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NDC Candidate, Mahama, Rejects Supreme Court Judgement on 2020 Election Petition (See Full Speech)

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NATIONAL ADDRESS BY H.E. JOHN DRAMANI MAHAMA, 2020 PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATE OF THE NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC CONGRESS AFTER THE SUPREME COURT JUDGMENT ON THE 2020 ELECTION PETITION

Good afternoon ladies and gentlemen,

Earlier today, the Supreme Court of Ghana delivered its verdict on a petition we filed against the declaration made on the evening of 9th December 2020 by the Chairperson of the Electoral Commission of Ghana, Mrs. Jean Mensa, on the Presidential Elections of December 7, 2020.

My brothers and sisters, I did not take the decision to go to court lightly. In fact, many were those who expressed misgivings about my decision, not because we did not have a strong case, but because of the times we live in.

I still believe that no matter the circumstances, it was the right thing to do. It is gratifying that the court’s proceedings were broadcast live. Ghanaians followed the hearings diligently. They understood what was happening even if the legal terminologies were not always easy to grasp.

Even though the petition to the Supreme Court stood in my name, it nonetheless represented the desire of an overwhelming number of Ghanaians, anxious for answers from the Chairperson of the Electoral Commission as the Returning Officer of the December 2020 Presidential Election.

Ghanaians were hoping to hear her testify and many are still baffled by the refusal of Mrs. Jean Mensa to be held to account by testifying in this case – unfortunately, with the unanimous agreement of the justices of the Supreme Court of Ghana.  This vital part of the process to establish the truth and hold Mrs. Jean Mensa accountable was blocked time and again by a protective cordon and firewall that I am sure have confounded many Ghanaians.

The refusal of the Chairperson is in sharp contrast to the readiness with which Dr. Kwadwo Afari Gyan, then Chairman of the Electoral Commission willingly testified in the 2013 Election petition filed by then candidate Nana Akufo-Addo of the NPP.

Speaking as a Ghanaian, with no legal training, I believe that the refusal of the Electoral Commission Chairperson to testify in this election petition, leaves a bad precedent for the future. I disagree with the suggestion of our Justices that an election petition is akin to any other civil litigation and therefore an EC Chairperson, whose functions go to the heart of our democracy, can by a legal sleight of hand avoid accounting for her stewardship in an appropriate forum such as the highest court of the land.

Our legal team, led by Mr. Tsatsu Tsikata, put together our case in a clear manner, which left no one in doubt about what the issues were. Apart from seeking to ensure compliance with the constitution and for the true choice of the people of Ghana to be respected, the Petition sought to provide opportunity for transparency and accountability in the management of our electoral processes. But no one who followed the proceedings in the Supreme Court will be surprised with the judgement pronounced some hours ago.

Much as I am aware that we are legally bound by the decision of the Supreme Court, I disagree with the process of trial and ruling of the court.

Ladies and Gentlemen, our 1992 Constitution says very directly in Article 125 Section 1 that: “Justice emanates from the people and shall be administered in the name of the Republic by the Judiciary, which shall be independent and subject only to this constitution.”

I believe that the law should not be an instrument for partisan purposes. I also believe that the rule of law should mean one rule for all. What anchors the rule of law is equality and fairness to all, irrespective of creed, background, or political coloration. Justice, we must remember, is rooted in moral foundations.

Ghanaians will always remember that moment when my lead counsel, Mr. Tsatsu Tsikata, quoted from the Holy Bible urging the Justices of the Supreme Court to be faithful to their Judicial Oath and their conscience, only for the lawyer representing Nana Akufo-Addo, the 2nd Respondent, to argue for the exclusion of God in the matter. Yet, in the courts of Ghana, we swear on the Bible or the Cross, as we also do with the Holy Koran, to speak the truth and nothing but the truth.

Ghanaians will also remember this 2021 Election Petition for that profound moment when the Chairperson of the Electoral Commission opted to evade public scrutiny. Everything was done in this trial to prevent the Commission from accounting to the people in whose name they hold office.

Requests for Interrogatories were dismissed. A request to inspect documents in the possession of the Commission was turned down. The request for admission of facts was ignored.

