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Pendulum: The Presidential Election in the State of Osun

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By Dele Momodu

Fellow Nigerians, let’s not mince words today and go straight to the crux of the matter. What transpired in the State of Osun, as my dear Brother, the Governor, Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola, loves to refer to our State, was not a Gubernatorial, but prelude to Presidential election. The interest and resources galvanised for that election demonstrated that it was a civil war and not a civilised election. The election was seen and executed as a referendum on the tenure of President Muhammadu Buhari and its wobbly government. While the ruling party appeared determined, or maybe ‘desperate’ is the appropriate word, to win, the main opposition party looked jazzed and disinterested. But for the merciful interventions of former Vice President, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar and the President of the Nigerian Senate, Dr Abubakar Bukola Saraki, the PDP candidate, Senator Nurudeen Ademola Adeleke, could as well have been a virtual orphan. It was that bad.
What manner of opposition would sit at home, arms akimbo, after seeing how the President, Vice President, Governors, Ministers and party Chieftains all invaded, and flooded, Osun as if their lives depended on it? I fail to understand how PDP can parade over a dozen Presidential aspirants yet only few of them are showing irrevocable commitment to serious party matters while the rest are only pursuing personal agenda. Adeleke was just lucky to be blessed with a family that had the means to fund his campaign and in particular a megastar, David Adeleke (aka Davido), who unleashed his monstrous talent on the campaign.
The ways of politicians are certainly not the ways of ordinary mortals. I could not believe how they turned Osun into a theatre of war because of a few thousand votes. I thought that, by now, Nigeria had passed this disgraceful and embarrassing stage. I have no doubt that APC merely used the elections in Ekiti and Osun as dress rehearsals of what to expect in next year’s general elections. A former President had told me months ago that we should not expect President Buhari to lose the election and quit quietly like President Goodluck Jonathan did in 2015, but I disagreed most vehemently. Thank God, we did not take a bet because with what happened in Osun, in particular, I don’t see the APC apparatchik agreeing to vacate power without a truculent fight. Many people, Nigerians and non-Nigerians have come to the incontrovertible conclusion that what we currently have is an army of occupation and we should accept our fate with equanimity.
But no country can afford not to have a virile opposition. This is why it is sad and tragic that those who were in opposition only yesterday are perpetrating the same unfortunate acts we collectively rejected and dismissed not too long ago. It is also a shame that political parties have become over-proliferated in our dear beloved country. This has made it difficult for us to have a unified resolve to challenge what may ultimately turn into a Gestapo and most oppressive civilian regime. The PDP that should fight back stoutly to give a good fight is already gasping for breath because of multiple ambitions of individuals who may choose to turn coat at the drop of a hat. From the multitude of PDP aspirants and even the cacophony of permutations about who can challenge Buhari to a duel, it is becoming clear, to discerning minds, that there are only two, possibly three serious challengers and no more. Of these three, two currently stand tall. One is old and the other is young. It seems patently obvious, from the recent shenanigans that we have seen, that President Buhari and his people would do everything humanly possible to avoid confronting either of these two candidates at the polls next year.
Moving on, let me say with every emphasis I can muster, no candidate from the core North can compete against, and defeat, Buhari simply on the basis that they come from the core North. It is practically impossible. The jejune argument that PDP should pick a candidate who can divide the core Northern votes is either a joke carried too far or a deliberate decision to hand power back to the incumbent on a platter of gold. What the PDP needs urgently is a candidate who can explode its votes in the entire South and the North Central. I do not hereby advocate for any candidate. I make my thesis only on the basis of empirical analysis. Buhari lost elections three consecutive times because he couldn’t saunter across those zones. If you doubt my assertion, let’s examine the figures, in practical terms.
