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Opinion: Akin Osuntokun At 60- Reuben Abati

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By Reuben Abati

My good friend, Akin Osuntokun is 60. He was actually 60 on November 24, but it is this week that friends and family are rolling out the drums to celebrate one of the finest persons that I know. On November 24, we had gathered at his residence, at the invitation of Ronke, his wife, and the Osuntokun family but that was just a family event. This week, Akintola Osuntokun gets the public celebration that he truly deserves. Sometimes I forget how and when he and I met and I must have given varying accounts over the years. But the main recollection imprinted in my brain is that I got to know him when I was a graduate student at the University of Ibadan. I was Secretary-General of Obafemi Awolowo Hall. Ronke Ajibade, now Mrs. Osuntokun, was a graduate student.  She lived in Awo Hall. Akin used to come around to “disturb” her. As Secretary-General of the Hall, I was something of a village gossip. I knew a lot more about every little affair.

I had completed my Ph.D. thesis, but my teachers would not let me go. They wanted me to teach and give back to the Department, having completed my studies with the University’s Scholarship. I eventually got drawn into students’ politics. I already knew Akin Osuntokun by reputation before I met him. He was one of those young men in those days who wrote prolifically on the pages of Nigerian newspapers. In the 80s and early 90s, young men of our generation were more interested in ideas. We were brought up by good teachers. In ABU, Ife, UNILAG, UNN, and the University of Ibadan, we had a set of academics who promoted nothing else but ideas and who became role models for younger persons. The big debate then was about Marxism and Capitalism, and some of the leading polemicists included Wole Soyinka, Biodun Jeyifo, Ropo Sekoni, Yemi Ogunbiyi, Dipo Fashina, Edwin and Bene Madunagu, Eskor Toyo, Tunde Fatunde, Chidi Amuta, Bala Usman, Bade Onimode, Femi Osofisan, Bode Sowande, Segun Osoba, Festus Iyayi. Many of us wanted to be like them. We wore jeans and batik. We mouthed revolutionary slogans. We looked down on anybody that looked like a coxcomb as a potential idiot.

We could quote major texts in epistemology and 20th Century ideas. The newspapers provided a watering hole for our teachers and the students who learnt at their feet. Akin and I belonged to this generation of students learning to be like the masters. We too wrote essays and whenever we met, we engaged each other. We were not very popular with all the girls. Very few girls wanted to date anyone sounding like a textbook or parroting the thoughts of poor people as gospel truth. But Akin won Ronke’s attention. When I eventually left university teaching and relocated to Lagos, it turned out that Ronke’s family, the Ajibades lived within the Oke Ira axis and I was also not far away. I used to follow Akin on his many trips to the neighbourhood. I don’t know how they do it these days, but in our time, you couldn’t just go to a man’s house to visit his daughter. You would ask a friend to accompany you, make it look like you were just a harmless, innocent, classmate just passing by. I hear these days, some suitors are invited by prospective mothers-in-law, served food and they share drinks with the would-be father-in-law and given a VIP reception. Many of such boys come in and out until the family loses count. No responsible family would allow that kind of behaviour from suitors or male friends of their daughters in our time. The Ajibades and the Osuntokuns are both from Oke-Imesi, in the present Ekit State, so that also meant a long history and the need to respect spaces. I was happy to tag along to occasionally support my friend.

I ended up proposing the toast at their wedding many years later at the University of Lagos where the event was held. I remember that wedding because it fell on a day I was to write an examination paper at the Faculty of Law, Lagos State University (LASU). I missed the exam. Now this week, many years later, I have chosen to miss another commitment, to deliver the special public lecture in honour of Akin Osuntokun holding at the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs (NIIIA) as he celebrates his 60th birthday.

But there is nothing that is ever too much to do for Akin Osuntokun. He would do more if the shoes were on the other side. He is generous, kind-hearted and dependable. He is one of those friends you have, you just simply can’t do without. He is ever so considerate, extremely adept at managing relationships and networks. I don’t know how he does it. You would think the cell phone was invented for him. He likes to organize, mobilize and pursue results. And he thinks and writes. For more than 30 years, he has written extensively on issues of national interest. I met him through his many writings, and we later had the opportunity of working together on the Editorial Board of The Guardian Newspapers. Before The Guardian, he had written for Vanguard and other newspapers and had chalked up a reputation as a very analytical mind with a capacity to deliver thoughtful, well-researched essays on key national issues. Mr. Alex Ibru, our publisher took an instant liking to him. Nigeria was going through a tumultuous moment: the dust over the annulment of the June 12, 1993 election had not yet settled, there was crisis in the Niger Delta, the military establishment was dangerously overstretching its luck, locally and internationally, with its abuse of human rights and processes. In addition to his work as an editorial writer and columnist, Akin Osuntokun was given the additional responsibility of doing a regular summary and analysis of key political issues for Mr. Alex Ibru: publisher of The Guardian, the man who gave people like me and many others the opportunity to grow. Mr. Ibru had one talent: he could spot talent from a thousand miles away. And he would pick you up and groom you and challenge you to excel. Akin has always had a passion for politics. He believes that it is politics and the art of leadership that can save society. His best moments are when he discusses politics or you allow him to organize or midwife a political process.

