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The Oracle: Nigeria and the Nigerien Coup: The Allegory of the Hunch-Backed Cripple (Pt.1)

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By Mike Ozekhome

INTRODUCTION

Once upon a time, a cripple with a hunchback boasted about leading his people to war. He was warned to keep off because of his visible infirmity. He was asked how he would escape when the war broke out. He said it did not matter. He believed that since he was the king of his village and the neighbouring communities, he had the talisman to succeed. He underplayed his enormous physical challenges. That is Nigeria for you as an epigram.

The crippled hunchback or the hunch-backed cripple never reckoned with the wise words of Alexander the Great who once intoned, “I am not afraid of an army of lions led by a sheep; I am afraid of an army of sheep led by a lion”.

Allegorically and metaphorically, Nigeria is the sheep attempting to lead the ECOWAS Communities which constitute the army of lions to an unholy war against Niger Republic. This poor country has done nothing wrong to Nigeria, or other ECOWAS States, but merely exercising her sovereignty within her territorial domain as she sees and deems fit. When did Nigeria become the regional Headmaster that whips other erring pupil countries to line?
What is Nigeria’s business with Niger, a sovereign country, when she is disfigured and limping, with her citizens scavenging for food from trash dumps? When did Nigeria become an adventurous knight Errant in shining armour, deodorizing the Augean stables of neighbouring countries? Where her citizens are daily being kidnapped and mauled down in cold blood in their homes, farms, markets, schools and workplaces by hunger, squalor, kidnappers, armed bandits, armed robbers and divisiveness, what is Nigeria’s locus standi? How does Nigeria seek to remove the speck in another country’s eye, when a log is deeply buried in her own eye? I do not know. Or, do you?

HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES: WHY NIGERIA IS ERRING
No country ever intervened in Nigeria’s internal affairs throughout her locust years of misgovernance and successive military putsches. We had coups on 15th January, 1966 (the Majors coup led by Major Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu and Others). We were never harassed when on 28th July, 1966, Military Officers in Nigeria carried out the counter coup known as the “July Rematch”, which was masterminded by Lt. Col. Murtala Mohammed and many Northern military officers such as Theophilus Danjuma, Joseph Akaha, Martin Adamu and others). No country ever poke-nosed into our internal affairs when Nigeria was governed by a young military bachelor, 32 years old Yakubu Jack Gowon, who ruled Nigeria by military diktat for over 8 years (1967-1975). Nigeria was not invaded by ECOWAS or AU (then called OAU) when Col. Joseph Nanven Garba (a close associate of Gowon) announced on Federal Radio, the overthrow of Gowon who was actually attending the OAU Conference in Kampala, Uganda, and replacement with Murtala Mohammed, on 30th July, 1975. I did not hear about any revolt in neighbouring countries when Murtala Mohammed was assassinated during the Col. Buka Suka Dimka – led failed coup on 13th February, 1976; and Olusegun Obasanjo replaced him and ruled Nigeria for over 3 years between 1976 and 1979.

I cannot remember ECOWAS or OAU having an emergency meeting to plan on how to invade Nigeria when lanky Muhammadu Buhari overthrew the democratically elected government of Alhaji Aliyu Shehu Usman Shagari, a former school headmaster, who was once described by an avid political commentator as having a cap longer than his achievements.

No country sought to teach Nigeria democracy when on 27th August, 1985, gap-toothed Ibrahim Babangida (“the evil genius”) led other military officers to overthrow the then excessively iron-handed and inhuman military dictator and recently ethnic warlord, Muhammadu Buhari.
When on 22nd April, 1990, Major Gideon Gwaza Orkar failed in a bloody coup against maradonic Babangida and the coupist were promptly dislodged, arrested, “tried” and executed, I never heard any other county meddle into our internal affairs.