In 1999, PDP scored 4,226,330 in South South while ANPP/AD recorded 1,205,087. PDP 2,307,712 in South East and ANPP/AD 978,997. PDP 1,092,216 in South West and ANPP/AD 4,366,993. This was Chief Olu Falae versus General Olusegun Obasanjo. The Yoruba can mobilise humongous votes when they feel they have their own in the race. The sentiment was in favour of Falae. PDP 3,675,027 in North Central and ANPP/AD 1,461,840. PDP 3,552,354 in North East and ANPP/AD 1,412,426. PDP 3,887,536 in North West and ANPP/AD 1,684,934.
In 2003, PDP jumped to 6,953,679 in South South and ANPP 365,161. PDP 3,161,150 in South East and ANPP 253,079. PDP 5,031,288 in South West and ANPP 195,024. PDP 3,257,956 in North Central and ANPP 1,993,705. PDP 2,941,208 in North East and ANPP 3,694,367. PDP 2,764,846 in North West and ANPP 6,453,437. This was the year Buhari started contesting the Presidency. On this occasion he contested on the platform of ANPP.
In 2007, PDP had 6,118,608 in South South and ANPP 365,161. PDP 4,985,246 in South East and ANPP 253,079. PDP 2,836,417 in South West and ANPP 195,024. PDP 3,376,570 in North Central and ANPP 1,744575. PDP 1,832,651 in North East and ANPP 3,660919. PDP 3,466,924 in North West and ANPP 6,453,437. Buhari again contested as ANPP Presidential candidate.
In 2011, PDP recorded 6,118,608 in South South and CPC 49,978. PDP 4,985,246 in South East and CPC 20,335. PDP 2,786,417 in South West and CPC 321,609. PDP 3,123,126 in North Central and CPC 1,612,999. PDP 1,832,622 in North East and CPC 3,624,910. PDP 3,395,724 in North West and CPC 6,453,437. Buhari was on this occasion the flagbearer of the CPC.
In 2015, PDP secured 4,714,725 in South South and APC 418,590. PDP 2,464,906 in South East and APC 198,248. PDP 1,821,416 in South West and APC 2,433,193. PDP 1,715,818 in North Central and APC 2,411,013. PDP 796,580 in North East and APC 2,848,678. PDP 1,339,709 in North West and APC 7,115,199.
The import of these figures is that whosoever can checkmate Buhari from the Middlebelt downwards would always defeat Buhari. This does not necessarily mean such a candidate should come from these regions, but it would be ideal. A candidate with cross-over appeal from the North East and North West would also do well provided he does not believe that his place of origin means he should concentrate his effort in that region or adjunct region. PDP should forget the pipe dream of competing favourably against Buhari in the North East and North West. He has consistently won overwhelming in those two regions. However, if President Buhari can be restricted to those two zones while opposition locks down the other four zones of the country, then the prospects of the opposition PDP resoundingly beating the APC candidate becomes much brighter.    
PDP or any intelligent party must apply Isaac Newton’s third Law of Motion: “actions and reactions are always equal and opposite.” Buhari would be 76, his opponent must be the opposite by being much younger. 70 percent of the electorate are under the age of 45. Opposition requires a candidate who can readily galvanise a multitude of first-time voters. Nigeria is long overdue for a candidate in the mould of Barack Obama, an energetic and cosmopolitan leader. Politics as a game of numbers must be approached meticulously. Buhari has stupendous State appurtenances and resources to deploy, his opponent must have access to similar armoury or have sufficient wherewithal to match the substantial resources of State and not be a scavenger in search of morale, audacity and finance.
I’m not sure about what the third force can produce. I have expressed this publicly and privately. There are those like my dear friend, former Governor Donald Duke, Frank Nweke Jnr. and others who feel a third force can fly next year. I sincerely doubt this. Indeed, I would like to dismiss this as mere wishful thinking. There may also be a fourth force, the Take Back Nigeria Movement being propelled by Omoyele Sowore who has worked extremely hard across Nigeria, but I believe he still has a lot of distance to cover. The reason is simple. He would have gone very far if he could muster the support of other younger candidates. Same with Fela Durotoye, Kingsley Moghalu and others. I truly wish there could be a consensus candidate, but alas!
