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Pendulum: The Presidential Election in the State of Osun

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By Dele Momodu

Fellow Nigerians, let’s not mince words today and go straight to the crux of the matter. What transpired in the State of Osun, as my dear Brother, the Governor, Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola, loves to refer to our State, was not a Gubernatorial, but prelude to Presidential election. The interest and resources galvanised for that election demonstrated that it was a civil war and not a civilised election. The election was seen and executed as a referendum on the tenure of President Muhammadu Buhari and its wobbly government. While the ruling party appeared determined, or maybe ‘desperate’ is the appropriate word, to win, the main opposition party looked jazzed and disinterested. But for the merciful interventions of former Vice President, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar and the President of the Nigerian Senate, Dr Abubakar Bukola Saraki, the PDP candidate, Senator Nurudeen Ademola Adeleke, could as well have been a virtual orphan. It was that bad.
What manner of opposition would sit at home, arms akimbo, after seeing how the President, Vice President, Governors, Ministers and party Chieftains all invaded, and flooded, Osun as if their lives depended on it? I fail to understand how PDP can parade over a dozen Presidential aspirants yet only few of them are showing irrevocable commitment to serious party matters while the rest are only pursuing personal agenda. Adeleke was just lucky to be blessed with a family that had the means to fund his campaign and in particular a megastar, David Adeleke (aka Davido), who unleashed his monstrous talent on the campaign.
The ways of politicians are certainly not the ways of ordinary mortals. I could not believe how they turned Osun into a theatre of war because of a few thousand votes. I thought that, by now, Nigeria had passed this disgraceful and embarrassing stage. I have no doubt that APC merely used the elections in Ekiti and Osun as dress rehearsals of what to expect in next year’s general elections. A former President had told me months ago that we should not expect President Buhari to lose the election and quit quietly like President Goodluck Jonathan did in 2015, but I disagreed most vehemently. Thank God, we did not take a bet because with what happened in Osun, in particular, I don’t see the APC apparatchik agreeing to vacate power without a truculent fight. Many people, Nigerians and non-Nigerians have come to the incontrovertible conclusion that what we currently have is an army of occupation and we should accept our fate with equanimity.
But no country can afford not to have a virile opposition. This is why it is sad and tragic that those who were in opposition only yesterday are perpetrating the same unfortunate acts we collectively rejected and dismissed not too long ago. It is also a shame that political parties have become over-proliferated in our dear beloved country. This has made it difficult for us to have a unified resolve to challenge what may ultimately turn into a Gestapo and most oppressive civilian regime. The PDP that should fight back stoutly to give a good fight is already gasping for breath because of multiple ambitions of individuals who may choose to turn coat at the drop of a hat. From the multitude of PDP aspirants and even the cacophony of permutations about who can challenge Buhari to a duel, it is becoming clear, to discerning minds, that there are only two, possibly three serious challengers and no more. Of these three, two currently stand tall. One is old and the other is young. It seems patently obvious, from the recent shenanigans that we have seen, that President Buhari and his people would do everything humanly possible to avoid confronting either of these two candidates at the polls next year.
Moving on, let me say with every emphasis I can muster, no candidate from the core North can compete against, and defeat, Buhari simply on the basis that they come from the core North. It is practically impossible. The jejune argument that PDP should pick a candidate who can divide the core Northern votes is either a joke carried too far or a deliberate decision to hand power back to the incumbent on a platter of gold. What the PDP needs urgently is a candidate who can explode its votes in the entire South and the North Central. I do not hereby advocate for any candidate. I make my thesis only on the basis of empirical analysis. Buhari lost elections three consecutive times because he couldn’t saunter across those zones. If you doubt my assertion, let’s examine the figures, in practical terms.
