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Walter Onnoghen, Ademola Adeleke and Tales Of Man’s Inhumanity To Man

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Fellow Nigerians, please don’t get it wrong, I’m not a Judge and I’m not about to deliver a judgment in favour of the ‘suspended’ Chief Justice of Nigeria, Walter Onnoghen. I lack such capacity and jurisdiction. Besides, as the lawyers say, the matter is ‘sub judice’ i.e. under judicial consideration and therefore not meant for public discourse or discussion anywhere else other than the Court. What I’m doing here is to reiterate my initial reaction to the kangarooistic justice manner he was harassed, terrorised, convicted in the media, ahead of trial. My sympathy for Chief Justice Onnoghen didn’t stem out of his status as a very important personality BUT AS A MATTER OF PERSONAL PRINCIPLE that no Nigerian, regardless of tribe, gender, creed or social status, should suffer unnecessary humiliation and degradation in the hands of gods with feet of clay.
Anyone who has followed me over time would have seen the way I defend the rights of man, whether you are my friend or not, as long as the victim in question believes in, and follows, the rule of Law. A good example that readily comes into mind is that of the then Vice President, Dr Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, in 2010, who was disallowed by the so-called cabal from assuming power as Acting President, in the absence of his boss who was apparently incapacitated in Saudi Arabia. Some of us took the risk of protesting and demonstrating in Abuja and were confronted by some tough anti-riot police officers. I was neither a member of PDP nor a friend of Dr Jonathan at the time. No one waited for, or wanted, a thank you gratification from him. We just did what needed to be done because we believed that his was a just cause and our constitution and democracy was being trampled upon by fleeting soldiers of fortune.
When it was the turn of the Senate President, Dr Abubakar Bukola Saraki, we raised objections to the manner he suddenly became a “demon” just because he fell out of favour with the powers that be. This act of vindictiveness has been the tragic pattern and trend since the coming of this trouble-prone Republic. There were suggestions, from those who should know better, that Dr Saraki should resign and abdicate responsibility while proving his innocence at the courts. No one considered the fact that this may have been the main strategy of his enemies in the first instance. Their usual refrain was always about “how if this was in Europe or America, the Senate President would have voluntarily resigned. The Nigerian situation is always a case of man’s inhumanity to man. Whenever it happens, there are always more than enough people ever willing to castigate, prosecute and convict the hapless victim without trial, especially in the media. The problem with such a position is that this is not Europe or America. In Europe or America investigating and prosecution authorities are careful about the kind of information they disseminate to the public. They usually refer to a man or woman being under investigation and reveal very little of the evidence against such person, preferring to leave that to the latter stages of the investigation and prosecution. In Nigeria, the investigating and prosecuting authorities immediately rush to the public domain. They hang what sometimes later turns out to be their dirty laundry in full view of the public. The public feast on it in a state of frenzy because they have been pauperised and impoverished by varying governments and they see a ready victim to blame for their woes.  Little do they realise that it is all a mirage and charade and they have been fed foul meat that will result in stomach churning double somersaults. Worse still, the investigators and prosecutors may end up with egg splattered all over their faces as their gung-ho approach to maligning and impugning people without any regard to the sanctity and sacredness of the principle of fair hearing and the pursuit of justice.  
What I find most disturbing is that neither investigator nor, worse still, prosecutor ever bothers to do their due diligence well. Once they pick on a scapegoat, they rush out all manner of distortions and incongruous information. They pick on the most incoherent witnesses, procured under duress, or pecuniary promises. Such was the case of Dr Saraki. The melodrama was nauseating. Yet, they had many people who acted as chorus singers and amplified the lies to all corner of the world. You sometimes wonder, why are we so mean to ourselves? Why do we want to waste and destroy all the gains of democracy many died for in the past. Had Saraki resigned, he would have fallen for the dastardly ploy of politically assailants, akin to hired assassins of character, to get rid of him. When that failed, other darts were fired in his direction. He was practically accused of being a part of an armed robbery gang that callously wasted so many lives in one fell swoop. The denouement of this whole debacle and theatre of the absurd is gradually playing out in the Courts, before our very eyes.  It is taking God’s intervention to save Saraki from being totally obliterated and annihilated in the process. After that, some heavily hooded and menacing security personnel invaded the precincts of the National Assembly, like hooded outlaws reminiscent of Robin Hood and his band of merry men. The only difference was that these were not outlaws, but men sworn to protect the sanctity of the very institution that they were desecrating with their disloyal presence. The military’s oath is to defend the people, the country and its institutions and not any individual, particularly if that individual is acting against the interests of the country and its institutions. Fortunately, the Vice President in his characteristic forceful and no-nonsense manner when he has been in charge put an end to that madness and ensured that democratic institutions continued to be respected.