On 17th November, 1993, when dark-googled, dwarfish, taciturn, but intelligent Sani Abacha shoved aside the interim government of business mogul and former UAC Chairman, Chief Ernest Shonekan, in a bloodless palace coup, I did not see any external intervention. I and others were led by Chief Gani Fawehinmi, SAN, SAM, who went to court on 10th November, 1993, got the lame duck, fumbling, dawdling, groggy and crumbling “interim nonsense” declared illegal and unconstitutional by the courageous Justice Dolapo Akinsanya (of blessed memory; may her good soul rest in peace).

Even with Nigeria’s ever increasing challenges likened to Mounts Everest and Kilimanjaro, including those of the “doctrine of necessity”, endemic corruption, parlous economy and recession; armed banditry; Boko haram; kidnappings; hunger, thirst, sorrow, tears, blood, melancholy, abject penury, maladministration and crass misgovernance, that have turned Nigeria virtually into a gruesome crime scene, no external country (not even powerful America and other western countries like China, Russia, EU, etc) have ever dared to invade us, or come to teach us how to run our tattered and battered country. So, what gives this government that is still struggling like a straight snake battling to wear beads on a non-existent waist the temerity and audacity to think it can lead ECOWAS to invade Niger and teach her leaders and people how to govern themselves, and run their affairs? I do not know. Or, do you?

THE NIGERIEN COUP AND THE RIGHT TO SELF-DETERMINATION
On the fateful day of 26th July, 2023, Niger, a poor West African nation known for its political instability, was once again thrust into turmoil as a coup d’état unfolded, shaking the very foundations of its young democracy. In a swift and audacious move, the country’s presidential guard detained President Mohamed Bazoum, igniting a chain of events that would redefine the nation’s political landscape. The coup leader, General Abdourahamane Tchiani, promptly declared himself the head of a new military junta, casting a shadow of uncertainty over Niger’s future. This marked the fifth time since its independence from France in 1960 that the nation had experienced a military coup, marking a disturbing trend that raised questions about the stability of democratic institutions in the region.

Presidential guard forces swiftly enacted measures that further consolidated their hold on power, including border closures, suspension of state institutions, and imposition of a curfew. The international community, including the West African regional bloc ECOWAS, quickly responded with condemnation. It denounced the coup as a grave violation of democratic principles and threatening military intervention. In order to tighten the noose on General Tchiani to release power, Nigeria promptly cut off her 150 megawatts of daily supply of electricity to Niger Republic. The Jibia-Magama border with Kastina State in Nigeria was promptly blockaded, thus crippling major socio-economic activities in Kastina State. There has been closure of land and air borders and suspension of all commercial and financial transactions between ECOWAS Member states and Niger, etc.

Both Burkina Faso and Mali have already made good their threat of solidarity with Niger by sending in their warplanes. ECOWAS has since suspended the three countries from its fold.

The leader of the military junta that seized power in the Niger Republic, Gen. Abdourahamane Tchiani, said last week that his country is not hungry for war, but will be ready to defend itself of necessary. Yes, he can say this legitimately because both defacto and dejure, he is the Head of State of his country, having seized the reins of power from a fumbling President, Mohamed Bazoum. Said he through Aljazeera:
“Neither the Army nor the people of Niger want war, but we will resist any manifestation of it”.

Tchiani noted that Member states of the ECOWAS do not unfortunately realise that Niger has become the key to containing the region from destabilization against the backdrop of increased terrorist activities.
Tchiani argued that sanctions imposed by the ECOWAS against his country were aimed at merely putting pressure o the rebels and not designed to finding a solution to the current impasse.

Tchiani also said that the rebels were not seeking to seize power in the country for the sake of it, rather, to find a solution that would meet the Nigerien people’s interests.
Some political pundits joked that this aggression and unusual passion and éclat with which Nigeria is leading the battle could be Tinubu’s way of getting back at Buhari who had said severally whilst in power, that he would gladly relocate to join his kins and kiths in Niger Republic if Nigerians worry or harass him after leaving office. Could this be the case? I do not know. Or, do you?

As tensions escalated, the stage has become set for what many have now dubbed the “2023 Nigerien crisis”.