It didn’t take long for me to realize that there is a genetic side to this. Osuntokun used to talk about a certain progenitor, his grandfather or great grandfather who led his family from Ajase Ipo in the present Kwara State, to Okemesi where the family settled. The said Osuntokun pater familia  fought in the Ekiti Parapo, Jalumi and Kiriji wars and was one of the chief lieutenants of Isola Fabunmi of Oke Imesi. Professor A. I. Akinjogbin has given an excellent and authoritative account of War in Yorubaland in the 19th Century, in a book of the same title but Akin Osuntokun’s progenitor’s role in that phase of Yoruba history is something that gives him feelings of pride and authenticity. He sees himself as a reincarnation, a man with a biological mandate to pursue public causes in the people’s interest. His father was also a major influence. By the time Akin Osuntokun was born in  1961, intra-ethnic wars in Yorubaland had ended, at least for a while- Ife-Modakeke was still many years in the distance, but his father, Oduola Osuntokun and his siblings had given the family name a contemporary edge. Oduola Osuntokun was one of the first stars in the then Western Region to graduate from the famous Fourah Bay College in Sierra Leone. He was also a superstar educationist, an outstanding school Principal.  He ended up in politics and became a Minister in the Western Region under the Obafemi Awolowo Government. He was a Chieftain of the Action Group.

But when the fight between the Premier of the Western Region, Obafemi Awolowo and his Deputy, Chief Samuel Ladoke Akintola (SLA) occurred, the late Oduola Osuntokun pitched his tent with the latter. This has since turned out to be a big event in the history of the Osuntokun family. It was in the midst of that politics that Akin was born. His father named him after SLA. Akin is in full: Akintola Osuntokun. His father named his son after Akintola just in case anyone was in doubt about where he stood. Akin Osuntokun has had cause to publish a book on Oduola Osuntokun’s side of the politics of the era titled Oduola Osuntokun: My View of the Coin, written by the man himself.  But it would not be appropriate for us to take sides. The other weight on Akintola Osuntokun’s shoulder is that he comes from a family of major figures in Nigerian history. One of his father’s brothers is on record as being one of the most brilliant Nigerian scientists ever produced. Professor Benjamin Oluwakayode Osuntokun, MD, Ph.D, DSc. (1935 -1995) was one of the best and the brightest of his time. He was a researcher on tropical neurology, atxic neuropathy to be specific, the man who was known for Osuntokun’s sign, and a Gold Medallist in Medicine.

 But he was not the only man of prodigious talent in the family. Akin Osuntokun used to tell me that his father used to challenge his brothers to do more and excel. Another uncle has been no less distinguished. The historian: Professor Akinjide Osuntokun, Emeritus Professor, former University Vice-Chancellor, former Ambassador of Nigeria to Germany, author of many seminal books including Nigeria in the First World War, Chief S. Ladoke Akintola: his Life and Times, Power Broker: A Biography of Sir Kashim Ibrahim, History of the Peoples of Lagos State and others. Akin Osuntokun practically follows in the footsteps of his fathers, and of all the members of the younger generation of Osuntokuns that I know, he has been the most dedicated in that regard, combining every strand of every family heritage into an impressive persona: the warrior, the intellectual, the political man of action.

He used to look very lithe. He has managed over the years to maintain a good frame. I attribute that to his obsession with physical exercise. He likes to jog in the morning; for many years he maintained a strict schedule. But no one should be fooled by his appearance. Osuntokun sees himself as a warrior. He was once Basorun of OkeMesi. He is now the Balogun of Okemesi, the war commander of Oke Mesi, the title once held by the legendary and inimitable Fabunmi. On his birthday, on November 24, Osuntokun danced, most of the time to the Balogun beat: the traditional, drum sequence that calls out the Balogun of Okemesi, to remind him that it was time to go to war. As the beats rolled out of the spherical-shaped drums in responsorial, antiphonal rhythm, supplied by a team that looked like they came all the way from the village to serenade their Balogun, Osuntokun the son stepped out. His uncle, Professor Akinjide Osuntokun also stepped forward. I laughed. No level of education can displace genetics, or stop these people my Egba progenitors refer to as Ara Oke from being who they are.  A family of warriors. But the nature of the war has since changed.