This was the same template that was put in place for the Chief Justice. As obvious as the act was, many still fell for the scam. The timing was patently wrong, too close to the general elections. The modus operandi was ghoulish. Someone hurriedly put together a scurrilous petition in which we were regaled with tales by moonlight of a stupendously wealthy Chief Justice of the Federation who must have been criminally guilty of ‘moonlighting’! The denial of any involvement by the administration in this hurriedly concocted travesty, suddenly turned into a wholesale approbation of the means, ways and methods used to catch the ‘thief’. All known principles of justice and morals were soon sacrificed at the altar of expediency, even though the government should have been briefed, by various arms of the security agencies, that most of the baseless allegations had not been verified or investigated.
A whole Chief Justice of the Federation looked so dejected, rejected and pathetic. He was treated like a petty thief, a common criminal. He was unable to properly articulate his defence as he had already been convicted in the court of public opinion based on the frivolous and desperate evidence dished out by his traducers. His office was stolen from him in a brazen and total disregard for the constitution and its safeguard to check the excesses of government and abuse of power by one arm of government. The CJN was even brought before his peers and other members of the National Judicial Council (NJC) like a useless felon. Many legal giants sprang stoutly into action on his behalf. All kinds of legal and constitutional theories were propounded, and different stratagem employed. Some other lawyers rose up in support of the government, saying we need to fight corruption to standstill. Why not? But not at the expense of freedom and liberty. I have always said and maintained that we should never set fire to an entire village in order to catch rats. Even if government has incontrovertible evidence against Onnoghen, our Justice system needs to learn and imbibe some decorum. The sum total of all this drama was that the law, and its chief defender and upholder, were beginning to look like the proverbial ass!
I could therefore not believe my eyes when the climax to all of this tragic dramedy played out at the Code of Conduct Tribunal proceedings of the past week. There six prosecution witnesses, but it seems that after hearing the damaging evidence of the previous three, the prosecution could not go an any longer as their case appeared to be in tatters. Witness after witness burst the bubble that had been the prosecution’s case in the media. There were not 55 houses, but 5. I guess somebody had mistakenly typed 5 twice and it stuck. After all, as another witness stated none of the facts contained in Onnoghen’s asset declaration form had been verified. To further compound matters the Court was told that all his so-called foreign accounts were local domicillary accounts.  Worse was to be exposed before the Tribunal as it was revealed that there was not $3,000,000 in the totality of his accounts, but less than $300,000 even at the most optimistic position of taking opening balances in January 2018 into account. Indeed, he had taken a loan of $500,000 which was collateralised by his investments in Federal Government Bonds and diverse stock. A patriot indeed. Recall that in the bid to shore up what must have been known to be a very bad case, investigators had rushed to Onnoghen’s farm and carted away several allegedly ‘incriminating’ documents and equipment.  
The Defence on behalf of Onnoghen has applied to file a no-case submission. The Prosecution naturally has a right to reply to it. Without attempting to preempt the court and being conscious of the delicate fine balance of necessary to be observed once a matter is sub judice, I believe it is pertinent to note that in other countries both developing and developed, the prosecutor, knowing that his role is to do justice, present the facts to the court, and not merely seek a conviction, would have thrown in the towel. I wait to see what this prosecutor will do. More importantly, I wait to see whether the government will offer Onnoghen the profound and sincere apology that he deserves if he is discharged by the CCT.
We seem to be in a season of politics and litigations and it was a double whammy this week. It is with no surprise at all to me that I learnt of the victory of Senator Ademola Adeleke of the PDP at the Governorship Election Tribunal for Osun State albeit by a majority decision of two to one with the Chairman of the Tribunal Justice Ibrahim Sirajo dissenting. That election, particularly what has now been held to be the illegal rerun election, was fraught with irregularities, malpractices and voter intimidation by the ruling Party, APC and some elements of the military. When INEC chose not to call any evidence to rebut the allegations of the PDP about these matters, I knew the game was almost up. The whole pack of cards finally collapsed when the submissions of the APC lawyers was not the loud bang that we expected, but nothing more than a whimper.
Senator Adeleke’s victory appears to be a victory for democracy and a vindication for all lovers of democracy who put their faith in the judiciary as the last bastion of the common man. It is also to the credit of the government of President Buhari that it has chosen not to interfere at all in what was happening at the election Tribunal.  Some people felt that the government would have used its power and influence to seek to re-write the verdict. Kudos to the government on this score.
What happens next demonstrates the fact that it is not yet Uhuru for Senator Adeleke. He cannot claim the mandate as his despite the powerful  pronouncement of the Tribunal. APC has already appealed to the Court of Appeal, as it is its legitimate right to do. Whichever of the parties wins at the Court of Appeal, it is clear that the other losing party will appeal to the Supreme Court. The practice up till now is that until the Supreme Court gives its verdict the person declared to be the winner by INEC will continue in office. Senator Adeleke may therefore have a little longer to claim the mandate which he says was stolen from him.
I congratulate, my dear friend, Senator Ademola Adeleke, for his victory in the first leg of this three-legged race. I wish him the very best as he faces the next challenge of persuading the Appellate Courts to uphold his victory. Time and the Supreme Court will ultimately tell who the spoils of victory will go to. 
For now, the lesson to be learnt, which is pertinent to remember, as we go into the rerun and supplementary elections today, is that there is no profit in all these anti-democratic acts that our politicians are wont to resort to because democracy and justice will ultimately triumph.