ECOWAS AND ITS POWERS OF INTERVENTION
The Economic Community of West Africa States (ECOWAS), which decided to invade Niger to restore “democracy”, was established by the Treaty of Lagos on 28th May, 1975, when Yakubu Gowon was military Head of State. It was actually Gowon and Gnassigbe Eyadema of Togo that spear-headed its formation.

Principally, ECOWAS was established with the aims and objectives of promoting economic cooperation and integration. It aims to establish an economic union in West Africa in order to raise the living standards of its peoples, and to maintain and enhance economic stability, foster relations among member states, and contribute to the progress and development of the African continent.

The ECOWAS is made up of 15 members, vis, Benin, Burkina Faso, Cape Verde, cote d’Ivoire, The Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, Mali, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone and Togo. ECOWAS Region spans an area of 5.2 million square kilometres, with a combined population of 424.34 million people, which is 3.4 percent of the habitable area around the entire world and 5.3 percent of world population.
At the regional arena, Article 4 of the ECOWAS Revised Treaty (2010), listed the independence of member states as the first Fundamental Principle in the following words:
“THE HIGH CONTRACTING PARTIES, in pursuit of the objectives stated in Article 3 of this Treaty, solemnly affirm and declare their adherence to the following principles: a) equality and inter-dependence of Member States”.

At the international arena, Article 2(4) of the United Nations Charter (UN Charter) provides for the prohibition of threat or use of force in international relations thus:
“All Members shall refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state, or in any other manner inconsistent with the Purposes of the United Nations”.

In all these objectives, nowhere was ECOWAS specifically permitted to declare war on another member state. It is true that when the December, 2016 presidential elections the tiny state of Gambia (population of only 12,777,168 people) were disputed, ECOWAS had managed to “restore democracy” by using the threat of military force; but without actually using direct physical violence. Amongst others, Gambia’s small size; the fact that it is land locked, surrounded by Senegal; and its lack of a strong military base to withstand the firepower of possible ECOWAS attack, had led to the coupists pre-emptively backing down without a single shot by the ECOWAS group. It is also true that both the UN Security Council had backed ECOWAS with some form of legitimacy for that intervention. This is unlike the present scenario in Niger Republic (with 27.202 million people), where world bodies and Nations outside ECOWAS have carefully distanced themselves); or at best, maintained some level of caution and neutrality.

To be continued

BY PROF. MIKE OZEKHOME, SAN, CON, OFR, FCIArb, LL.M, Ph.D, LL.D, D.Litt

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Opinion

Skills Acquisition: Way Forward for Nigeria’s Educational Development

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By Ayo Oyoze Baje

“The future belongs to those who learn more skills and combine them in creative ways” – Robert Greene

As concerned Nigerians keep deliberating on the best way to navigate the twists and turns inherent in our education delivery system, if yours truly has his way secondary school students should be spending three days of each week for theoretical knowledge and two for practical skills development. These include skills such as tailoring/fashion design, hair dressing and carpentry. Others include building construction, painting, domestic farming, singing, acting, oratory and comedy.

This has become more expedient because in 2023, Nigeria ranked 100th out of 100 countries in Coursera’s Global Skills Report in terms of skill proficiency. Incidentally, the country also ranked low within the Sub-Saharan Africa, placed 12th out of 13 countries.In fact, other African nations such as Botswana and Cameroon outperformed Nigeria in the same report. This was an indication of a significant skills gap in the country. But recent indicators suggest an increase performance that should be built on. For instance, Nigeria showed the fourth-highest year-on-year growth rate for Professional Certificates enrollments on Coursera. This clearly suggests a growing awareness and participation in skills development initiatives which should be built on.

For instance, the unemployment rate in Nigeria stands at about 4.84% in 2025, according to Statista. com. This translates to an estimated 5.74 million people who are unemployed. Similarly, the youth unemployment rate is around 7.50% according to Trading Economics.