Where do we go from here, realistically? I think the toughest opposition can still come from PDP if it can rescue itself from certain interests and manage to pick a kamikaze candidate who is not docile and who is ready to fight all the way with everything at his disposal. No meek or lily-livered gentleman can fight and conquer Buhari next year. The lesson to pick from Osun, while litigation processes are being cooked, is that the next Presidential election is not going to be the stuff of conventional warfare. A serious opposition must prepare for the use of ballistic and anti-ballistic missiles. This is the reality of what to expect.
TURKEY, A COUNTRY TO VISIT IN A LIFETIME
If you follow me on social media, you would have noticed my love for Turkey in recent times. It is not my fault and, trust me, I’m not being hyperbolic. Turkey is one of the most beautiful countries I have discovered since I started flying out of Nigeria in 1985. I have flown, landed and taken off on all continents, but Turkey holds a special space in my heart. Turkey reminds me of the United Arab Emirates in its majestic grandeur, but it is much more natural and less glittering.
My first trip to Istanbul was about seven years ago, but I did not stay long, and I could not explore the country much. Somehow, the importance of Turkey, as a hybrid country, in the comity of nations, did not register well in me. I promised to return, but was not sure when. That promise came to fruition early this year when I joined the woman of God, Reverend Mother Esther Abimbola Ajayi and her family on an unforgettable voyage to Turkey at the invitation of her adopted son, Aydin Adem Yildirim, otherwise known as Adesoji Ajayi. Aydin is from the popular district of Cappadocia and I must confess that this district is simply breath-taking.
It was in Cappadocia that I slept in a cave for the first time. The cave hotel was just surreal. The ancient city had so many artefacts from antiquity dated before the birth of Jesus Christ. We saw and visited some extra-ordinary museums and underground cities. Cappadocia is famous for hot-air balloon flights which attracts hundreds of people to the rural township daily. There are several airports within a few hours away.
We travelled to the Syria Refugee camps and witnessed how wonderful Turkey treats victims of a most debilitating war and other refugees fleeing from home and loved ones. We travelled to Istanbul, the gateway to Turkey and it was another exceptional experience. It was in Istanbul I spent my birthday, May 16, and was treated to a surprise cruise by the Ajayis. From Istanbul we flew to Bodrum, a city on the Peninsula. Bodrum is a playground for the rich and famous. We had so much fun. I left Bodrum with a promise to explore Turkey further.
I was back in Istanbul, Ankara and Cappadocia last week and it proved to  be such a roller-coaster trip as I held meetings with several important personalities. Hosted by the Butik Travel Group and Aydin, my itinerary was well organised. The efficiency was top rate.
I was warmly received and treated like a king. I held meetings with prominent business leaders like M. Arif Parmaksiz, Member of Union of Chambers Turkey and President of Nevsehir Chamber of Commerce; I. Hakki Aydogan, General Secretary of NTSO, Cappadocia; I also met with leading political figures like Atilla Secen Mayor of Nevsehir, Mustafa Acikgoz Member of Parliament Nevsehir, Mustafa Rumeli and other top officials at Invest in Turkey, Fatma Ozsoy, Head of Advertising and Promotion, Ministry of Culture and Tourism.
Of course, my constituency, the journalists were not left out. Yilmaz Karaca, President of Federation of Turkish Journalists, Bayram Ekici, President of Association of Turkish Journalists in Nevsehir, Cappadocia, Chairman of the Association of Turkish journalists in Ankara and Metin Yildrim, Aydin’s uncle, and journalist based Nevsehir; and many others. My trip was covered in several Turkish newspapers and I felt like a celebrity of sorts in this foreign clime. There are plans for me to return soon to Turkey to further form and cement partnerships in the area of investment opportunities and tourism. I am convinced that our nation needs cordial relations with countries such as these in order to tap from their related experiences and expertise.
Words can hardly express my gratitude to my hosts and benefactors on both of my recent trips to Turkey. My sincere appreciation go in particular to the Ajayis, Aydin and his father, Ali Yildrim, who graciously and generously further opened my eyes to the magnificent country that Turkey is on this my latest trip.  