In 1999, PDP scored 4,226,330 in South South while ANPP/AD recorded 1,205,087. PDP 2,307,712 in South East and ANPP/AD 978,997. PDP 1,092,216 in South West and ANPP/AD 4,366,993. This was Chief Olu Falae versus General Olusegun Obasanjo. The Yoruba can mobilise humongous votes when they feel they have their own in the race. The sentiment was in favour of Falae. PDP 3,675,027 in North Central and ANPP/AD 1,461,840. PDP 3,552,354 in North East and ANPP/AD 1,412,426. PDP 3,887,536 in North West and ANPP/AD 1,684,934.
In 2003, PDP jumped to 6,953,679 in South South and ANPP 365,161. PDP 3,161,150 in South East and ANPP 253,079. PDP 5,031,288 in South West and ANPP 195,024. PDP 3,257,956 in North Central and ANPP 1,993,705. PDP 2,941,208 in North East and ANPP 3,694,367. PDP 2,764,846 in North West and ANPP 6,453,437. This was the year Buhari started contesting the Presidency. On this occasion he contested on the platform of ANPP.
In 2007, PDP had 6,118,608 in South South and ANPP 365,161. PDP 4,985,246 in South East and ANPP 253,079. PDP 2,836,417 in South West and ANPP 195,024. PDP 3,376,570 in North Central and ANPP 1,744575. PDP 1,832,651 in North East and ANPP 3,660919. PDP 3,466,924 in North West and ANPP 6,453,437. Buhari again contested as ANPP Presidential candidate.
In 2011, PDP recorded 6,118,608 in South South and CPC 49,978. PDP 4,985,246 in South East and CPC 20,335. PDP 2,786,417 in South West and CPC 321,609. PDP 3,123,126 in North Central and CPC 1,612,999. PDP 1,832,622 in North East and CPC 3,624,910. PDP 3,395,724 in North West and CPC 6,453,437. Buhari was on this occasion the flagbearer of the CPC.
In 2015, PDP secured 4,714,725 in South South and APC 418,590. PDP 2,464,906 in South East and APC 198,248. PDP 1,821,416 in South West and APC 2,433,193. PDP 1,715,818 in North Central and APC 2,411,013. PDP 796,580 in North East and APC 2,848,678. PDP 1,339,709 in North West and APC 7,115,199.
The import of these figures is that whosoever can checkmate Buhari from the Middlebelt downwards would always defeat Buhari. This does not necessarily mean such a candidate should come from these regions, but it would be ideal. A candidate with cross-over appeal from the North East and North West would also do well provided he does not believe that his place of origin means he should concentrate his effort in that region or adjunct region. PDP should forget the pipe dream of competing favourably against Buhari in the North East and North West. He has consistently won overwhelming in those two regions. However, if President Buhari can be restricted to those two zones while opposition locks down the other four zones of the country, then the prospects of the opposition PDP resoundingly beating the APC candidate becomes much brighter.    
PDP or any intelligent party must apply Isaac Newton’s third Law of Motion: “actions and reactions are always equal and opposite.” Buhari would be 76, his opponent must be the opposite by being much younger. 70 percent of the electorate are under the age of 45. Opposition requires a candidate who can readily galvanise a multitude of first-time voters. Nigeria is long overdue for a candidate in the mould of Barack Obama, an energetic and cosmopolitan leader. Politics as a game of numbers must be approached meticulously. Buhari has stupendous State appurtenances and resources to deploy, his opponent must have access to similar armoury or have sufficient wherewithal to match the substantial resources of State and not be a scavenger in search of morale, audacity and finance.
I’m not sure about what the third force can produce. I have expressed this publicly and privately. There are those like my dear friend, former Governor Donald Duke, Frank Nweke Jnr. and others who feel a third force can fly next year. I sincerely doubt this. Indeed, I would like to dismiss this as mere wishful thinking. There may also be a fourth force, the Take Back Nigeria Movement being propelled by Omoyele Sowore who has worked extremely hard across Nigeria, but I believe he still has a lot of distance to cover. The reason is simple. He would have gone very far if he could muster the support of other younger candidates. Same with Fela Durotoye, Kingsley Moghalu and others. I truly wish there could be a consensus candidate, but alas!