Given the current global influence of information technology, the expanding impact of Artificial intelligence ( AI ) and the soaring influence of climate change. Others include the increasing need to ride the freaky waves of economic survival, and the stifling space for employment, not only in Nigeria but across the globe. Yet, the country is abundantly blessed with rare talents in different fields of human endeavour.

Mention names such as Silas Adekunle, known for his robotics expertise and the world’s first intelligent gaming robot or Riya Karumanchi, who invented a device to assist visually impaired individuals the importance of skills acquisition in the development of the talents of our youth gradually dawns on us.

It is a similar scenario when the name of
Hassan and Hussaini Muhammad, who created a way to convert petrol, water, salt, and alum into hydrogen cooking gas crop up. And out there there are other young Nigerian inventors such as Khalifa Aminu (FM transmitter), Muazzam Sani (remote-controlled car), and the team behind the smart walkway light and automatic irrigation. The importance of skills acquisition cannot therefore, be over emphasized.
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Put in its simple terms, skills acquisition is crucial for Nigerian students academic development, because it enhances their employability, as well as boosts entrepreneurship. In fact, it contributes to overall national development. According to experts on educational development it empowers students to be self-reliant, reduces poverty and unemployment, and also provides them with a global perspective.

The impact and import of students’s skills acquisition is amply deployed in Bells University of Technology, Ota, Ogun state. There, students are exposed to the practical aspect of whatever course they are studying such that seasoned professionals are invited to deliver the practical aspect of their theoretical knowledge.Such is the impact that engineering students have become problem solvers. They have constructed pavements, fences, designed and built solid infrastructure.

Furthermore, the Centre for Agricultural Technology and Entrepreneurial Studies (CATES) has come up as a key initiative at the same university. As a noble cause it was established to foster practical, solution-oriented approaches to agricultural and entrepreneurial development within the university and the wider community. The skills promoting aspect of it is that CATES focuses on areas such as poultry technology, aquaculture, cassava farming, and mushroom culture. It also operates a vegetable farm and a plantain farm on campus. All these explain why graduates of the citadel of knowledge become self employed, with several of them kick starting the process right from the University as undergraduates. All these boost their financial independence while they contribute to the Gross Domestic Product, GDP.

Skills acquisition therefore,
increases employability, more so in today’s competitive job market. Having relevant skills makes students more attractive to employers. These include skills such as digital literacy, communication, and problem-solving, which are highly valued across various industries.Entrepreneurship programs teach them how to start and manage their own businesses. This eventually, leads to economic growth and improved living standards with appreciable Human Development Index, HDI. By equipping students with practical skills, skill acquisition programs can assist to lift individuals and families out of the terrifying trap of poverty and ultimately reduce the unemployment rate for the country.

From the global perspective, many skills are transferable across borders. This is one good lesson learnt from the COVID-19 pandemic. Nigerian students can latch on it to participate in the global economy through remote work or international collaborations. It also fosters confidence in students, assist them to adapt to the global socio-economic dynamics,while instilling a sense of accomplishment in them, thereby contributing to overall personal growth.

Of great significance, is that
a skilled workforce is essential for the nation’s economic growth and technological advancement. Overall, the skill acquisition programs contribute to building a more productive and innovative society. So Nigeria work on the report which highlighted specific skill areas where it lags, especially technology and data science.

Nigeria should also learn from countries that stand out for their high levels of skill acquisition and development. These include Northern European nations such as Finland, Norway, and Sweden which consistently rank high, along with Switzerland, Singapore, and Germany. These countries often prioritize education, training, and creating opportunities for their populations to acquire and utilize a wide range of skills. As rightly noted by Malcolm X: ” Education is our passport to the future, for tomorrow belongs to those who prepare for it today”.