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Opposition Parties Reject 2026 Electoral Act, Demand Fresh Amendment

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Opposition political parties have rejected the 2026 Electoral Act recently passed by the National Assembly, which President Bola Tinubu swiftly signed into law.

The parties called on the National Assembly to immediately begin a fresh amendment process to remove what they described as “all obnoxious provisions” in the law.

Their position was made known at a press briefing themed “Urgent Call to Save Nigeria’s Democracy,” held at the Transcorp Hilton Hotel in Abuja on Thursday.

In a communiqué read by the Chairman of the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) Ahmed Ajuji, the opposition leaders stated:

“We demand that the National Assembly immediately commence a fresh amendment to the Electoral Act 2026, to remove all obnoxious provisions and ensure that the Act reflects only the will and aspiration of Nigerians for free, fair, transparent and credible electoral process in our country. Nothing short of this will be acceptable to Nigerians.”

Some of the opposition leaders present in at the event include former Senate President David Mark; former Governor of Osun State, Rauf Aregbesola; former Vice President Atiku Abubakar; former Governor of Rivers State, Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi; and former Governor of Anambra State, Peter Obi, all from the African Democratic Congress (ADC).

The National Chairman of the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP), Ahmed Ajuji, and other prominent members of the NNPP, notably Buba Galadima, were also in attendance.

The coalition said the amended law, signed by Bola Tinubu, contains “anti-democratic” clauses, which they argue may weaken electoral transparency and public confidence in the voting system.

At the centre of the opposition’s concerns is the amendment to Section 60(3), which allows presiding officers to rely on manual transmission of election results where there is communication failure.

According to the coalition, the provision weakens the mandatory electronic transmission of results and could create loopholes for manipulation.

They argued that Nigeria’s electoral technology infrastructure is sufficient to support nationwide electronic transmission, citing previous assurances by officials of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).

The parties also rejected the amendment to Section 84, which restricts political parties to direct primaries and consensus methods for candidate selection.

They described the change as an unconstitutional intrusion into the internal affairs of parties, insisting that indirect primaries remain a legitimate democratic option.

The opposition cited alleged irregularities in the recent Federal Capital Territory local government elections as evidence of what they described as a broader pattern of electoral compromise.

They characterised the polls as a “complete fraud” and said the outcome has deepened their lack of confidence in the ability of the electoral system to deliver credible elections in 2027.

The coalition also condemned reported attacks on leaders of the African Democratic Congress in Edo State, describing the incidents as a serious threat to democratic participation and political tolerance.

They warned that increasing violence against opposition figures could destabilise the political environment if not urgently addressed.

In their joint statement, the opposition parties pledged to pursue “every constitutional means” to challenge the Electoral Act 2026 and safeguard voters’ rights.

“We will not be intimidated,” the leaders said, urging civil society organisations and citizens to support efforts aimed at protecting Nigeria’s democratic system.

On February 18, 2026, President Bola Tinubu signed the Electoral Act (Amendment) 2026 into law following its passage by the National Assembly. The Act introduced several reforms, including statutory recognition of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System and revised election timelines.

However, opposition figures such as Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi have also called for further amendments, particularly over the manual transmission fallback clause, which critics say leaves room for manipulation.

The president said the law will strengthen democracy and prevent voter disenfranchisement.

Tinubu defended manual collation of results, questioned Nigeria’s readiness for full real-time electronic transmission, and warned against technical glitches and hacking.