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Dickson Defends NDC Registration, Dismisses Irregularities Allegations

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National Leader of the Nigerian Democratic Congress (NDC), Seriake Dickson, has defended the legitimacy of the party’s registration, dismissing allegations of irregularities and urging Nigerians to ignore what he described as propaganda.

Dickson, a former Bayelsa State governor, in a X post on Monday said the party’s formation was the result of a long-standing process dating back to 2017, contrary to claims that it was recently granted recognition without due procedure.

“For the record, the annexures show that we initiated the registration process for the NDC as far back as 2017 and that INEC granted approval at that time before the process was halted,” he said.

He added that the party revisited and updated its application when the Independent National Electoral Commission resumed registration of political associations.

Dickson’s comments come amid controversy triggered by allegations from Umar Ardo, convener of the League of Northern Democrats and promoter of the All Democratic Alliance, who accused the electoral body of unlawfully registering the NDC in violation of constitutional provisions and its own guidelines on DCL Hausa.

Ardo claimed that while his group and others met all requirements for registration, they were ignored, whereas the NDC was allegedly recognised under questionable circumstances.

“The reason is that NDC obtained registration without applying, without meeting the requirements set by law, without meeting the provisions of the Nigerian Constitution, and without meeting INEC’s guidelines,” Ardo said during an interview.

However, Dickson rejected the claims, insisting that the party followed due process and warning that misinformation should not distract from its objectives.

“With my experience in politics, I am fully aware that an ambitious project of this nature will attract distractions—rumours, gossip, propaganda, and even blackmail,” he said.

He urged Nigerians to remain focused on what he described as the party’s broader vision of national renewal.

The development comes amid growing political realignments ahead of the 2027 general elections, following the defection of key opposition figures including Peter Obi and Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso to the NDC.

Dickson described their entry into the party as part of a broader coalition-building effort aimed at creating a strong ideological platform.

“What we are witnessing is a powerful convergence: my role as a party organiser and builder, alongside two political heavyweights with immense grassroots support, popularity and political experience,” he said.

He added that the party aims to build a durable political institution comparable to established global parties.

“As I have consistently stated, our goal in the NDC is to build an ideological political party, one that can be compared to the ANC in its finest years in South Africa, as well as established political parties across Europe, America, India and even the Communist Party of China,” he said.

Dickson also highlighted the party’s focus on youth and women, describing the NDC as a platform designed to promote inclusion and mentorship.

“The NDC is a party with a special place for young people and women, one that prioritises mentorship and prepares citizens for service,” he said.

He called on Nigerians to join the party and participate actively in its activities, including contesting elections.

“I call on all Nigerians to join the NDC, register, participate, and contest elections. Together, let us reclaim and rebuild our country,” he added.

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Peter Obi Only Had Interest in Presidential Ticket, Not in Party’s Policies – Abdullahi

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The National Publicity Secretary of the African Democratic Congress, Bolaji Abdullahi has accused Peter Obi of showing no interest in the party’s policy positions during his brief membership, saying he was only interested in obtaining the presidential ticket.

Abdullahi made this known on Monday during an interview on Arise News’ Prime Time programme, the same appearance in which he earlier described Obi and Rabiu Kwankwaso’s departure from the ADC as a setback but not a fatal blow.

Abdullahi said the party had invested months in developing a manifesto with clear policy positions, but Obi never engaged with the process.

“You may invite His Excellency Peter Obi and ask him, what is the ADC position on fuel subsidy? What is the ADC’s framework on security? He doesn’t know, because he’s never been interested. They are just waiting for the tickets to be handed to them,” he said.

He said members of the ADC fell into three broad categories: those using the party as a mere platform to contest elections, those committed to ending what they described as the misgovernance of the ruling All Progressives Congress, and those genuinely interested in building a real political party anchored on policy.

Abdullahi appeared to place Obi in the first category, contrasting his conduct with the party’s expectations.

“If you say you want to contest election, and you believe in the country, in changing the country, you should know what your party stands for,” he said.

On whether the ADC could still anchor a credible opposition coalition for 2027, Abdullahi remained confident.
“No, no, no, absolutely. Maybe it’s a setback, but it’s a temporary setback. We are recalibrating, and we are going to come back stronger. The possibility of a three-horse race, has it dented our chances? Perhaps, but is it mortally so? No,” he said.

He also pushed back against suggestions that former Vice President Atiku Abubakar had become the frontrunner for the ADC’s presidential ticket following the departures.

“This party ADC is not going to be an SPV for anybody,” he said, adding that former Minister of Transportation Rotimi Amaechi remained among the contenders.

Obi and Kwankwaso joined the ADC in March 2026 as part of a broad opposition coalition aimed at challenging the APC in the 2027 general elections.

Both men quit the party on Sunday, citing internal crises, court cases, and what they described as deliberate efforts to frustrate their participation in the electoral process.

They have since joined the Nigeria Democratic Congress, where they have called for an end to litigation-driven politics.

Obi had said his decision to leave was not driven by personal ambition but by the need to rescue Nigeria, describing the pattern of internal crises as one he had also encountered in the Labour Party.

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Will ‘Big Ego’ Bury Opposition Again?