Akin Osuntokun, the celebrant, fights his wars today, in the public arena, using his pen and mouth to express ideas and to pursue political causes. He introduced me to politics. I used to think politics was a special calling for people looking for a quick way to be relevant. But sometime in the 90s, Osuntokun came up with the idea that we, the young people of Nigeria, must not leave leadership and politics to the older generation who had failed everyone. He set up what became known as the Progressive Action Movement (PAM), a platform for young people who wanted to take over Nigeria and make a difference. Akin used to argue that nobody would ever come to your house to invite you to join politics. You must show interest. I did. We met regularly and we formed a strong network that attracted support and attention. Opeyemi Agbaje, Toyin and Debola Fagbayi (we held many meetings in their house in Apapa, and they provided good refreshments), Segun Awolowo, Sanusi Lamido Sanusi (as he then was), Dotun Oni, Ado Sanusi, Femi Fani-Kayode. Osuntokun used to live then in Wemabod Estate, off Adeniyi Jones in Ikeja. We met in his compound. Ado Sanusi lived next door, and sometimes we held events in Ado’s house. Their wives were always ever so accommodating. We grew into a big family of young Nigerians who wanted to change the country.

Some of us ended up in government. Quite a number became big men and women in politics. Akin Osuntokun has been active since then in the public arena and has acquired significant experience as a party man, strategist, political mobilizer, and more importantly as a public intellectual. He has served as Chairman of Oodua Printing Corporation, and Managing Director of the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN). He was a Political Adviser to President Olusegun Obasanjo. A loyal party man and a die-hard PDP politician, Osuntokun was the Director of the PDP 2007 Presidential Campaign, the campaign that brought President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua to power. He has remained one of the most consistent voices of reason in the public arena. He is a member of the Editorial Board of ThisDay newspaper and a regular columnist with the same newspaper.

I am very proud of him and what he has been able to achieve since those early days when we all had no ideas about tomorrow. Osuntokun can argue though. When he is upset, you don’t want to be around him.  The other day, at a meeting of the Ooni Caucus, which he coordinates, even the Ooni had to struggle to get him to calm down. But he is an all-round jolly good fellow. And he has learnt, over the years, not to give Ronke any undue stress. I will not speak further on that, please… Okunrin Meta!

Remarkably, he is a good citizen. The vastness of his contribution to politics and leadership is guided by a commitment to a narrative of optimism and possibilities. He is a stout promoter of the firm belief that the pen is indeed mightier than the sword. He is above all  a gentleman and one of the finest ambassadors of Okemesi and the Yoruba race. Where are these Okemesi drummers? Beat the drums and let the Balogun dance…  A man whom you can’t eulogize without speaking about a part of your own life is not a friend but a brother… Enjoy your birthday, Balogun. Congratulations.

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Ribadu’s Office Denies Arming Miyetti Allah in Kwara

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The National Counter Terrorism Centre (NCTC), under the office of the National Security Adviser Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, has refuted claims that it armed members of the Miyetti Allah group for counter-terrorism operations in Kwara State.

The Head of Strategic Communication at NCTC, Mr. Michael Abu, issued the rebuttal on Wednesday in Abuja.

Abu described the reports circulated by some online platforms as false and misleading, saying they misrepresented ongoing security operations in forested areas of the state.

He said that in line with the Terrorism Prevention and Prohibition Act, 2022, it continued to coordinate and support law enforcement, security and intelligence agencies in countering all forms of terrorism across the country.

NCTC spokesman explained that Nigeria’s counter-terrorism efforts guided by the National Counter Terrorism Strategy (NACTEST), involved the deployment of hybrid forces comprising regular security personnel and trained auxiliaries such as hunters and vigilante elements, particularly in difficult terrains.

According to him, the hybrid approach, which was previously deployed with the Civilian Joint Task Force in the North-East, is currently being applied in parts of the North-West and North-Central, including Kwara State, and has recorded several successes against banditry and other criminal activities.

He stressed that the Federal government was not conducting kinetic operations with any socio-cultural group, adding that claims that the Office of the National Security Adviser provided arms to such organisations are unfounded and should be disregarded.

According to him, all auxiliary personnel involved in hybrid operations were recruited directly by authorised security and intelligence agencies after due diligence, and that all operations were conducted strictly in line with the law and established standard operating procedures.

He urged the media to exercise responsibility by protecting sensitive security information and seeking clarification through designated official spokespersons, while advising the public to ignore unverified reports capable of undermining ongoing operations.

He reaffirmed the centre’s commitment to transparency and stakeholder engagement to deepen public understanding of Nigeria’s counter-terrorism efforts.

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Respite As Court Stops Police, IGP from Enforcing Tinted Glass Permit Nationwide

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A Delta State Court sitting in Orerokpe has restrained the Inspector General of Police (IGP) and the Nigeria Police Force from resuming the enforcement of the tinted glass permit policy nationwide.

