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Buhari’s Travel Ban on 50 Nigerians Illegal, Repressive – SERAP

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The Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) has said that “The order banning 50 alleged high-profile corrupt Nigerians from travelling abroad without any legal basis and a judicial authorization is clearly arbitrary, repressive and illegal, as it breaches constitutional rights and the country’s international obligations, which protect the rights to freedom of movement, to leave one’s country, to privacy, and to due process of law.”

The organisation said: “A travel ban by its nature is an interference with the right to leave one’s country. It is neither necessary nor proportionate to prevent dissipation of stolen assets or stop politically exposed persons (PEPs) from tampering with any such assets. The ban should be immediately lifted and the order rescinded.”

Presidential spokesperson Garba Shehu on Saturday announced the placement of 50 high-profile Nigerians on travel ban, citing the measure as part of the implementation of Presidential Executive Order Number 6. The unnamed individuals will be banned from travelling outside the country pending the determination of their corruption cases in order to ensure that all assets within a minimum value of N50 million or equivalent, are not dissipated or tampered with.

But SERAP in a statement today signed by its deputy director, Timothy Adewale, said: “Rather than performing its declared objective of preventing dissipation of stolen assets, the travel ban would seriously undermine the government’s expressed commitment to combat grand corruption and violate the country’s international human rights obligations. The travel ban will play right into the hands of high-profile corrupt officials by feeding into the narrative that the fight against corruption is targeted only at political opponents.”

The statement read in part: “The travel ban and mass surveillance will distract the authorities from taking legitimate action to recover stolen assets, effectively punish high-ranking corrupt officials and portray the government as unwilling to embrace the rule of law in its fight against corruption, thereby making it difficult to obtain the necessary support and cooperation of countries keeping stolen assets.”

“The travel ban will also strain the government’s relationships with partner countries, on whom it will inevitably rely for vital asset recovery cooperation, undermining the effort to bring them closer. By alienating these partners, the government could lose access to important information and mutual legal assistance necessary to effectively recover stolen assets and bring corrupt officials to justice.”

“Judicial affirmation of the legality of the Executive Order 6 doesn’t grant the government arbitrary powers to impose travel ban on anyone without following due process of law. Rather than imposing a travel ban, the authorities should take advantage of the provisions of the UN Convention against Corruption to seek mutual legal assistance with countries where investigations and litigation are ongoing by requesting them to apply preventive measures regarding assets covered by the travel ban.”

“The authorities should also widely publish the names of the 50 Nigerians suspected to be involved, and submit those names to the countries/embassies of countries where the stolen assets are stashed. The authorities should issue a risk alert on alleged corrupt assets that are likely to be dissipated or tampered with by the high-profile Nigerians, seeking the cooperation of countries keeping the assets, and reminding them of their international obligations to prevent these Nigerians from tampering with stolen assets that are subject of ongoing investigations and litigation.”

“We are concerned with the threats grand corruption and money laundering posed to the effective enjoyment of human rights of Nigerians, and agree with the authorities that grand corruption and impunity of perpetrators must be vigorously combated. But we believe that the fight against corruption will only succeed if it is based on due process of law and respect for human rights.”

“If the objective the government seeks to achieve is to ensure stolen assets are not dissipated or that politically exposed persons do not interfere with ongoing investigation and prosecution of corruption cases, the appropriate legal response is for the authorities to pursue orders of temporary forfeiture and mutual legal assistance, and not a travel ban that would achieve nothing but violate citizens’ human rights.”

“Nigeria is a state party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which in article 12 guarantees the right of everyone to leave any country, including their own. The government cannot impose restrictions on this right unless any such restrictions are provided by law, are necessary to protect public order, or the rights of others. The travel restrictions on the alleged 50 corrupt Nigerians clearly do not meet these conditions.”

“All restrictions on the right to leave must be narrowly interpreted. In General Comment No. 27, the Human Rights Committee stated that any restrictions must not impair the essence of the right and that the relationship of the norm to the exception must not be reversed.”

“The travel ban cannot achieve the objective of depriving the 50 Nigerians suspected of corruption of their ill-gotten gains. It is absolutely important that the government is guided by the provisions of Article 31 of the UN Convention against Corruption to which Nigeria is a state party, and which authorises states parties to take preliminary measures to seize, freeze or otherwise immobilise property for the purposes of confiscation/pending investigation and litigation.”

“It is always important that the definition and interpretation of the law should be as certain as possible, and this is of particular importance in cases of corruption where citizens’ human rights may be at stake. We do not consider that such reasonable certainty can exist where the executive assumes patently judicial functions.”

“The right to leave one’s country includes a positive duty on states such as Nigeria to issue documents – as well as a passive one – to refrain from placing obstacles in the way of an individual seeking to leave.”