Worse still, she was aided by her counsel and the court to avoid explaining to the good people of Ghana from her own testimony, under oath in a properly constituted court of law, the errors she herself admits to have committed in the declaration of the 2020 Presidential election results.

This is a clear stab in the heart of transparency and accountability to the sovereign people of Ghana. Whatever the reasons for not allowing Mrs. Jean Mensa to testify or answer any questions, it leaves an embarrassing stain, not only on our justice delivery system but also, on the nation’s electoral system, which has deepened the grave doubts harboured by many Ghanaians about the true outcome of the December 2020 Presidential Election.

The motto of Ghana’s Electoral Commission is Transparency, Fairness and Integrity – principles the key actors clearly failed to live up to on this occasion. The refusal to account to Ghanaians, further, sets the worrying precedent – and I do really worry about this dangerous precedent – that may allow other heads of state institutions to adopt an approach of opacity and non-accountability in their work.

Just because they can rely on unconvincing interpretations of our laws to shield them from scrutiny in the near future. I hope and pray that time will prove me wrong.

There is a famous legal maxim brought into common use by Lord Chief Justice Hewart in 1924, that “Justice must not only be done but should manifestly and undoubtedly seen to be done”.

While judgement was given in this petition, it cannot be said by many to have been seen to be done by the constant unanimous strictures placed on the petitioner in laying out his case.

I have followed the proceedings of this petition and listened to the testimony of our General Secretary Johnson Asiedu Nketiah from beginning to end. I am quite alarmed at the mutilation of his testimony in the Supreme Court ruling.

Indeed, the ruling I heard today, virtually makes him the star witness of the 1st and 2nd Respondents. Many answers of his testimony in cross examination were taken out of context to create the basis for the dismissal of our election petition.

Ladies and Gentlemen, this case will go into the Ghana Law Reports for the future, and academics and students of law alike will clearly find befuddling, the internal contradictions in our jurisprudence. At the appropriate time, the legal team will come out with detailed comments on the judgment.

The Supreme Court has given its verdict, but the national debate on the dismal state of our democracy and the increasing weakness of its institutions has only just begun. It is time we all come together to confront those who seek to destroy the very democratic system that brought them into office. It is our patriotic duty to do so.

Ladies and Gentlemen, it bears reiterating that our grievances with the conduct of the 2020 elections was not limited to just the Presidential elections. Doubts about the Commission’s commitment to fairness and transparency have lingered much longer than the duration of this Petition.

The doubts have attended their every action, and rightly so, because of their posturing and sometimes duplicitous conduct. As I have alluded to in the past, the current leadership of the Commission, was installed after the politically motivated removal of the previous leadership. Since then, every step they have taken has appeared to be calculated at ensuring the retention of the appointing authority in power.

Aside from the compilation of a new voter register in the midst of a pandemic, one that many Civil Society Organisations, political and governance experts insist was more procurement-induced than need-based, the time-tested process of consultation and dialogue among stakeholders through the Inter Party Advisory Committee (IPAC) was supplanted by unilateralism. This has not boded well for harmonious relations with stakeholders.

Compared to the two previous leaderships of the Commission, what we have now does not meet even the minimum requirements of neutrality and non-partisanship that are essential for consolidating our democracy. The much-touted independence of the Electoral Commission exists only in name now. This should give all Ghanaians cause to worry.

Today, we still have as a member of the Commission, someone who publicly stated that the political party, which I led into the December 2020 election is an existential threat to Ghana’s democracy. And yet that same member presided over an election in which the same political party participated.

In the Parliamentary elections, the NDC won majority of seats. However, through devious manipulation by officials of the Electoral Commission, a number of these seats were illegally declared for the NPP.

In some instances, the manipulation was so glaring and brazen that simple intervention by the leadership of the Electoral Commission as has been done by previous Commissioners could have addressed the issues and righted the wrongs to make court actions completely unnecessary.

Therefore, it is not surprising that International Election Observers captured collation and tallying of results as one of the challenges of our 2020 elections. The posture and approach of this current Electoral Commission does not inspire the confidence needed to preside over any transparent, free and fair election.