Justice Joe Egwu, while ruling on a motion ex-parte in a suit marked HOR/FHR/M/31/2025 filed by Isreal Joe against the IGP and two others, through his counsel, Mr. Kunle Edun (SAN), who led other lawyers, restrained, stopped and barred the respondents from resuming the enforcement of the tinted glass permit policy nationwide.

The order was sequel to the announcement by the Nigeria Police of its decision to resume the tinted glass permit enforcement on January 2, 2026.

Aside from the IGP, the court also restrained the Nigeria Police Force and the Commissioner of Police, Delta State Police Command, from resuming the enforcement of the tinted glass permit policy nationwide.

Justice Egwu also barred the police from harassing, arresting, detaining or extorting citizens and motorists on account of the said policy, pending the hearing and determination of the substantive suit.

The case has also reignited a dispute between the Nigeria Police and the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA). The NBA has maintained that the matter remains before the courts and warned that enforcement could constitute contempt.

The association said a suit challenging the constitutionality of the policy had been filed at the Federal High Court, Abuja, and that a judgment had been reserved following the conclusion of hearings.

The NBA further cited a Federal High Court order in Warri directing parties to maintain the status quo pending an interlocutory injunction. The association accused the police of disregarding the rule of law and urged President Bola Tinubu to intervene. “Any contrary executive action amounts to overreaching the Court and undermines the rule of law,” NBA President Mazi Afam Osigwe (SAN) said.

The police, through Force Public Relations Officer CSP Benjamin Hundeyin, insisted that no court order barred enforcement and defended its planned resumption on grounds of public security. Hundeyin noted a rise in crimes facilitated by vehicles with unauthorised tinted glass, citing incidents ranging from armed robbery to kidnapping.

“The Inspector-General of Police, out of respect and understanding, temporarily suspended enforcement to give Nigerians additional time to regularise their tinted glass permits.

That decision was not based on any court order but was a discretionary move to accommodate public concerns,” he said.

The announcement prompted warnings from the NBA that enforcement could trigger committal proceedings against the IGP and the Force spokesperson. The police, however, maintained that enforcement continues until directed otherwise by a court, highlighting recent incidents in which occupants of vehicles with tinted glass allegedly attacked officers.

The ruling by the Delta State High Court now legally bars the police from implementing the tinted glass permit policy nationwide while litigation on the policy’s constitutionality continues.

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Operation Wetie of the Western Region in Sweet Retrospect: Its Metaphors and Lessons

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By Hon. Femi Kehinde

History, it has been said, is a reflection seen through the eyes of others into events of the past.

The world rotates around its history, and the universality of its lessons and constancy. Like beauty, history is in the eyes of the beholder.

In the old Western Region, attempts were made to stifle democracy, and give the region a government she did not vote for; that really drove the people wild, and justifiably so.

The disturbance was confined to the floor of the House; it did not extend to other parts of the city, and all other parts of the region were completely at peace and were not in the least aware of what was happening in the House of Assembly, until they heard the broadcast of the Prime Minister from Lagos.
The trail that started from the crisis in the Action Group went on to cause at the federal level, a major crisis between the coalition partners that destabilized the Western Region, ultimately leading to the intervention of the military and the collapse of the First Republic. The ramifications and scars of that crisis are still visible today.

The crisis in the Action Group was in retrospect, a watershed in the course of Nigeria’s journey to nationhood. All countries that became Nation-states have their watersheds, which at the time they were happening looked insignificant. Their significance is usually realized long after they have happened. The storming of the Bastilles in France was a spontaneous reaction to the excesses of the monarch and his wife, but it led to a revolution. This revolution, which caused the death of Louis the sixteenth and his wife – Marie Antoinette.

The Action Group crisis which started as a localized brawl, catalyzed into a bloody civil war and much more. During the debate on the motion which was to authorize the state of emergency in the western region, Chief Anthony Enahoro warned against setting in motion a chain of events, the end of which nobody could see or desire. What a prediction! So prophetic, so profound and so historic. He was not taken seriously then. The protagonist of the state of emergency could not see through their noses. They forgot to take to heart the lessons of history.
Ibadan is anything but far away, in fact below 100 miles to Lagos. Just about three years later, not only the prime minister, but two regional premiers, several civilians and military leaders lost their lives. Had the warning of Chief Anthony Enahoro been heeded and had there been no precipitous rush to declare state of emergency in the region, the course of Nigerian history might have been different and certainly less bloody.

A French philosopher, Paul Valery said “History is the science of things which do not repeat themselves”. History does not repeat itself. It is fools who are forced by their folly to repeat history.

The West was demonized and the plot to create disorder was hatched to give a pretext to take over running of the government and use that period to install a puppet government.