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Why Tinubu Was Absent at Commissioning of Sanwo-Olu’s Projects in Lagos – Presidency

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The Presidency has come up with reasons behind President Bola Tinubu’s absent at the commissioning of Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu’s projects in Lagos, on Wednesday.

Tinubu was noticeably absent at the scheduled project commissioning in Lagos, sparking public curiosity.

However, Sunday Dare, his Special Adviser on Public Communications and Orientation, has clarified the reason behind the last-minute development.

Speaking during an interview on Channels Television, Dare revealed that the President had to prioritise urgent national security matters over the event.
According to him, although Tinubu is currently in Lagos, he has been deeply engaged in high-level State duties, particularly ongoing security briefings tied to recent developments across the country.

“The president has been busy taking constant briefs and has to prioritise when it comes to state matters, especially security,” Dare stated.

He referenced rising security concerns, including recent unrest linked to incidents in Jos, noting that the President has been closely monitoring the situation and working directly with intelligence agencies.

Dare emphasised that Tinubu remains fully engaged behind the scenes, actively coordinating with security operatives and receiving continuous updates to address emerging threats.

The absence, he stressed, should not be seen as neglect of official duties but rather a reflection of the President’s focus on safeguarding national stability at a critical time.

Tinubu skipped the Lagos commissioning not out of disregard, but to handle pressing security issues demanding immediate presidential attention.

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Benin Republic 2026: Romuald Wadagni, The President in Waiting

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By Eric Elezuo

As the presidential election draws very close, one man stands taller than most of the candidates that would be on the ballot paper, or may have been on the ballot paper as far as the presidential election in Benin Republic is concerned. He is the hard working and most Indefatigable achiever, Monsieur Romuald Wadagni.

He us young, able and full of experience, having practiced positive and sincere politics for a very long in his young existence.

Wadagni comes across as the typical chip off the old block, when it comes to genuine leadership qualities and agenda. He has been tested, trusted and ready to take up the mantle of leadership towards providing genuineness and purposeful living condition for the people of Benin Republic.

In 10 consecutive years, since he was 39, Wadagni, has supervised the Finance and Economy ministry without blemish, and has received accolades from far and wide.

It is therefore not a fluke as the 49 years old, Romuald Wadagni was nominated as the ruling majority’s candidate for the upcoming presidential election in Benin.

Consequently, listed below are three things to know about him: 1:he has been the Minister of Finance for nearly 10 years. Romuald Wadagni was appointed Minister of Economy and Finance in April 2016. He was reappointed to the position in 2021 with the rank of Minister of State. He is considered one of the main architects of Benin’s economic recovery.

At the end of January 2025, he welcomed “average growth of more than 6.5% in recent years.” In 2018, Financial Afrik magazine ranked him among the 100 African personalities transforming the continent. In December 2024, the same media outlet named him “Best Finance Minister in Africa,” praising Benin’s macroeconomic stability in the face of international crises. 2: He is an expert in finance and accounting. Romuald Wadagni is a chartered accountant. After studying finance, private equity, and venture capital, he began his professional career in 1998 at Deloitte, one of the largest audit and consulting firms in the world.

At Deloitte, Romuald Wadagni rose through the ranks and successively held several positions of responsibility in France, the United States, and then in Francophone Africa. In 2012, at the age of 36, he became a partner at Deloitte. He later led the firm’s expansion across the African continent. After 17 years, he left the firm in April 2016 when he was appointed Minister of Economy and Finance of Benin.

He is the heir apparent of Patrice Talon. After two consecutive terms, President Patrice Talon, who can no longer run again, had promised to play an active role in choosing his successor. On August 31, 2025, he officially endorsed his Minister of Finance, Romuald Wadagni, as the candidate of the presidential majority.
This designation was confirmed in a joint statement by the Union Progressiste le Renouveau (UPR) and the Bloc Républicain (BR), the two main parties of the majority. On October 4, 2025, in Parakou, Romuald Wadagni and Mariam Chabi Talata, the current Vice President, were officially nominated during a major rally of the presidential majority. In his speech, the candidate minister promised to “consolidate the achievements” of his predecessor.

 

Prior to entering politics, Wadagni worked for the consulting firm Deloitte for 17 years. He was first appointed the minister of economy and finance on 7 April 2016, in the first Talon government, and subsequently reappointed in 2021 with the rank of senior minister.

Wadagni was born in Benin in 1976 in Lokossa, the eldest of five children. His father, Nestor Wadagni, a statistician and economist with a degree from ENSAE, had a career in the Beninese civil service before writing a thesis in fundamental mathematics after his retirement.From an early age, he took an interest in manual work and trained himself in bricklaying and mechanics.