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By Eric Elezuo

Those, who are of the impression that the Nafiu Bala Gombe factor is the only crisis bedeviling the major opposition party, the African Democratic Congress (ADC), should probably begin to rethink. The reasons are obvious; the cankerworm of treachery, me, me and me factor, wings of undemocratisation, and loss of focus have continued to haunt the nascently developing party, and observers are of the agreement that the process may again go the way of 2023 if the constant bickering of who takes what continue to fester.

It is noteworthy that the Supreme Court has been judicially lenient to the ADC, in its judgment regarding leadership, where the popularly advocated David Mark and Rauf Aregbesola leadership was sustained. But the judgment, much as it brought a temporary relief, did not in any way drive away the crisis that the party has continued to ‘bring upon itself’ since its elaborated second launch in July, 2025.

While Nigerians had seen the ADC as a veritable alternative, a much better option to the existing ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) with its attendant and alleged failed policies, which have subjected the Nigerian people to untold hardship from day one when the ‘subsidy is gone’ declaration was made, it has hitherto failed to reciprocate the confidence reposed on them by putting their house in order and jettison person desires fir Nigerianism.

But from every indication it’s beginning to appear that the ADC came, not unprepared, but under-prepared, creating loopholes that have energized the infiltration of elements of destruction bent on ensuring that the party is not on the ballot paper come 2027. The Nafiu Bala Gombe angle is consistently fighting to ensure that the agenda comes to pass. The ADC has however, pointed accusing fingers at the President Tinubu-led Federal Government and the APC as the brain behind the crisis, and the general muffling and muscling of the opposition, as the window of election contest continue to open wider.

But beyond the alleged hand of Tinubu in the brouhaha, there’s the in-house dispute, not just among the superweights that joined the party, but also among their supporters.

The super politicians include former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, two-terms governor of Rivers State, and two-terms Minister of Transport, Mr. Rotimi Chibike Amaechi; two-terms governor of Kano State and former Minister of Defence, Alhaji Rabiu Kwankwaso and two-terms governor of Anambra State and business man, Mr. Peter Obi.

Till date, none of these prolific politicians has agreed to step down for another, creating a situation where the only door open to the aspirants is a transparent and all-agreeable primary election to determine who flies the party’s flag. But that is not to be again as the duo of Peter Obi and Rabiu Kwankwaso on Sunday ditched the party, enroute the newly formed Nigerian Democratic Congress (NDC). Observers say that Obi has an unexplained phobia for primary elections.

But observers have wondered if the opposition leaders are really interested in ousting the administration of Bola Tinubu, which they unanimously agreed has not impacted positively on Nigerians. They have dismissed the coalition as a gathering of highly ambitious politicians, whose real agenda is to grab power for themselves, otherwise they could have done everything within their power to settle for and support one individual if the intention is to actually dethrone Tinubu, and give Nigerians to good they deserve.

As part of the disagreements that have threatened to pull down the very fabrics of opposition plans, and drag the nation back to the mistakes of 2023, the existence of ego; a certain type of ego that analysts have described as ‘Big Ego’, has played a crucial roll.

From Atiku to Obi to Amaechi and to the newest entrant, Kwankwaso, none is willing to settle for the other to fly the party’s flag. Everyone of the candidates wants to be president .And much as Tinubu has been blamed for most the crises in many major political parties, it is still not known if Tinubu could be blamed for the inability of these political juggernauts to settle for a consensus candidate to wrest power from the present administration, that not a few Nigerians have condemned.

From various camps, especially the ‘Obidients’ (supporters loyal to Peter Obi), the slogan has remained it’s either Obi or nothing, a move that has made it impossible for the agreement towards consensus or primaries to be reached. The Obidients maintained that Atiku has no right to contest, and shouldn’t contest, citing excuses including that he is of northern extraction, and it’s not the turn of the North to produce a president.

However, the Atiku camp has countered the notion saying that there’s no constitutional provision to whoever should contest for the presidency at a particular time, stressing that the presidential contest is opened to all Nigerians of 40 years and above irrespective of tribe, religion or region. They therefore, wonder why the Obi supporters would insist that Atiku drops off without a legitimate primary election.