Nigeria has always suffered for lack of courage and conviction on the part of those whose duty it is to advise and counsel. Sycophancy, spinelessness, and lack of moral courage, intellectual dishonesty in the ivory tower are commonplace characteristics in all echelons of life in the country and the leadership has to be acutely focused, courageous and discerning not to fall victim.

The leaders did have moments to pause and reflects on the catastrophe they were about to unleash on themselves, but they failed to utilize these opportunities because they were blinded by their own self-interest and personal aggrandizement. They walked into the trap set for them with their eyes wide open. It was a tragedy of errors.

The Western Region, gradually going into the abyss, formally inaugurated the Egbe Omo Olofin, as against the well known Egbe Omo Oduduwa at the Mapo hall, Ibadan. Very prominent dignitaries and first class Yoruba Obas, Oba Akran, Oba Olagbegi, Oba Gbadegbo, the Alake of Egba Land, Oba Abimbola, the Oluwo of Iwo, were very prominent. Chief S.L.A Akintola and the highly partisan Chief Justice of the Federation- Justice Adetokunbo Ademola were the host. The leader of the opposition, Alhaji D.S Adegbenro, a man with few words, regarded these developments as “a sad mistake”. It should be well noted that the Supreme Court of Chief Justice Adetokunbo Ademola had in 1964 affirmed the treasonable felony jail sentence imposed on Obafemi Awolowo by Justice George Sodeinde Sowemimo in 1963.

The Federal Cabinet in its super belief of being all in all, accepted the census result and asked NCNC members, unwilling to accept the result to resign.

The Ogunde Concert Party organized a theatre tour of the Western Region, to show Yoruba Ronu, its new play from March 28 to April 25, 1964. The concert was to kick off at Ile-Ife and thereafter, move to Abeokuta, Ibadan, Oyo, Owo, Shagamu, Ilesha Ikare, Oka, Osogbo, Gbongan, Iwo, Ado-Ekiti, Ijebu Ode. In the midst of this Concert Tour, the epic play, Yoruba Ronu, was banned by the Government of the Western Region and thus, another gradual descent into anarchy.

Earlier, on the 27th of March, 1964, Kola Balogun lost his seat as a special member of the House of Chiefs, following the withdrawal of recognition of his Chieftaincy title as Jagun of Otan Ayegbaju, by the NNDP Government of the Western Region. Kola Balogun had lost face with the Akintola Government. The electioneering campaign towards the 1965 election had started. The Premier, Samuel Ladoke, was on tour of Ijesha Division on Saturday, the 4th of April, 1964. At Ilesha, in front of Ilesha Grammar School, the Premier and his entourage were booed by students of Ilesha Grammar School, perhaps with the encouragement of their principal – Rev. Josiah Akinyemi, a staunch member of the Action Group and father of Prof. Bolaji Akinyemi.

Rev. Akinyemi was the following morning, transferred to Oyo to replace Bishop Seth Kale as Principal of St. Andrews College, Oyo. An NNDP Chieftain in llesha and a member of the Western House of Assembly- Barrister Oladiran Olaitan, had his car severely damaged and in an attempt to escape the onslaught, bottles and stones were thrown at him.

Ilesha Grammar School was eventually shut down and was only reopened after the intervention of prominent Ilesha elites, like Chief S.T Adelegan, the Deputy Speaker of the House of Assembly and also Principal of Ipetu-ljesha Grammar School, the Attorney-General, Chief Olowofoyeku and the Governor, Sir Odeleye Fadahunsi.

Also in April, 1964, a scion of the Agbaje Family, Mojeed Agbaje, was removed as Minister for Information and the Odemo of Isara, Oba Samuel Akisanya, a first class Oba, was removed as a member of the House of Chiefs.

On the 8th of June, 1964, Chief SLA Akintola, the Premier, was driving to Mapo hall, when a pregnant woman hopped her head out of the crowd and shouted, “SLA OLE! SLA THIEF!” The visibly disturbed Premier, ordered his driver to detain the woman, who was put in the Land Rover that carried the Premier’s Body guards. The accused, Kehinde Arowolo, a native of Ikenne, was charged before the Ibadan Magistrate Court for conduct likely to disturb public peace. The accused pleaded not guilty, and she denied the charge. The case was subsequently adjourned to the 4th of November, 1964.

Alhaji Busari Obisesan for the defence said, “don’t forget to bring Chief Akintola to court as his evidence would be vital to the case!” What an audacious statement.

Around this period, an Oba in one of the Ijebu towns was burnt to ashes for being sympathetic towards Akintola’s cause. Ayo Rosiji, an Akintola apologist in July 1964, had his car stoned at a car park in Marina Lagos. His confidant in his constituency, Shittu Bamidele, had also been killed by thugs, who drove a six-inch nail through his forehead. Rosiji eventually lost the Federal Election in 1964.