The Electoral Act sparked intense debate in the National Assembly over how election results should be transmitted ahead of the 2027 general elections.

Civil society groups under the “Occupy NASS” campaign demanded real-time transmission to curb manipulation.

In the Senate, lawmakers clashed during consideration of Clause 60, which allows manual transmission of results if electronic transmission fails.

Senator Enyinnaya Abaribe (ADC, Abia South) demanded a formal vote to remove the proviso permitting manual transmission, arguing against weakening real-time electronic reporting.

The move led to a heated exchange on the floor, with Senate President Godswill Akpabio initially suggesting the demand had been withdrawn.

After procedural disputes and a brief confrontation among senators, a division was conducted. Fifteen opposition senators voted against retaining the manual transmission proviso, while 55 supported it, allowing the clause to stand.

Earlier proceedings had briefly stalled during clause-by-clause review, prompting consultations and a closed-door session.

In the House of Representatives, a similar disagreement came up over a motion to rescind an earlier decision that mandated compulsory real-time electronic transmission of results to IReV.

Although the “nays” were louder during a voice vote, Speaker Tajudeen Abbas ruled in favour of rescinding the decision, triggering protests and an executive session.

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AFP: How Tinubu’s Govt Paid Boko Haram ‘Huge’ Ransom, Released Two Terrorists for Kidnapped Saint Mary’s Pupils

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The Nigerian government paid Boko Haram militants a “huge” ransom of millions of dollars to free up to 230 children and staff the jihadists abducted from a Catholic school in November, an AFP investigation revealed Monday.

Two Boko Haram commanders were also freed as part of the deal, which goes against the country’s own law banning payments to kidnappers. The money was delivered by helicopter to Boko Haram’s Gwoza stronghold in northeastern Borno state on the border with Cameroon, intelligence sources told AFP.

The decision to pay the militants is likely to irritate US President Donald Trump, who ordered air strikes on jihadists in northern Nigeria on Christmas Day and has been sent military trainers to help support Nigerian forces.

Nigerian government officials deny any ransom was paid to the armed gang that snatched close to 300 schoolchildren and staff from St. Mary’s boarding school in Papiri in central Niger state on November 21. At least 50 later managed to escape their captors.

Boko Haram has not been previously linked to the kidnapping, but sources told AFP one of its most feared commanders was behind the mass abduction: the notorious jihadist known as Sadiku.

He infamously held up a train from the capital in 2022 and netted hefty ransoms for the release of government officials and other well-off passengers.

Boko Haram, which has waged a bloody insurgency since 2009, is strongest in northeast Nigeria.

But a cell in central Niger state operates under Sadiku’s leadership. The St. Mary’s pupils and staff were freed after two weeks of negotiations led by Nuhu Ribadu, Nigeria’s National Security Adviser, with the government insisting no ransom was paid. Nigeria’s State Security Service flatly denied paying any money, saying “government agents don’t pay ransoms”.

However, four intelligence sources familiar with the talks told AFP the government paid a “huge” ransom to get the pupils back. One source put it at 40 million naira per head – around $7 million in total.

Another put the figure lower at two billion naira overall. The money was delivered by chopper to Ali Ngulde, a Boko Haram commander in the northeast, three sources told AFP.

Due to the lack of communications cover in the remote area, Ngulde had to cross into Cameroon to confirm delivery of the ransom before the first group of 100 children were released.

Nigeria has long been plagued by mass abductions, with criminals and jihadist groups sometimes working together to extort millions from hostages’ families, and authorities seemingly powerless to stop them.

Source: Africanews

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Unlawful Invasion: El-Rufai Drags ICPC, IGP, Others to Court, Demands N1bn Damages

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Former Governor of Kaduna State, Nasir El-Rufai, has slammed a ₦1 billion fundamental rights enforcement suit against the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) for what he claimed was an unlawful invasion of his Abuja residence.

El-Rufai, in a suit filed at the Federal High Court in Abuja, also listed the Chief Magistrate, Magistrate’s Court of the FCT, Abuja Magisterial District; Inspector-General of Police, and the Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF) as 2nd to 4th respondents respectively.

According to the suit filed through his lawyers, led by Oluwole Iyamu, El-Rufai prayed the court to declare that the search warrant issued on February 4 by the Chief Magistrate, Magistrate’s Court of the FCT (2nd respondent), authorising the search and seizure at his residence as invalid, null and void.

Security operatives had stormed and searched the former Governor’s residence in the ongoing investigations against him.