Where do we go from here, realistically? I think the toughest opposition can still come from PDP if it can rescue itself from certain interests and manage to pick a kamikaze candidate who is not docile and who is ready to fight all the way with everything at his disposal. No meek or lily-livered gentleman can fight and conquer Buhari next year. The lesson to pick from Osun, while litigation processes are being cooked, is that the next Presidential election is not going to be the stuff of conventional warfare. A serious opposition must prepare for the use of ballistic and anti-ballistic missiles. This is the reality of what to expect.
TURKEY, A COUNTRY TO VISIT IN A LIFETIME
If you follow me on social media, you would have noticed my love for Turkey in recent times. It is not my fault and, trust me, I’m not being hyperbolic. Turkey is one of the most beautiful countries I have discovered since I started flying out of Nigeria in 1985. I have flown, landed and taken off on all continents, but Turkey holds a special space in my heart. Turkey reminds me of the United Arab Emirates in its majestic grandeur, but it is much more natural and less glittering.
My first trip to Istanbul was about seven years ago, but I did not stay long, and I could not explore the country much. Somehow, the importance of Turkey, as a hybrid country, in the comity of nations, did not register well in me. I promised to return, but was not sure when. That promise came to fruition early this year when I joined the woman of God, Reverend Mother Esther Abimbola Ajayi and her family on an unforgettable voyage to Turkey at the invitation of her adopted son, Aydin Adem Yildirim, otherwise known as Adesoji Ajayi. Aydin is from the popular district of Cappadocia and I must confess that this district is simply breath-taking.
It was in Cappadocia that I slept in a cave for the first time. The cave hotel was just surreal. The ancient city had so many artefacts from antiquity dated before the birth of Jesus Christ. We saw and visited some extra-ordinary museums and underground cities. Cappadocia is famous for hot-air balloon flights which attracts hundreds of people to the rural township daily. There are several airports within a few hours away.
We travelled to the Syria Refugee camps and witnessed how wonderful Turkey treats victims of a most debilitating war and other refugees fleeing from home and loved ones. We travelled to Istanbul, the gateway to Turkey and it was another exceptional experience. It was in Istanbul I spent my birthday, May 16, and was treated to a surprise cruise by the Ajayis. From Istanbul we flew to Bodrum, a city on the Peninsula. Bodrum is a playground for the rich and famous. We had so much fun. I left Bodrum with a promise to explore Turkey further.
I was back in Istanbul, Ankara and Cappadocia last week and it proved to  be such a roller-coaster trip as I held meetings with several important personalities. Hosted by the Butik Travel Group and Aydin, my itinerary was well organised. The efficiency was top rate.
I was warmly received and treated like a king. I held meetings with prominent business leaders like M. Arif Parmaksiz, Member of Union of Chambers Turkey and President of Nevsehir Chamber of Commerce; I. Hakki Aydogan, General Secretary of NTSO, Cappadocia; I also met with leading political figures like Atilla Secen Mayor of Nevsehir, Mustafa Acikgoz Member of Parliament Nevsehir, Mustafa Rumeli and other top officials at Invest in Turkey, Fatma Ozsoy, Head of Advertising and Promotion, Ministry of Culture and Tourism.
Of course, my constituency, the journalists were not left out. Yilmaz Karaca, President of Federation of Turkish Journalists, Bayram Ekici, President of Association of Turkish Journalists in Nevsehir, Cappadocia, Chairman of the Association of Turkish journalists in Ankara and Metin Yildrim, Aydin’s uncle, and journalist based Nevsehir; and many others. My trip was covered in several Turkish newspapers and I felt like a celebrity of sorts in this foreign clime. There are plans for me to return soon to Turkey to further form and cement partnerships in the area of investment opportunities and tourism. I am convinced that our nation needs cordial relations with countries such as these in order to tap from their related experiences and expertise.
Words can hardly express my gratitude to my hosts and benefactors on both of my recent trips to Turkey. My sincere appreciation go in particular to the Ajayis, Aydin and his father, Ali Yildrim, who graciously and generously further opened my eyes to the magnificent country that Turkey is on this my latest trip.  