When there is a quarrel, even ordinary songs would have added meanings and political songs, drums, its coinages and interpretations were now being stronger than even bazooka guns. To Awolowo’s loyalist, the popular sing song was “Se lo lo ko ogbon wa o hee, Se lo lo ko ogbon wa haa, Awolowo, baba layinka i.e. Awolowo has gone to the Prison to be fortified. Interestingly, Awolowo had no child by the name Layinka.

The Federal General Election of 1964 conducted by E. E. Esua as Federal Electoral Commissioner had showed that the Government had lost control of the Western Region, but it also introduced violence throughout the electioneering campaign, arson and assault featured throughout the election. It was a precursor of what was to be expected at the Regional General Elections coming up in 1965.

In some towns and communities, arson visited upon dwelling houses, and public buildings were also added to public roasting of government supporters in the so called “operation weti e”.

The petrol poured on human beings, and such individuals were left to be burnt to death. Indeed, law and order had broken down and perhaps irretrievably and yet, NNDP was declared the winner of a massively rigged general election and his leader, was called upon by the Governor of the Western Region, Sir Odeleye Fadahunsi to form the new government.

Undoubtedly, the region was in an uproar and tumoil. Security had broken down and no one was safe on the road. There were several unofficial road blocks, everywhere and the high level of fear, indignation and security was heightened. When the Chief Justice of the Federation, Sir Adetokunbo Ademola was manhandled on the road between Abeokuta and Lagos, the gravity of the situation became very apparent to all. It became urgent that something must be done to restore law and order to the Western Region. The NNDP was a member of the COALITION – the Nigerian National Alliance (NNA), which it had formed with the ruling NPC and so it was difficult for the Federal Government to intervene to remove a regional Government formed by its surrogate, the NNDP. Yet, something must be done.

The events in the Western Region was certainly laying the foundation to the apocalypse, that was to engulf the country. The Premier of the Eastern Region, Dr. Michael Okpara told his counterpart in the Western Region, Chief SLA Akintola, that he was coming on a visit to Ibadan. SLA Akintola told him he would not be welcome, because he could not guarantee his safety.

The visit took place nevertheless, and as an act of defiance, Premier Michael Okpara still went ahead to visit the Premier at the Premier’s lodge, Iyaganku, Ibadan. The host Premier, SLA Akintola, was nowhere to be found. Michael Okpara nonetheless, signed the visitors register and left.

It was an irony of circumstance, that Premier Ladoke Akintola, who in 1962 was prepared to defile his Party, to welcome a Northern Premier and aristocrat, on the grounds of protocol and hospitality, could not do the same thing for the Premier of the Eastern Region, who was his ally not too long ago. It would be recalled that Okpara had now joined forces with the Action Group, led by Chief (Mrs) H.I.D Awolowo and Alhaji D.S Adegbenro to form UPGA.

In the north, in the west, and in the mid-west, all was confusion. A team of lawyers sent to northern Nigeria by the United Progressive Grand Alliance (UPGA) for the purpose of looking after the legal interest of AG members was not allowed to function.

In the Western Region, trenches were dug, all in order to prevent political opponent the freedom of expression and movement. In October 1965, the Western Region went to the polls to elect a new House of Assembly, the first regional election since the Action Group crisis, an opportunity for Chief Akintola to test his popularity.

The conduct of the election caused wide spread anger which resulted in so much incidence of arson, murder, rioting and general insecurity that the army was sent to the region to maintain law and order. More than 2000 people were killed during and after the election.

After winning the 1965 election, Samuel Ladoke Akintola was called by the governor, Sir Odeleye Fadahunsi to form the new government in October 1965. His taped recorded acceptance speech and message to the people of western region to be rebroadcast by the Nigerian broadcasting corporation (NBC) had been removed and replaced with another recorded message by a mystery gunman who had stepped into the studio and made his own broadcast, denouncing Akintola. This popular gunman was later alleged to be a popular playwright, Wole Soyinka.

On the 15th of October, the newsroom of the Nigerian Broadcasting Corporation (NBC) was more fortified than ever. It was a fortress which was armed to the teeth. In the newsroom was a cubicle where the whole activity normally took place. That evening, the occupants of the cubicle, apart from the leader of the crew were Lajide Ishola, Stephen Oyewole and John Okungbona. The crew men had in their possession the recording of the speech of the Premier of the western region of Nigeria, Chief Ladoke Akintola, which had earlier been recorded at the premier’s lodge at lyaganku. The recordings which contained the message of the premier were made in both English and Yoruba. The premier had finished with the recording a few minutes before 7 o’clock in the evening and he was looking forward to listening to his speech which he had regarded as a masterpiece that will explain the situation of things in the western region.