However, he argued in the case marked: FHC/ABJ/CS/345/2026, that the search was in violation of Section 37 of the Constitution, and urged the court to declare that the search warrant was “null and void for lack of particularity, material drafting errors, ambiguity in execution parameters, overbreadth, and absence of probable cause thereby constituting an unlawful and unreasonable search.”

In the suit dated and filed February 20 by Iyamu, ex-governor, who is currently under detention, sought seven reliefs.

He prayed the court to declare that the invasion and search of his residence at House 12, Mambilla Street, Aso Drive, Abuja, on Feb. 19 at about 2pm and executed by agents of ICPC and I-G, “under the aforesaid invalid warrant, amounts to a gross violation of the applicant’s fundamental rights to dignity of the human person, personal liberty, fair hearing, and privacy under Sections 34, 35, 36, and 37 of the Constitution.”

He urged the court to declare that “any evidence obtained pursuant to the aforesaid invalid warrant and unlawful search is inadmissible in any proceedings against the applicant, as it was procured in breach of constitutional safeguards.”

El-Rufai, therefore, sought an order of injunction restraining the respondents and their agents from further relying on, using, or tendering any evidence or items seized during the unlawful search in any investigation, prosecution, or proceedings involving him.

“An order directing the Ist and 3rd respondents (ICPC and I-G) to forthwith return all items seized from the applicant’s premises during the unlawful search, together with a detailed inventory thereof.

“An order awarding the sum of N1,000,000,000.00 (One Billion Naira) as general, exemplary, and aggravated damages against the respondents jointly and severally for the violations of the applicant’s fundamental rights, including trespass, unlawful seizure, and the resultant psychological trauma, humiliation, distress, infringement of privacy, and reputational harm.”

The breakdown of the ₦1 billion in damages includes “a N300 million as compensatory damages for psychological trauma, emotional distress, and loss of personal security;

“A ₦400 million as exemplary damages to deter future misconduct by law enforcement agencies and vindicate the applicant’s rights.

“A ₦300 million as aggravated damages for the malicious, high-handed and oppressive nature of the respondents’ actions, including the use of a patently defective warrant procured through misleading representations.”

He equally sought ₦100 million as the cost of filing the suit, including legal fees and associated expenses.

Iyamu argued that the search warrant was fundamentally defective, lacking specificity in the description of items to be seized, containing material typographical errors, ambiguous execution terms, overbroad directives, and no verifiable probable cause.

He added that the warrant violated Sections 143-148 of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act (ACJA), 2015; Section 36 of the Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences (ICPC) Act, 2000, and constitutional protections against arbitrary intrusions and several other constitutional provisions.

“Section 146 stipulates that the warrant must be in the prescribed form, free from defects that could mislead, but the document is riddled with errors in the address, date, and district designation;

“Section 147 allows direction to specified persons, but the warrant’s indiscriminate addressing to “all officers is overbroad and unaccountable.

“Section 148 permits execution at reasonable times, but the contradictory language creates ambiguity, undermining procedural clarity,” he submitted.

Iyamu stated that the execution of the invalid warrant on Feb. 19 resulted in an unlawful invasion of his client’s premises, constituting violations of the rights to dignity (Section 34), personal liberty (Section 35), fair hearing (Section 36), and privacy (Section 37) of the Constitution.

He further argued that the search was conducted without legal justification and in a manner that inflicted humiliation and distress.

Evidence obtained without a valid warrant is unlawful and inadmissible, as established in judicial precedents such as C.O.P. v. Omoh (1969) NCLR 137, where the court ruled that evidence procured through improper means contravenes fundamental rights and must be excluded,” he said.

In the affidavit in support of the application, Mohammed Shaba, a Principal Secretary to the former governor, averred that on Feb. 19 at about 2p.m., officers from the ICPC and Nigeria Police Force invaded the residence under a purported search warrant issued on or about Feb. 4.

According to him, the said warrant is invalid due to its lack of specificity, errors, and other defects as outlined in the grounds of this application.

He said the “search warrant did not specify the properties or items being searched for.”

Shaba stated that the officers failed to submit themselves for search as provided by the law before proceeding with the search.

“That the Magistrate did not specify the magisterial district wherein he sits.

“That during the invasion, the officers searched the applicant’s premises without lawful authority, seized personal items including documents and electronic devices, and caused the applicant undue humiliation, psychological trauma, and distress.

“Now shown to me and marked as ‘EXHIBIT B’ Is the list of the items carted away.

“That no items seized have been returned, and the respondents continue to rely on the unlawful evidence.

“That the applicant suffered violations of his constitutional rights as a result, and this application is brought in good faith to enforce same,” Shaba said.

Source: Naijanews.com

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