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Tinubu’s Fatal Blow on Rivers State

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By Eric Elezuo

When in the 19th century, celebrated writer Lord Acton, made the oft-quoted statement that “Power corrupts, and absolute power corrupts absolutely,” he had no reference to the Nigerian government of today, which has suddenly become a law unto itself, maneuvering and arrogating judicial precedents and justice system to suit its whimps and caprices.

Many has called it power intoxication while others declare it as judicial malady, but the fact remains that Nigerian President, Bola Tinubu, had wielded a big stick, albeit unconstitutionally according to many high profile respondents, to deal a fatal blow on the elected representatives of the Rivers State government, and its legislative body.

Mr. President had on March 18, 2025, during a nationwide broadcast, and contrary to expectations, declared a state of emergency on the oil-rich state, going ahead to suspend the governor, Siminalayi Fubara, his deputy, Ngozi Odu, and the 31 elected members of the legislature. In the broadcast, the president stated that the emergency rule will last for an initial six months followed by a review which will determine either an extension of the rule or its termination. He also appointed Vice Admiral Ibok-Ete Ibas as the state’s Sole Administrator.

The president’s statement, which has been declared a fatal blow on democracy, and both unconstitutional and undemocratic, by a section of Nigerians, but a peace stroke by yet another section, has elicited reactions from the length and breadth of the nation majority of which borders on condemnations, rather than approval.

The sledgehammer reaction was a consequence of an 18 months fracas between between the Governor, Fubara, and his estranged godfather, Nyesom Wike, the immediate past governor of the state, and currently Tinubu’s minister, in charge of the Federal Capital Territory. Both has been locked in battle for the soul of the state treasury, as alleged by observers, and the party structure. The battle has brought both parties to their wits’ end where interventions from well meaning Nigerians, including Tinubu himself failed to assuage the grievances of each contending party. But Tinubu’s March 18th statement put a stop to all contentions, albeit at the moment

The statement reads in full:

Fellow Nigerians, I feel greatly disturbed at the turn we have come to regarding the political crisis in Rivers State. Like many of you, I have watched with concern the development with the hope that the parties involved would allow good sense to prevail at the soonest, but all that hope burned out without any solution to the crisis.

With the crisis persisting, there is no way democratic governance, which we have all fought and worked for over the years, can thrive in a way that will redound to the benefit of the good people of the state. The state has been at a standstill since the crisis started, with the good people of the state not being able to have access to the dividends of democracy.

Also, it is public knowledge that the Governor of Rivers State for unjustifiable reasons, demolished the House of Assembly of the state as far back as 13th December 2023 and has, up until now, fourteen (14) months after, not rebuilt same. I have made personal interventions between the contending parties for a peaceful resolution of the crisis, but my efforts have been largely ignored by the parties to the crisis. I am also aware that many well-meaning Nigerians, Leaders of thought and Patriotic groups have also intervened at various times with the best of intentions to resolve the matter, but all their efforts were also to no avail. Still, I thank them.

On February 28, 2025, the supreme court, in a judgment in respect of about eight consolidated appeals concerning the political crisis in Rivers State, based on several grave unconstitutional acts and disregard of rule of law that have been committed by the Governor of Rivers State as shown by the evidence before it pronounced in very clear terms:

“a government cannot be said to exist without one of the three arms that make up the government of a state under the 1999 Constitution as amended. In this case the head of the executive arm of the government has chosen to collapse the legislature to enable him to govern without the legislature as a despot. As it is there is no government in Rivers State.”

The above pronouncement came after a catalogue of judicial findings of constitutional breaches against the Governor Siminalayi Fubara.

Going Forward in their judgment, and having found and held that 27 members of the House who had allegedly defected

“are still valid members of Rivers State House of Assembly and cannot be prevented from participating in the proceedings of that House by the 8th Respondent (that is, the Governor) in cohorts with four members”

The Supreme Court then made some orders to restore the state to immediate constitutional democracy. These orders include the immediate passing of an Appropriation Bill by the Rivers State House of Assembly which up till now has not been facilitated.

Some militants had threatened fire and brimstone against their perceived enemy of the governor who has up till now NOT disowned them.

Apart from that both the House and the governor have not been able to work together.

Both of them do not realise that they are in office to work together for the peace and good governance of the state.

The latest security reports made available to me show that between yesterday and today there have been disturbing incidents of vandalization of pipelines by some militant without the governor taking any action to curtail them. I have, of course given stern order to the security agencies to ensure safety of lives of the good people of Rivers State and the oil pipelines.

With all these and many more, no good and responsible President will standby and allow the grave situation to continue without taking remedial steps prescribed by the Constitution to address the situation in the state, which no doubt requires extraordinary measures to restore good governance, peace, order and security.

In the circumstance, having soberly reflected on and evaluated the political situation in Rivers State and the Governor and Deputy Governor of Rivers State having failed to make a request to me as President to issue this proclamation as required by section 305(5) of the 1999 Constitution as amended, it has become inevitably compelling for me to invoke the provision of section 305 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 as amended, to declare a state of emergency in Rivers State with effect from today, 18th March, 2025 and I so do.

By this declaration, the Governor of Rivers State, Mr Siminalayi Fubara, his deputy, Mrs Ngozi Odu and all elected members of the House of Assembly of Rivers State are hereby suspended for an initial period of six months.

In the meantime, I hereby nominate Vice Admiral Ibokette Ibas (Rtd) as Administrator to take charge of the affairs of the state in the interest of the good people of Rivers State. For the avoidance of doubt, this declaration does not affect the judicial arm of Rivers State, which shall continue to function in accordance with their constitutional mandate.