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The Unsung Patriots: When Integrity Stands Above National Honours

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By Sani Sa’idu Baba

Nigeria’s Democracy Day ought to be a solemn reminder of the sacrifices, resilience, and commitment of individuals who have stood tall in the face of tyranny and injustice. It is a day that should celebrate not only democracy itself, but also the patriots who have preserved its fragile flame. Yet, in what many see as a deliberate and politically motivated omission, several Nigerians of high calibre, unimpeachable character, and unassailable contributions to nationhood were left out of the national honours list announced by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration.

This omission is not a matter of oversight. It is a calculated decision that speaks volumes about the political insecurities within the corridors of power. One name that resonates profoundly in this discourse is Chief Dele Momodu, adopted son of the late MKO Abiola, a journalist, publisher, presidential aspirant, and fearless voice of the people for over four decades. Chief Momodu is a man who has not only chronicled Nigeria’s history but has lived and shaped it through his unwavering commitment to truth, justice, and democratic ideals.

Let us be honest, this is not about merit. If it were, Chief Dele Momodu’s name would have featured prominently on that list. This is about fear, fear of principled rejection. It is about avoiding the kind of national embarrassment that befell the Buhari administration when internationally acclaimed writer Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie openly declined a national honour because she believed it lacked genuine integrity. Her rejection was not out of arrogance, but from a place of conviction, a deep sense of responsibility not to allow her name to be used as an endorsement of a government she could not, in good conscience, support.

President Tinubu’s government, undoubtedly aware of Dele Momodu’s outspokenness and principled stance, likely feared a repeat of such rejection. Because men like Chief Momodu would not want to accept such honours from those who have allegedly turned our hard earned democracy into a civilian dictatorship. For him, a national honour must be more than a political gesture, but a reflection of national values, a reward from a government that truly serves its people.

Chief Momodu has never been one to seek validation from the powerful. His life’s work has been about amplifying the voices of the voiceless, challenging injustice, and standing firm even in the face of exile and persecution. That is who he truly is. I believe that he will happily accept a national honour from a government that embodies the ideals of democracy not one that plays lip service to it. It’s only a matter of time!

This June 12, as we mark another chapter in Nigeria’s democratic journey, we must also reflect on the kind of leadership we celebrate. It is not enough to decorate the loyal and the silent. True honour lies in recognising the bold, the honest, and the principled even when their truths are uncomfortable.

To Chief Dele Momodu, and others like him who continue to walk the path of integrity, your absence from the national honours list is not a dishonour. In fact, it is a badge of honour in itself. For in a time where sycophancy is rewarded, your principled silence, your steadfast commitment to truth, and your refusal to compromise, speak louder than any medal ever could. Nigeria sees you. History will remember you.
Your recent 65th birthday celebrations which was meant to be simple and low-key but turned into a well organised global celebration all in your honour speaks volumes.

May your integrity continue to inspire a generation that refuses to trade truth for personal gains.

Happy democracy day…

Dr. Sani Sa’idu Baba writes from Kano

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Nigeria’s Reforms Have Put the Country on the Global Economic Map

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By Abdul Samad Rabiu

As my country steadies itself, Britain, its Western allies and their companies should deepen this partnership

As ghosts of the 1930s haunt the global outlook, the scramble for trade deals has seized control of government agendas. The United States has leveraged its “tariff war” to secure better terms, driving both friend and foe to the negotiating table. British deals with the US and India have provided some refuge from the prevailing gloom.

Less reported – but with similar potential – was last year’s signing of the Enhanced and Trade and Investment Partnership (ETIP) between the UK and Nigeria , the former’s first such agreement with an African nation. Quiet in its arrival, the pact may yet echo louder.

As someone who has built multinational businesses across Africa, I know the vast opportunity the continent offers, and Nigeria in particular, which alone accounts for a fifth of sub-Saharan Africa’s 1.2 billion people. But I also understand the limitations we have often placed on ourselves when it comes to securing investment.

Lowering barriers to trade is crucial, and for that Britain’s ETIP looks prescient. However, investment and business potential will remain discounted as long as African nations cling to state intervention – from subsidies and price controls to exchange rate distortions – all of which have consistently bred dysfunction and economic instability. Fortunately, Nigeria has now decisively turned a corner, embracing market economics under a liberalising government.

