. Opposition is championing the need to divide Nigeria because they lost elections. Insecurity is thriving while the economy is tanking. Most of Nigeria’s leaders are ignorant and nonchalant; they are highly corrupt and have little or no regard for their constituents.

What then is the solution you may ask? We need to, as a matter of urgency, define a national ideology. As a businesswoman, before I formed my company I had the vision and mission statements defined so that I can work assiduously towards achieving them. What then is the vision of Nigeria? What are we working towards? A military general singlehandedly wrote the Nigerian constitution and we expect this to rightly reflect the thoughts and aspirations of 200 million Nigerians.

My solution to the silent civil war we are battling is quite simple: 1) We must first identify that playing politics with security matters in primitive therefore we must put an end to it. 2) We must acknowledge that in this silent civil war we are facing, there is no correct side. 3) We must shun tribal, religious and class division by looking at ourselves as a collective body of Nigerians and Nigerians only. 4) We must de-emphasize ‘State of Origin’ and ‘tribal affiliations’ from our rhetoric. In fact, we must banish these terminologies because they essentially hold no value. 5) We must discipline politicians and influencers within and outside Nigeria who divide us through hate speech and primordial sentiments. 6) We must also shun ‘money politics’ and elect detribalised and knowledgable leaders with integrity. 7) We must define our national ideology then fix our constitution to reflect this.

Only then can we put an end to this silent civil war we have been fighting in the past ten years. Let those who have ears…

Written by Osasu Igbinedion
First published on www.OsasuIgbinedion.com
20/07/2019

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Strategy and Sovereignty: Inside Adenuga’s Oil Deal of the Decade

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By Michael Abimboye

In global energy circles, the most consequential deals are often not the loudest. They unfold quietly, reshape portfolios, recalibrate value, and only later reveal their full significance.

The recent strategic transaction between Conoil Producing Limited and TotalEnergies belongs firmly in that category. A deal whose implications stretch beyond balance sheets into Nigeria’s long-troubled oil production narrative.

For Mike Adenuga, named The Boss of the Year 2025 by The Boss Newspapers, the agreement is more than a corporate milestone. It is the culmination of a long-term upstream strategy that is now translating into hard value barrels, cash flow, and renewed confidence in indigenous capacity.

At the heart of the transaction is a portfolio rebalancing agreement that sees TotalEnergies deepen its interest in an offshore asset while Conoil consolidates full ownership of a producing block critical to its medium-term growth trajectory. The parties have not publicly disclosed the monetary value, industry analysts place similar offshore and shallow-water asset transfers in the high hundreds of millions of dollars, depending on reserve certification and development timelines. What is indisputable, however, is the deal’s structural clarity: each partner exits with assets aligned to its strategic strengths.

For Conoil, the transaction represents something more profound than asset shuffling. It is the validation of an indigenous oil company’s ability to operate, produce, and partner at scale. That validation was already underway in 2024, when Conoil achieved a landmark breakthrough: the successful production and export of Obodo crude, a new Nigerian crude blend from its onshore acreage.

In a country where new crude streams have become rare, Obodo’s emergence signalled operational maturity. More importantly, it shifted Conoil from being perceived primarily as a downstream and marginal upstream player into a full-spectrum producer with export-grade assets.

The commercial impact was immediate. Obodo crude enhanced Conoil’s revenue profile, strengthened cash flows, and materially improved the company’s asset valuation.

For Mike Adenuga, Obodo represented something else entirely: oil income with scale and durability. Producing crude shifts wealth from theoretical to realised. It is the difference between potential and proof.

That momentum was reinforced by Conoil’s acquisition of a new drilling rig, a move that underscored its intent to control not just resources, but execution. In an industry where rig availability often dictates production timelines, owning modern drilling capacity gives Conoil a strategic advantage lowering costs, reducing dependency, and accelerating development cycles. It also enhances the company’s bargaining power in partnerships such as the one with TotalEnergies.

Taken together, the Obodo crude success, the rig acquisition, and the TotalEnergies transaction, these moves materially expand Conoil’s enterprise value. While private company valuations remain opaque, upstream assets with proven production, infrastructure control, and international partnerships typically command significant multiple expansion. For Adenuga, all of these represents a stabilising and appreciating pillar of wealth.

As The Boss Newspapers honours Mike Adenuga as Boss of the Year 2025, the recognition lands at a moment when his oil ambitions are no longer peripheral to his legacy. They are central. In Obodo crude, in steel rigs, and in carefully negotiated partnerships, Adenuga is shaping a version of Nigerian capitalism that privileges patience, scale, and execution over spectacle.

In the end, the most powerful statement of wealth is not net worth rankings or headlines. It is the ability to convert strategy into assets, assets into production, and production into national relevance. On that score, the Conoil–TotalEnergies deal may well stand as one of the most consequential chapters in Mike Adenuga’s business story and in Nigeria’s evolving oil future.

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Peter Obi, Only Life in ADC, Says Fayose

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Former Governor of Ekiti State, Ayodele Fayose, says the former presidential candidate of the Labour Party, Peter Obi, is the only life in the African Democratic Congress, ADC.

Fayose made this statement on Friday while fielding questions in an interview on ‘Politics Today’, a programme on Channels Television.

He also said that the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, is technically no more, adding that it is dead.

The former governor equally said that Oyo State governor, Seyi Makinde, should not be dragged into the woes of the PDP.

He said: “Obi is the only life in ADC; all other people in ADC are semi-existent. If Obi had remained in Labour Party or has gone to Accord Party, he is the only life there. All the other people there, they are not existing. They are old-forces.

“Openly, I supported Tinubu in 2023. I didn’t hide it. Till now I’m still there. I don’t jump. I have said it to you I’m not a member of APC and I will never be.”

DailyPost

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More Troubles for Ahmed Farouk: Dangote Drags Ex-NMDPRA Boss to EFCC over Corruption Claims

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The Chairman of Dangote Industries, Aliko Dangote, through his legal representative, has filed a formal corruption petition against the former Managing Director of the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority, Farouk Ahmed, at the headquarters of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission.

This was disclosed in a statement made available to our correspondent by the Dangote Group media team on Friday.

Recall that Dangote had earlier petitioned the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission to investigate Ahmed for allegedly spending $5 million on his children’s secondary education in Switzerland. He withdrew the petition a few days ago, even as the ICPC vowed to continue with its investigation.

The statement on Friday said Dangote’s petition to the EFCC followed “The withdrawal of the same petition from the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission, a strategic decision aimed at accelerating the prosecution process.”

In the petition, signed by Lead Counsel Dr O.J. Onoja, Dangote urged the EFCC to investigate allegations of abuse of office and corrupt enrichment against Ahmed, and to prosecute him if found culpable.

The petition further stated that Dangote would provide evidence to substantiate claims of financial misconduct and impunity.

“We make bold to state that the commission is strategically positioned, along with sister agencies, to prosecute financial crimes and corruption-related offences, and upon establishing a prima facie case, the courts do not hesitate to punish offenders. See Lawan v. F.R.N (2024) 12 NWLR (Pt. 1953) 501 and Shema v. F.R.N. (2018) 9 NWLR (Pt.1624) 337,” the petition read.

Onoja further urged the commission, under the leadership of Mr Olanipekun Olukoyede, “To investigate the complaint of abuse of office and corruption against Engr. Farouk Ahmed and to accordingly prosecute him if found wanting.”

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