The Administrator will not make any new laws. He will, however, be free to formulate regulations as may be found necessary to do his job, but such regulations will need to be considered and approved by the Federal Executive Council and promulgated by the President for the state.

This declaration has been published in the Federal Gazette, a copy of which has been forwarded to the National Assembly in accordance with the Constitution. It is my fervent hope that this inevitable intervention will help to restore peace and order in Rivers State by awakening all the contenders to the constitutional imperatives binding on all political players in Rivers State in particular and Nigeria as a whole.

Long live a united, peaceful, secure and democratic Rivers State in particular and the Federal Republic of Nigeria as a whole.

But the reactions that followed the speech have fallen with the ranks of disdain and condemnation with the president’s loyalists stepping out to defend the ‘brazen’ declaration.

In his defence of Tinubu’s emergency rule, the Attorney-General and Minister of Justice, Lateef Fagbemi, on his advice the emergency law came into effect said unequivocally that everything the president said in the statement is the fact, adding that the declaration saved Fubara, who he completely blamed for the crises in the state, from imminent impeachment. He exonerated the FCT Minister of any wrongdoing while alleging that Fubara teleguided militants, who he claimed blew up oil pipeline in the wake of an impeachment notice by the pro-Nyesom Wike House of Assembly. These men, 27 in number, led by Hon Martins Amaewhule, literally took instructions from the former governor.

BACKGROUND OF THE CRISES

The Vanguard reports that for fear of trading off his structure since all his opponents whom he drove to Abuja as governor, had returned, and were frolicking with Governor Fubara, Wike insisted on having all the commissioners and other key appointees nominated by him. He nominated 14 of the commissioners while mandating Fubara to nominate only one.

A source told The Vanguard that trouble heightened when Fubara forwarded two nominees to the House of Assembly with Rt. Hon Amaewhule as Speaker for screening. Wike was immediately informed and a war of words started.

The Commissioners, according to the source never “respected the governor”, to the extent the governor could not make approval exceeding N30million without “authorization from Abuja”.

Vanguard wrote, “Unbearably frustrated, Fubara told those who could listen to him that rather than tolerate such despicability, he would resign as governor. Several nocturnal meetings were held to save the embarrassing situation both in Nigeria and outside the country. It only went from bad to worse.

“The cloud of war became thickened when on October 29, 2023, the Dome edifice of the House of Assembly on Moscow road was riddled with dynamite. And the next day, October 30th the complex was mercilessly demolished on the allegation that it had some “structural defects”.

The governor, steadily gathering support across the state and the country, became more emboldened so that when he got wind of a possible impeachment process, he stormed the Assembly very early in the morning in pretense of supervising bulldozers. This stalled the activities of the Wike-lawmakers, and gained more grounds for Fubara. Wike was losing on a fast lane. And so to further frustrate Fubara’s government, he instigated his loyal commissioners to resign, and they did in droves, while Wike sought presidential/federal assistance, prompting Tinubu to broker a peace deal. The deal though signed by both gladiators, was later discovered to be lopsided, and counterproductive to Fubara, and favored Wike. It wasn’t long before the agreement was jettisoned, and the gladiators returned to the trenches, but it dawned on Fubara that he was surrounded by disloyal staff even as his cabinet of commissioners was depleted. So he withdrew Dr. Edison Ehie who by then had become the Speaker of the House of Assembly and made him his Chief of staff, thereby sealing the gap through which government sensitive information was leaked to Wike. Ehie was replaced as a speaker in the House by Rt. Hon Victor Oko-Jumbo with only three men to form a new House, as the 27 lawmakers loyal to Wike officially defected to the APC. The lawmakers in December, 2023, factional chairman of the APC, Chief Tony Okocha, Abdulkarim Kana the Legal adviser, and other national leaders of the APC officially received them at the Port Harcourt Polo Club. These situations were since denied by all those involved, and sadly supported by the Supreme Court.

At this time, it became the House of Assembly, string-pulled by Wike, against Fubara. While the 27 lawmakers continued to make laws against Fubara and his administration, Fubara only recognised and functioned with the 4-man legislature of Oko-Jumbo. This was until the Supreme Court presented its surprising verdict.

“That Supreme Court judgment look like what Wike and his cohorts wrote,” a Rivers stakeholder said.