In Morocco this week, Foreign Secretary David Lammy indicated Britain’s position is shifting too. Setting out his strategy for Africa, he said British policy must transition from aid to investment. “Trade-not-aid” is no new idea – but it is the first time a British government has so clearly echoed the demand the African continent has voiced for years.

In making that shift, Nigeria is taking the lead for a continent to follow. So many Nigerian administrations I have known have been hostage to economic events, doubling down time and again on state intervention rather than having the conviction to reform. This administration is proving different. After two years of difficult reforms, Nigeria – under President Bola Tinubu – is now poised to fulfil the promise of its vast natural resources, rapidly growing population of over 200 million people, and strategic coastal location along the Gulf of Guinea.

First, the Tinubu administration removed a crippling fuel subsidy – the most significant policy reform in years. At 25 to 30 cents per litre, petrol in Nigeria was among the cheapest in the world. But the subsidy was bankrupting the government: by 2023, it consumed over 15 per cent of the federal budget – roughly equivalent to the proportion the UK spends annually on the NHS.

When President Tinubu ditched the fuel subsidy on his first day in office, criticism quickly followed. Prices, at least for the time being, have risen. However, statistics must be understood in light of the wide-ranging distortions the subsidy created.

Officially, fuel consumption in Nigeria has dropped by 40 to 50 per cent. But that is not because Nigerians’ petrol use reduced by this amount. In reality the country was subsidising the region, with cross border fuel smugglers profiting from arbitrage. The illegal trade was so blatant that on a visit to neighbouring Niger a few years ago, then-President Mohamed Bazoum even joked about it, thanking Nigeria for the cheap fuel. Though the move was politically unpopular, the subsidy had become unsustainable. Now, spending is being redirected toward development and infrastructure – laying the foundations for long-term growth.

Second, the country has moved from a fixed to a market-determined exchange rate. Previously, only select groups could access the official rate – especially those with political connections; the rest had to rely on a more expensive parallel informal market determined by supply and demand. But selling dollars at an artificially low rate only entrenched scarcity, a problem compounded by an opaque exchange mechanism that deterred foreign investment.

Every two weeks, we used to make the 12-hour drive to Abuja to seek dollar allocations for imports – camping out at the Central Bank for three or four days. Now, I no longer need to go. I’ve met the new Governor only once in two years – because I haven’t had to. Monetary orthodoxy has finally arrived, bringing with it the liquidity that both domestic and foreign businesses depend on to smooth trade and de-risk investment.

Third, the shackles of politics are being prised from business, bringing greater certainty, fairness and stability to the landscape. Five years ago, I woke up one morning to find that the port concession for a new venture of mine had been revoked. It turned out my company was outcompeting a friend of an official of the Nigerian Ports Authority. In the end, it took then-President Buhari’s personal intervention to save the enterprise.

Had I not been politically connected, the business would have folded – along with the 4,000 jobs it provided – at a time when job creation was, and remains, Nigeria’s most urgent challenge. Today, such connections are no longer necessary. The playing field is being levelled, flattening the political ridges and dips that once skewed the game.

Many of these reforms required political courage to withstand the force of criticism. Prices rose as distortions were removed, yet the administration held firm, even as vested interests co-opted public discontent for their own ends.

Indeed, many of the benefits of reform are still to be felt by the wider public. But economic fundamentals must be fixed before that becomes possible. That lead-time often tempts market reformers to reverse course, or avoid reform altogether. Now that Nigeria has made it through the toughest phase, its direction should be clear to investors.

For Britain, the Enhanced Trade and Investment Partnership with Nigeria was a strategic bet on reform, resilience and long-term reward. Nigeria is now delivering its part of the bargain. As my country steadies itself, the UK, its Western allies – and their companies – should deepen this partnership.

Abdul Samad Rabiu is a Nigerian businessman and philanthropist

Culled from Daily Telegraph (UK)

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