At about quarter past 7 in the evening, Oshin breezed in into the studio cubicle with his crew men, taking with him the 2 recorded tapes which contained the premier’s speech i.e. both the English and the Yoruba version. Funnily and interestingly, just as Oshin was about to slot in the first tape, a bearded man appeared at the door, and suddenly from nowhere produced a gun and held it to Oshin’s head. There was an abrupt silence. The gunman, goatee-bearded and unmasked, demanded that the radio technician hand over the two tapes he was holding. Oshin quietly handed over the tapes to him, while the other three men in the cubicle, watched the unfolding drama with apparent shock and disbelief.

The gunman handed a tape over to Oshin and ordered him to play it. For fear of his life, Oshin slotted in the gunman’s tape and played it. The gunman listened to part of the content and quietly disappeared as mysteriously as he had come in. The whole operation was swift, brief, effective and decisive.

Pandemonium broke in as soon as members of the public heard the recording on air. Oshin had apparently run out of the studio and the gunman was nowhere to be found. The other three occupants of the cubicle were arrested and taken to the police station, where they made statements to the effect that they had no clue to who the gunman was. They had a clinical description of what exactly happened and the near unanimity about the description of the unmasked mystery gunman. The mystery gunman was eventually arrested and brought before a newly appointed Judge of the High Court, Justice Kayode Esho, sitting in High Court 6. Justice Esho was a stern, disciplined and incorruptible judge. Before the trial, the Chief Justice of the western region, Justice Adeyinka Morgan called Kayode Esho, and straight to the point said, “I have an assignment for you. It is this very important case of the hold-up of the radio station and the robbery of the premier’s tapes. It is a very sensitive assignment, which I would have undertaken myself, having regard to the importance and sensitivity, but the accused person, Wole Soyinka, is a relation of mine. I have full confidence that you will handle it very well’.

Interestingly, the Chief Justice further said, “by the way” and in a measured tone said “they are already saying you will not be able to jail this man”, Justice Kayode Esho wondered ” who are the “they”, “they” “they”. Who are those that the pronoun “they” represent.

According to Esho, why should those “they” be talking to the Chief Justice? why according to Esho? If the “they” talked to the Chief Justice, should he mention it to me while I was trying such a sensitive case, or even any case, for that matter? I got up, pretending not to have been ruffled by the statement, thanked the Chief Justice again, and left for my chambers.”

On the 26th of October, 1965, i.e exactly two weeks after the general election, Akintola lost his most cherished daughter and confidant, Omodele. Omodele died as a result of an overdose of sleeping pills.

After Omodele’s death, Akintola was beginning to have a second thought about his ability to continue with the crisis, and asked rhetorically “whether the whole warfare was worth it at all”. It was apparent then that Ladoke Akintola was greatly distressed.

According to one of the sentries at the Government house, Mr Olabode, a regional police officer attached to the government’s lodge, the premier was in a state of utter confusion, and after meetings, however late, will still travel to Ogbomoso to sleep, and come back to Ibadan in the morning. The Premier’s driver confided in the young police officer, Olabode, that the premier was fond of this trip, because the late night trip from Ibadan afforded him the opportunity of a thoughtful silence and a deep sleep.

Prince Adewale Kazeem, another known confidant of the Premier, also noticed a premier whose hands were shivering and could no longer append his signature on a straight line. Prince Adewale noticed this again and advised the premier, “Baba, why don’t you resign?” and the soberly premier replied “Adewale, O ti bo, iku lo ma gbeyin eleyi- Adewale, it is too late, it is only death that will end this feud.”

Chief Samuel Ladoke Akintola was in this state of disillusionment when on the 14th of January 1966, he asked his aide, R.A Obaleke, upon resumption of duty to get prepared for a trip to Kaduna. There was a plane already waiting for them at the Ibadan Airport, arranged from Lagos. On the premier’s entourage to Kaduna were Chief Lekan Salami, Alhaji Lamidi Adedibu, R. A. Obaleke, N.A.B Kotoye and a host of others, to meet with the Premier of the Northern Region, Sir Ahmadu Bello. At this meeting at the Premier’s lodge in Kaduna, the two premiers went into a long private session. Before the commencement of the meeting, Premier Ladoke Akintola had given some money to his Personal assistant, R.A Obaleke to buy some books for him at the bookshop.

After a long while, Obaleke came back to still find the two premiers in a very serious dialogue. Obaleke informed the premier of the need to go back to Ibadan in a good time, because there was no night landing facility at the Ibadan Airport. Premier Ladoke Akintola immediately proceeded to the Kaduna airport and was seen off by his host- the Premier of the Northern Region, Sir Ahmadu Bello. On arrival in Ibadan, the Premier and his entourage proceeded to the premier’s lodge. The cook, Effiong, a Calabar man, provided dinner for the premier, before their departure. On the 14th of January 1966, the Premier had earlier told his wife, Faderera to proceed to Ogbomoso to prepare their Ogbomoso residence for a private visit of Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia. In the Premier’s lodge were Yomi, his eldest son and his wife Dupe, and their son, Akinwumi, and Gbolahan Odunjo, Omodele’s son, and the visiting Tokunbo Akintola, who came in on holidays from Eton College London. It will be recalled once again, that the British Prime Minister, Harold Wilson, at the Commonwealth Prime Ministers’ Conference in Lagos in January 1966, warned the host of the conference of an impending military insurrection and offered the Prime Minister, Tafawa Balewa, asylum in one of the British frigates on the Atlantic water.