But that was the beginning of additional crisis as the House gave the governor 48 hours to represent the 2025 budget. But the governor appeared later after the 48-hour ultimatum, but was locked out of the premises by the lawmakers. Then the forth and back continued, resulting in the House issuing a notice of impeachment after accusing the governor of gross misconduct.

Then Tinubu struck – suspended the elected gladiators in a state of emergency broadcast, but sparing Wike, who was exonerated.

NASS ENDORSES TINUBU’S EMERGENCY RULE DECLARATION 

But contrary to expectations, the Senator Godswill Akpabio and Hon Tajudeen Abass-led National Assembly hurriedly endorsed the declaration via a voice vote. This, according to stakeholders, is contrary to constitutional provisions, where two-third majority votes are required to approve the emergency rule.

“These people just took Nigerians for a ride. Why voice vote? Is that the constitutional provision?” A concerned citizen queried.

Nigerians have insinuated that that Senators were induced with $15,000 while members of the House Representatives received $5000 to lend support to the unpopular declaration. The National Assembly has since denied the allegations.

But the Policy and Legal Advocacy Centre (PLAC) in its reaction, among many reactions, said in part, “Instead of safeguarding democracy and the rule of law, the National Assembly has chosen to passively endorse an unconstitutional overreach of executive power, thereby weakening the checks and balances that are essential to our democratic system. The decision to do this via voice vote, when section 305 (6)(b) of the Constitution clearly requires that the proclamation of a State of Emergency by the President must be supported by two-thirds majority of all the members of each House of the National Assembly, is a travesty and flies in the face of constitutionality, legality and good reasoning.”

WELL MEANING NIGERIANS KICK

Following the emergency rule declaration, Nigerians from all walks of life have risen in unison to condemn the act, describing it as a brazen show of power.

Among the early individuals to called to question Tinubu’s emergency rule declaration were a former Vice President and presidential candidate of the PDP in the 2023 presidential election, Atiku Abubakar, former Governor of Anambra State, and former Labour Party presidential candidate, Mr. Peter Obi, former Kaduna State Governor, Mallam Nasir El-Rufai, former President Goodluck Jonathan, Prof Wole Soyinka, Dele Farotimi, Chief Dele Momodu among others. They described the effort as political manipulation, where the president stylishly seeks the corner the resources of Rivers State for personal aggrandizement, and in view of the 2027 general election.

Also, a coalition of civil society organisations in Nigeria condemned the declaration of emergency, describing it as a threat to democracy and an unjustifiable overreach of executive power.

Speaking at a press briefing in Port Harcourt, Christian Onyegbule, representative of the Civil Liberties Organisation (CLO), read the coalition’s statement, rejecting the emergency rule and demanding its immediate reversal.

As at today, Tinubu’s declaration has the force of law as the National Assembly has given approval, and have it in Gazette, though many organisations including SERAP has gone to court to seek a reversal and maybe a punishment for the president for overreaching the Constitution.

“The Supreme Court cannot do less than they did at the Election Petitions trial or at the Rivers State judgment. The truth is Tinubu’s blow has come to stay, and may be unleashed on more states in the near future. Osun State, where his nephew, Gboyega Oyetola, is having a running battle with Governor Ademola Adeleke, may be the next in the line of target.

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Tambuwal, Abaribe Joined Me to Oppose Tinubu’s Emergency Declaration – Dickson

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By Eric Elezuo

The senator representing Bayelsa West Senatorial District, Seriake Dickson, has named Senators Aminu Tambuwal and Enyinnaya Abaribe among a few others, who stood with him to oppose the unconstitutionality of the suspension of the Rivers State Governor, Siminalayi Fubara, his deputy, Ngozi Odu, and the members of the House of Assembly.

The senator, in a statement, also revealed the reasons he walked out of the red chamber on Thursday following a heated argument regarding the approval of the State of Emergency in Rivers State.

In the statement, Dickson, who already told as many that cares to listen before the sitting that he will never support the emergency rule on the floor of the senate, met a brick wall in the visibly angry senate president, Godswill Akpabio, who he claimed tried to deny him his freedom to express himself, resulting in the heated argument that ensued.

The senator noted that when it was obvious that the red chamber was bent on validating the President’s emergency rule, he staged a walkout from the senate, saying he wouldn’t want to be present when the report of what he opposed is read.