CONSTITUTIONAL PROVISION FOR PRESIDENTIAL CONTEST

According to Section 131 of the 1999 Nigerian Constitution (as amended), a person must be a citizen by birth, at least 40 years old, a member of a political party, sponsored by that party, and educated to at least School Certificate level or its equivalent.

The same section mentioned that disqualification of any aspirant would be based on allegiance to another country, previous two-term service as president, lunacy, or criminal conviction.

The Constitution did not at any section impose legitimacy on tribe, region or rotation. Atiku is eligible to stand for election.

Another angle Atiku’s detractors have tried to capitalise on is his stewardship as the Vice President.

However, a member of the Atiku, who prefers anonymity, explains that the Waziri Adamawa performed his functions as vice president creditably, and executed assignments as instructed. He added that at no time did the former sold any assets, rather he supervised privatization, which is the hallmark of development for any capitalist environment

The source said, “Sold national assets to who and as who? Was Atiku the president because as far as I know, he was the vice president and could not have acted without the consent of Mr President. Atiku never sold anything, those things were privatized and people, who wanted them, applied.”

Speaking on the most qualified of all the presidential aspirants, the source clarified that “having been a vice president for eight years, sustained credible institutions and businesses, none could compare to Atiku. He is the most senior, and most experienced”, he said

On the permutation of the likely winner of the 2027 election,  the source dismissed Kwankwaso, whose over million votes came largely from Kano State, and Peter Obi, who could not win any state in both the North East and West. He advised that Obi’s chances are slim in contrast to Atiku, who won across the five regions except Southeast.

He said, “Atiku, won election as the Governor of Adamawa State before he was selected as gor the vice president position by former President Olusegun Obasanjo, and he served for two-terms of eight years.

“Atiku, has since contested for president on the tickets of ACN, APC (primaries 2014), PDP, (2019 and 2023). He wants to be president, no doubt. That is not a man that can be hounded out of a race or intimidated by a small and vocal group.

“It is worthy of note that Peter Obi’s six million votes in the last election didn’t come strictly from the ‘Obidients’. In fact, not up to 30% came from them. The majority of the votes came from silent supporters of Obi who are members of other parties and from people not identified with any political party. Atiku can decide to step down for Obi or anyone, that is his choice to make. No one should hinge Obi’s success or failure on Atiku. He wants to be president too, and should not be intimidated, the source reiterated. 

HISTORICAL TRAJECTORY

Without mincing words, the survival of the opposition coalition depends solely on Atiku and Peter Obi. Most men must agree to support each if there must be a headway in booting Tinubu out of power. Anyway other than that is just another rehash of the 2023 scenario.

It would be recalled that Atiku and Obi formed an alliance that challenged late former President Muhammadu Buhari in 2019. While Atiku stood asthe substantive candidate, Obi operated as the running. Buhari won with a slim margin though observers believed that the election was greatly manipulated.

But in 2023, ambitions defeated expectations. While many had expected Atiku to support younger aspirants to run, but he threw his hat in the ring. It was his constitutional right. The likes of Peter Obi, who has created a picture of himself as being afraid of primaries, left the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) for the Labour Party, where he picked up presidential ticket on a platter. He believed that with the completion of the Buhari era, it was the turn of the Southeast to produce a president. Even as the duo of Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi pooled a collective total of over 12 million votes, both were still defeated by the candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC) Bola Tinubu.

A cross section of opinion molders have remained divided as to what would have happened if both had teamed up again as candidate and running mate. While a section said that the duo would have beaten Tinubu hands down, others believe that the massive voters would not have come out from their hiding if Obi had not been on the ballot paper. But the way it stands, and having known their electoral capabilities and capacities, and with one goal of removing Tinubu from office, one would have expected the two candidates to drop their egos and work together. But that has become a tall dream!