The Prime Minister rebuffed this intelligence report and Akintola’s report, fears and apprehensions, as mere hearsay and unfounded.

In the early hours of January 15, at about 2am, and as predicted, the army struck like a thief in the night. The army mobilized from the Alamala Abeokuta Garrison of the Nigerian Army. It was led by Captain Nwobosi, to effect a change of government in the Western Region.

The Military officers after picking Deputy Premier, Fani Kayode, moved to the Premier’s Lodge. At the Premier’s lodge, with their Military trucks, they forcibly entered the lodge. The head of sentries/Police security, Chief Inspector Sokunbi, an Ijebu man, immediately put off the flood light and was chased by the soldiers. The officer manning the back of the premier’s lodge, Police Corporal Bernard Olabode, a native of Gbongan, was equally chased, but was not discovered inside the drainage where he hid.

The Military officers, immediately put off the electricity supply to the Premier’s lodge. The officer from the ministry of works, posted to the Premier’s lodge, and whose responsibility was maintenance of the two generators at the Premier’s lodge, thought it was a power outage and immediately went to put on the manual generator, since the automatic generator could not come up immediately after the power outage. He was shot on the forehead by one of the officers and he died instantly.

The leader of the Military officers, shouted the name of the Premier, “Akintola come out you are under house arrest.” They also asked his Deputy, already in their custody, to call him, “Sir, Ladoke Akintola, it is me Fani Kayode please come out.” After hearing this voice, the Premier who had immediately upon the arrival of the army officers moved his family through the walkway from the official residence, to his office in the Premier’s lodge, knew there was real danger.

A maid of one of his children, started crying saying “E jo woooo E jo woooo” meaning “please please.” The outcry of this maid exposed the location of the Premier. There was then a gunshot from the Premier to the rampaging soldiers.

According to the Police Officer, Bernard Olabode, in his hiding location he saw bullet shots going towards the Premier’s Office. One of the shots, hit the Premier on the wrist and the Officers were still insisting that he must come out of hiding. They had promised to finish the entire family.

For the Safety of his children, the Are Ona kankanfo of Yoruba land had no choice, but to come down. He was instantly arrested by the soldiers. The leader of the group according to PC Olabode, asked Fani Kayode to identify the Premier. Apparently, they didn’t even know him. Fani Power identified him as the Premier.

According to Olabode, two Officers were placed on his right and left hand, as if facing a firing squad and volley of bullets were hurled at him. The first shot hit the Premier on his forehead, some on his chest and later the Premier gave up.

When he fell down, the leader of the group placed his leg on the Premiers forehead and asked some of his soldiers to rain further bullets on the lying Premier. The group leader, speaking in various languages, said according to Olabode, “he is a juju man, perforate him further with bullets” and thus the end of Are-Ona Kankanfo, who had fought a bitter struggle with his tongue, pen and strength.

The army had also arrested Lt. Col Largemma of the Ibadan Garrison and killed him. Col. Largemma was very close to the Premier of the Western Region, and also Premier of Northern Region. The Federal Brigade of Guards Commander in Lagos, was also killed. Major Okafor had ordered the abduction and eventual murder of the Prime Minister, Tafawa Balewa, the Minister of Finance, Okotie-Eboh, whilst Major Chukwuma Nzeogwu, also invaded the Premier’s lodge in Kaduna and killed Sir Ahmadu Bello, one of his wives, Hafsat and some Military Officers, like Brigadier Ademulegun, Col. Ralph Sodeinde and several other officers and thus the end of Civil Government in Nigeria and the beginning of Military interregnum, that did not end effectively until the 29th of May 1999, when another Military man and former Head of State, Olusegun Obasanjo, became President of the Civilian Government.

In retrospect, the state of emergency on the Western Region was declared on the 29th of May 1962 by the Federal Government of Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa. No wonder, George Santyana rightly said- “those who do not know history are doomed to repeat its failures”. The “operation weti e” of Western Region certainly left its metaphors and lessons for the discerning minds!

Hon. (Barr.) Femi Kehinde is the
Principal Partner, Femi Kehinde & Co (Solicitors), and Former Member, House of Representatives, National Assembly, Abuja, representing Ayedire/Iwo/Ola-Oluwa Federal Constituency of Osun State, (1999-2003).

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