Dickson’s detailed analysis of what transpired is presented below:

SENATOR SERIAKE DICKSON GIVES DETAILED UPDATE ON WHAT TRANSPIRED TODAY

Today at the sitting of the Senate, the issue of the President’s proclamation of a state of emergency in Rivers State came up for discussion and as I have stated repeatedly, I raised my objections in the closed session on how the declaration fell short of constitutional prescription, based on my view as a Democrat, sworn to uphold the Nigerian constitution.

The Senate did not undertake the debate in an open session however, it was quite robust. I want to thank Sen. Aminu Waziri Tambuwal for his strong support of the unconstitutionality of the declaration, especially the aspect that deals with the suspension of the elected officials of the Rivers State government.

At the end of the day, majority of the senators supported the proclamation as no room was given for an open debate at plenary. I left the plenary before the Senate President was directed to report the outcome because I didn’t want to be present while what I opposed is being reported. I believe Senator Tambuwal, Senator Abaribe and others equally left too.

I want to make it clear that as I stated repeatedly, I spoke and voted against the proclamation in our closed session, supported by Senator Aminu Tambuwal and a few other senators who were not recognized to speak.

And so I want to thank all the senators who shared the view that I vigorously canvassed.

I am however aware of the efforts made to modify the declaration as a result of the concerns and views we have expressed and canvassed the past few days. Though I acknowledge the effort being made by the leadership and President to moderate the terms of the declaration and to create a mechanism for oversight, theoretically this does not counter the primary issue of constitutionality.

The beauty of democracy is such that the minority will have their say while the majority their way. I would have wished for a more robust and open debate so that all views and opinions can be openly canvassed as I requested even at the closed session specifically and thereafter, the majority can have their way but as it is, both chambers have decided and the ball is now on the court of the other arms of government, especially the judiciary, in the event of any challenge.

My attention has also been drawn to a viral video showing parts of the unfortunate exchanges between the Senate President and I before we desolved to the closed session.

As I said on the floor, the Senate President was very unfair to me by trying to censor my freedom of expression and by deliberately misrepresenting the import of what I said in the broadcast yesterday which was the same thing I said on the floor today. It is my opposition in principle to the declaration of a state of emergency, as well as the suspension of elected officials.

I thank all those who have called to commend my composure under unnecessary and unexpected attempt at intimidation. Everyone, including the Senate President, knows I have long gone beyond that stage in my life.

The Senate as I said is a meeting of equals and everyone should be respected just as we accord respect to the Chair. No senator needs the permission of the senate president to express an opinion in an interview on a topical matter of national interest that is in the public domain.

I intend to meet the Senate President to formally express my displeasure, to prevent a reoccurrence.

I thank my constituents, Nigerians and all people of goodwill who have called to express solidarity and urge them not to be dismayed at the direction our democracy appears to have taken.

For someone like me who has been in trenches over the years, all these challenges are actually a call to duty and I therefore implore all people of goodwill to come together and ensure that participatory democracy is promoted in our country.

Our thoughts and prayers are with the people of Rivers State.”

President Bola Tinubu, on Tuesday, declared a state of emergency in Rivers, sacking all elected officers, and appointing a Sole Administrator, in the person retired former Chief of Naval Staff, Vice Admiral Ibok-Ete Ibas, for an initial period of six months.

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For Condemning Tinubu’s Emergency Rule in Rivers, Presidency Dismisses Atiku, Peter Obi, Amaechi, Others As Disgruntled Politicians

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The Presidency, on Thursday, described former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, former Anambra State governor and 2023 presidential candidate of the Labour Party, Mr. Peter Obi, the former Kaduna State governor, Mallam Nasir El-Rufai and the former governor of Rivers State, Chibuike Amaechi as disgruntled politicians that don’t have the interest of the masses at heart.

Reacting to the recent regrouping of some politicians including the former governor of Ekiti State, Kayode Fayemi, who reportedly formed a coalition against President Bola Tinubu in 2027, the Presidency described them as “a frustrated lot”.”

Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga, said President Tinubu is focused on governance to build a prosperous country.

According to him: “He (Tinubu) is on the way to achieving this. Two months to his midterm, he has many solid achievements to showcase. Intractable problems are being tackled headlong.

“He cannot be distracted by the so-called coalition of politicians. They are not politicians after the public Good. It’s all about their self-interest.

“They are disgruntled. They are a frustrated lot. The leaders are sore losers. The coalition is an amalgam of Tinubu haters. Their agenda is to stop Tinubu.”

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