After obtaining a scientific baccalaureate in Benin, he continued his studies in France. From 1995 to 1999, he studied at the École supérieure des affaires de Grenoble (ESA) where he obtained a master’s degree in finance, graduating top of his class. During his studies in Grenoble, he met a partner from Deloitte who identified his potential and recruited him into the consulting firm in 1998.Among honours attached to his ebullient services and achievements, are as follows:

In 2021, the financial newspaper Financial Afrik named Romuald Wadagni “Best African Minister of Economy and Finance”.

In 2024, the financial newspaper Financial Afrik named him “Finance Minister of the Year” for the 4th time in its ranking of “The 100 who are transforming Africa”.

ROMUALD WADAGNI AT A GLANCE 

Romuald Wadagni is Senior Minister in charge of Economy and Finance of Benin. He was appointed on April 7, 2016, in the first government of President Patrice Talon and reappointed to this position in May 2021.

Romuald Wadagni is a public accountant certified in France and the USA. He also holds a master’s degree in finance and has completed specialized training in private equity and venture capital.

Before being appointed Minister of Economy and Finance in 2016, Romuald Wadagni had a leading international experience within Deloitte. In France from 1998, then in the United States from 2003, he developed cutting-edge expertise in several fields, serving customers in various sectors of activity (Mining, TMT, Financial Sector, Public Sector, Retail) and various governments and donors.

Wadagni is a handful in service delivery, transformation and economic re-engineering. He is the best suited for the presidency of Benin Republic as election holds on Sunday, April 12, 2026

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ADC Raises Alarm over INEC’s Plot to Prevent Party from Fielding Candidates

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The African Democratic Congress (ADC) has revealed the deliberate administrative landmines being deployed by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to prevent the Party from fielding candidates in the upcoming elections.

In a statement signed by its National Publicity Secretary, Mallam Bolaji Abdullahi, the party stated that at the heart of this emerging crisis is INEC’s stated position that it will no longer receive any correspondence from the ADC pending the determination of a matter before the Federal High Court. On its face, this may appear procedural. In reality, it creates a direct and dangerous conflict with the clear timelines imposed by the Electoral Act (2026), which provides defined windows, including the mandatory 21-day notice period and subsequent submission requirements, within which political parties must complete critical electoral processes.

The full statement reads:

We are compelled to raise serious concerns about a developing situation that appears designed to prevent the African Democratic Congress (ADC) from fielding candidates in the upcoming elections. It is based on documentary evidence which we are now placing before the Nigerian public, including certified INEC records, attendance logs, monitoring reports, and excerpts from the Commission’s own sworn affidavit. Taken together, these documents establish a clear and consistent record of events.

INEC received formal notice of the July 29, 2025 National Executive Committee (NEC) meeting of the ADC. It deployed officials to monitor that meeting. It documented the proceedings and received formal reports from its field officers. Following this, INEC updated its internal records and uploaded the names of the new leadership, including Senator David Mark as National Chairman and Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola as National Secretary.
These are not claims. They are facts contained in INEC’s own records.

In addition, the Commission’s sworn affidavit before the Federal High Court, in its response to Nafiu Bala Gombe on 12 September 2025, particularly in Clauses 14 to 19, affirms key legal principles: that the leadership transition had already been completed and recognized, that such internal party matters fall outside the scope of judicial interference, that completed acts cannot be reversed by injunction, and also recognizes the David Mark-led NWC.

Yet, despite this clear documentary trail, INEC has now taken the position that it will no longer receive any correspondence from the ADC pending the determination of a matter before the Federal High Court. This is where the contradiction becomes dangerous.

The Electoral Act imposes strict timelines on political parties, including the 21-day notice requirement and submission deadlines. INEC itself has fixed May 10 as the deadline for the submission of relevant documents. However, by refusing to receive communication from the ADC within this same period, the Commission is effectively preventing the Party from complying with the law.

In simple terms, INEC is effectively threatening that unless the courts deliver judgment on the ADC leadership issue by May 10, it will prevent the ADC from producing candidates.

This places the ADC in an impossible position and creates a clear pathway to artificial non-compliance, which can then be used to justify excluding the Party from fielding candidates. That is the landmine.

INEC has claimed that its April 1 decision was taken to avoid rendering the proceedings before the Federal High Court nugatory. The reality is the opposite. By intervening in a matter already before the court and issuing a pronouncement with clear legal and operational consequences, the Commission has itself undermined the very process it claims to protect.

What is even more concerning is that this position contradicts INEC’s own prior conduct and legal stance. The same Commission that monitored, documented, recognized, and swore to an affidavit confirming the ADC leadership is now acting in a way that contradicts its earlier position.
We therefore call on the Commission to immediately reverse this position, resume the acceptance of all lawful correspondence from the ADC, and uphold its constitutional responsibility to ensure a level playing field for all political parties.

We also call on Nigerians to be wary and remain vigilant about these dangerous machinations to subvert Nigeria’s democracy and impose a civilian dictatorship on the country.

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