By Eric Elezuo
The Oxford Dictionary defines a bandit as a robber or outlaw belonging to a gang and typically operating in an isolated or lawless area. In a layman’s language, a bandit is a basically a robber, most of the times, heavily.
In many professional sectors, bandits have arisen in form of leaders, as a result of their high handedness, disrespect for constituted authorities, greed for power and disregards for humanity. Among the bandits of the Nigerian society are the political bandits. They are members of diverse political parties spread across the judiciary, legislature, executive, business environment and more. The banditry has created dissension across boards, affecting the main and opposition political parties, the Nigerian economy, the judiciary with the infamous conflicting judicial pronouncements and judgments, creating a typical musical staccato.
As a result, while the country battles the known bandits of Sokoto, Zamfara, Kaduna, Katsina and Niger among others, the people are unfortunately putting up with the rascality of the new kind of banditry, which shares public space with the populace, albeit politicians and public office holders. But while the shenanigans persist, the government and people keep a blind eye, pretending that all is well.
“It’s no longer news that the issues prevailing in the country today vis a vis political crisis, judicial rascality and the total economic downturn ravaging the nation, unleashing hunger among the populace is a direct invention of the government of the day.
“Firstly, to decimate the opposition parties so as to create a leeway for a smooth return to power in 2027 as well as impoverish the people, make them hopeless so as to feed them crumbs without questions. Of course, the constant phoney distribution of palliatives is a consequence of the self-made affliction,” an analyst told The Boss.
It would be recalled that the nation has experienced more than a far share of democratic brigandry and political banditry since the May 29, 2023 inauguration day pronouncement of ‘subsidy is gone’ by President Bola Tinubu. Apart from the economy hitting the rocks since then, the opposition parties have continually remained on each other’s neck in what political analysts have described as a deliberate ploy of the government in power to instigated crises across board, and propel the country towards a one party state under the All Progressives Congress (APC).
In the main opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), leadership tussle has remained endemic, creating factions between those loyal to the Acting Chairman, Umar Iliya Damagum and the the rest of the members, with an allegation that the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Barr Nyesom Wike, has a superlative control of the leadership; a situation that has made it absolutely difficult for the opposition party to successfully play its opposition role.
“No matter what anybody says, it’s obvious that Wike is working for the APC, and at the same time maintains a strangle hold on the PDP for the very wrong reasons. It’s completely difficult for the PDP leadership as presently constituted to speak against the APC or even Wike himself. It is not by accident that Senator Dino Melaye, a vocal chieftain of the party, described it as a ‘dead party’. You know that New Nigeria’s People’s Party’s Rabiu Kwankwaso has echoed that line of thought,” a PDP stakeholder, who prefers anonymity said.
The crisis of leadership has also divided the Governors Forum under Bauchi State governor, Bala Mohammed, causing the party to abandon Rivers State governor, Sim Fubara, in his battles for the state structure against Wike.
While Bala Mohammed had earlier indicated that the forum was considering the return of the national chairmanship to the North-Central, describing the current leadership arrangement in the North-East as unconstitutional, a decision that was supported by Osun state governor, Ademola Adeleke.
“My brother from the North-East is currently acting as the national chairman, which is a constitutional anomaly. According to our Constitution, any vacancy in a leadership position should be filled by the region from which it was originally created,” Bala said on Tuesday.
The Bauchi State governor explained that the North-Central region had been expecting the position and hinted that the forum was working with the chairman, the National Working Committee (NWC), and the broader party structure to return the chairmanship to the North-Central.
“We have discussed the issue and will work to ensure that the North-Central is given the opportunity to assume this responsibility,” he stated.
However, Governor Fintiri of Adamawa, in a sharp contrast to Bala’s stance, declared his strong support for Damagum’s leadership.
Fintiri noted that the North-East zone, which includes Bauchi, supports Damagum remaining as acting national chairman.
He referenced a Federal High Court ruling in Abuja that restrains the NWC, Board of Trustees (BoT), National Executive Committee (NEC), PDP, INEC, and any affiliated bodies from removing, replacing, or nominating a new chairman outside of Damagum.