With the bickering, and subsequent defection of Peter Obi and Rabiu Kwankwaso, to the NDC, ostensibly to actualize the new slogan of Obi-Kwankwaso (OK), an analyst has juxtaposed the previous election in 2023, and the fast approaching one of 2027 as follows:

As the 2027 election approaches, it’s good to give a highlight of the major conditions required for any candidate to be declared winner of the election according to the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. (1) Candidates must get the majority of the votes from the entire country. (2) Candidate must get at least 25% from at least 24/36 states plus the FCT. In 2023 for example, INEC declared Bola Ahmed Tinubu the winner of the election for securing 36.7% of the total votes and 25% from 29 states. Followed by Atiku Abubakar who secured 29.9% of the votes and got 25% from 21 states. And then Peter Obi who came third with 26.1% of the total votes and 25% from 15 states. What does that mean? Tinubu was declared winner not only because of the number of votes, but also because of the 25% rule, which he secured majority from Ondo, Ekiti, Kwara, Ogun, Oyo, Niger, Kogi, Benue, Jigawa, Zamfara, Borno and Rivers. On the other hand, Atiku Abubakar won states like Osun, Yobe, Gombe, Adamawa, Katsina, Bauchi, Kaduna, Sokoto, Kebbi, Taraba, Bayelsa and Akwa-Ibom bringing it to a total of 12 states. Similarly, Peter Obi won states like Enugu, Anambra, Abia, Ebonyi, Imo, Delta, Cross-River, Edo, Lagos, FCT, Plateau and Nassarawa bringing it to a total of 12 states with none from North-West and North-East. Kwankwaso dominated Kano State with more than a million votes. Based on this highlights, who do you think will win the 2027 presidential election?

WHY PETER OBI SHOULD HAVE REMAINED WITH ATIKU AS RUNNING MATE

A lot of narratives have been peddled as to why it would been a sound political decision for Peter Obi to remain with the ADC, and seek election as running mate to Atiku Abubakar.

Many believe that Peter Obi came to limelight in 2019 courtesy of the Atiku generosity, when he was nominated as the presidential vice candidate against the wishes and to the chagrin of major political heavyweights in PDP at the time. Both made a noticeable though did not win.

Secondly, Atiku has told the public that he was only concerned with serving for only one term, and promised to support Peter Obi to take afterwards. This is highly fundamental because across the world, many politicians have effortlessly crossed over to becoming the president after serving as vice presidents.

The case of the present President of Ghana, Dr. John Dramani Mahama, readily comes.to mind. He served as vice president to John Kuffour, and took over afterwards.

There’s also Nigeria’s Goodluck Jonathan, who served as vice president to Umar Musa Yar’dua, and became president at his death, and went ahead to win another term, even when it was the proverbial turn of the North.

In the United States, Joe Biden served as vice to Barack Obama, and became president at the end of his tenure. He served for one term, and voluntarily bowed out on health grounds.

In Kenya, incumbent President Willam Ruto served loyally as vice to Uhuru Kenyatta, and is today the president of Kenya.

In Liberia, Joseph Boakai served as vice president to Ellen Johnson Sirleaf for her two-terms of 12 years (2006 – 2018) before becoming president himself.

Just as the list is endless, it is believed that a little patience by Obi can help I  removing Tinubu, and making him president in 2031.

However, appearing quite upbeat about the happenstance, a chieftain of the ADC, Chief Dele Momodu, summarized as follows during a recent interview:

“I have no fear whatsoever, though there’s a bit of agitation everywhere. If you ask most people, they would tell you, Oh, Asiwaju will rig the election. They are sure Tinubu will do this and that. He has the power of life and death and so on and so forth, but I’m not bothered. As you get older in life, you begin to understand the God factor better. I believe that whatever APC likes, let them do. When it is God’s time, he will push them out and I think, this 2027, we are closer to it than ever.

“I said APC, whether they like it or not, the whole world knows that they have failed. And now the people are thinking it is political parties that chase away government? No, it is not parties; it is the people. When the people rise up and say it was the people that chased away PDP that time, it was the people. In this case, those who will chase Tinubu and APC away are not just members of ADC. They are Nigerians who are fed up, completely fed up, who will look back at the last three or four years and ask pertinent questions like, Was my life better in 2023 than it is in 2027? Was security much better in 2023 than it is in 2027? Was electricity better? Was water better? Was infrastructure better? Was our foreign policy better? Was the quality of ministers better? When you answer all those questions, you will see that the majority of the answers will be no, no, no. And that is what will determine why people will vote them out.”

With Obi now in NDC, and Atiku still in ADC, the shape of 2027 for the opposition may not be looking good because the way it stands, the OPPOSITION IS ABOUT TO BURY HOPE AGAIN, leveraging on the infamous ‘BIG EGO’.

It is now to your tent, O’ Israel. This is the real status quo ante bellum, and every candidate is now to test his own strength in isolation.

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