“The court’s ruling is clear, and we must respect it for the sake of our party and democracy,” Fintiri stated in a statement earlier issued by his Chief Press Secretary, Humwashi Wonosikou.
The Adamawa governor further praised Damagum’s leadership for rebuilding public confidence in the PDP following the party’s defeat in the 2023 presidential election, and he endorsed him to complete the tenure of the former chairman, Dr. Iyorchia Ayu, a situation many members of the party disagree with.
Fintiri also emphasised that the North-East, having delivered strong results for the PDP in the 2023 elections, deserves the national chairmanship more than other regions. The zone includes Adamawa, Taraba, Gombe, Bauchi, Borno, and Yobe states, and Fintiri argued that their performance in the polls strengthens their claim to the chairmanship.
Oyo State Governor, Seyi Makinde, also declared his full support for the NWC under Damagum’s leadership, underscoring the growing division within the PDP Governors’ Forum over the party’s leadership crisis.
Makinde noted that, while internal disagreements are inevitable in any political party, the focus should remain on unity as the party prepares for critical elections.
The party also agreed to support Fubara in Rivers, resolving to hand over party structure to him against Wike’s quest to hold to the structure. But in response, Wike threatened to step fire in the states of the PDP Governors, who took the decision. But while Mohammed called his bluff, Makinde pleaded to be exempted, acknowledging alleged Wike’s superiority.
The dissension that has continued led to the party’s loss of the Edo State governorship election. They claimed it was rigged by the APC.
Demagum continues to argue that the party’s rules allow for some flexibility in leadership positions and pointed out that the deputy chairman from the North could naturally assume the chairmanship if it were vacated.
Also in the Labour Party, leadership crisis has continued to polarize the party, creating a faction supposedly chaired by deposed Chairman, Julius Abure, and another by the new caretaker Chairman, Esther Nenadi. The party’s crisis also resulted in the dismal performance of their candidate, Olumide Akpata, in the just concluded Edo State governorship election on September 20.
The political rascality has further transcended to the judiciary, where what appears to be judgment for the highest bidder, is in vogue.
This situation has been witnessed in Rivers State, where the several court judgments continue to flow from several courts in favour of anyone, who applies for it.
On September 30, the court barred the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) from releasing the voter register to the Rivers State Independent Electoral Commission (RSIEC) for the elections.
The judge, Peter Lifu, cited RSIEC’s non-compliance with its 2018 law concerning the voter register as a reason for the court’s decision to halt the elections
Many lawyers and judicial stakeholders have expressed their disagreement with the court order and stressed the importance of judicial independence.
They argued that the case underscored the unconstitutionality and undemocratic nature of caretaker committees managing local governments.
A lawyer and Senior Advocate of Nigeria, Jibrin Okutepa, noted as follows:
“Section 1 of the 1999 Constitution makes the constitution supreme and binding on all persons and authorities, including Nigerian courts.
“Section 287(1) further stipulates that decisions of the Supreme Court must be enforced across Nigeria by all persons and courts with subordinate jurisdiction to that of the Supreme Court.
“Judgments of the Supreme Court, whether rightly or wrongly decided, cannot be questioned or ignored by any courts or individuals in Nigeria; they can only be criticised.”
Also toeing the line of political banditry in the nation is the recklessness that has been exhibited by the electoral umpire, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). The body has been accused of also giving electoral victory to whomever expresses monetary and influential concern, especially the government of the day. The situation was further brought to light with the handling of the Edo State governorship election.
The situation of almost complete lawlessness that has pervaded the length and breadth of the nation’s political and economic sectors, have reduced the society to enclave enslaved by a group of individuals, who do not wish corporate existence, but selfish fulfillment of individual agenda.
In Rivers State, Governor Fubara appears to have called the bluff of the Bola Tinubu-led APC, the camp of Wike and all, who were bent on undermining his administration, but the question still stand, who will rescue Nigeria from political bandits as the situation is far from over.
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