They have absolutely no reason to remain in office. This is because the Electoral Commission must remain a neutral arbiter and the organizer of elections. They must not hold a vested interest in the dubious victory of one party over another.

The loyalty of the Electoral Commission must be to the people of Ghana and the Constitution from which it derives its mandate, and not the President or party under whose tenure the leadership is appointed. Immediate reforms, reflecting the long-standing image and reputation of our Electoral Commission as one of the finest and most credible on the continent and indeed the world, must be one of the focuses of public advocacy, if future elections are to be devoid of needless tensions and anxiety.

My brothers and sisters, we cannot forget the burning issue of the deliberate exclusion of the good people of Santrokofi, Akpafu, Likpe and Lolobi (SALL) from the Parliamentary election of 2020. This constitutes perhaps, the gravest injustice of the 2020 elections. It can easily fit into the worst forms of electoral trickery ever witnessed in our nation’s history.

Despite the shenanigans employed by the conspirators in this issue, it is abundantly clear that the rights of the people of SALL to vote, was intentionally violated as part of a move to ensure the predetermined election outcome of a particular Parliamentary constituency. This represents unparalleled abuse of power by both the government and its handmaiden, the Electoral Commission, to influence the outcome of the Parliamentary election in Hohoe.

It is even more staggering that no one has stepped forward to take responsibility for this unjustifiable action nor indicated any clear remedy for the harm caused. We cannot as a people countenance this kind of gerrymandering and chicanery in our politics. We must with one accord, demand immediate resolution of the impasse in the SALL area and take urgent steps to afford the people their right to vote and be represented.

My brothers and sisters, we entered the 2020 elections against an incumbent that was determined to abuse power and misuse state resources and institutions to achieve electoral victory. The run-up to the election and some of the processes involved were characterized by intimidation and harassment from state security agents and others loyal to the current regime.

Selective deployment of military personnel was used as a tool to instil fear in some of our citizens to dissuade them from taking part in the voter registration and other processes. Others were falsely branded as foreigners and their citizenship called into question unjustly – an abhorrent nation-wrecking prejudice which has been directed especially against certain ethic groups of this country and has continued till date and has even recently been visited crudely on the Auditor General, Daniel Yaw Domelevo.

In the last election, unprecedented levels of state funds and resources were doled out by the ruling party, and unprovoked, deadly violence inflicted on our citizens in several cases. In the process, eight of our compatriots were murdered in cold blood and several others maimed during the process of the elections.

We have designated these compatriots, whose blood was shed just because they sought to participate in what was a purely civil exercise as “MARTYRS OF DEMOCRACY” to whom we shall dedicate an appropriate monument when the time comes.

I hope we can count on all well-meaning Ghanaians to support our efforts to bring the perpetrators of these murders to justice. Never must a government be allowed to turn the simple process of an election into a bloodbath. Never must impunity of this magnitude be allowed to fester in our democracy.

Our independence and the current democracy we enjoy were fought for and attained through the sacrifice and blood of our founding fathers, mothers and our compatriots. Never must we accept convenience over principle.

I take this opportunity to express my deep-seated appreciation to our lawyers, led by the colossus of a legal mind, Tsatsu Tsikata, for a valiant fight, which has won the admiration of many. Against considerable odds, they persisted and drove home our point in a manner that convinced all fair-minded observers about the just cause we had embarked on.

I express similar gratitude to all who played diverse roles in putting our case together. I salute our three key witnesses – our General Secretary, Johnson Asiedu Nketia, Dr. Michael Kpessah Whyte and Rojo Mettle-Nunoo for helping to unravel a part of the untold story of the flawed 2020 elections.

I also wish to place on record that the service rendered to me by my legal team in this petition was gratis – free. We may not have been successful. But your hard work and sacrifice will not go unheralded when the full story is told.

I am very much aware that there are millions watching and listening to me who are disappointed at the outcome of this case. For those millions, like myself, who held out hope that our democracy would be advanced by the process and outcome of this petition, you must be disappointed.

But I encourage you to hold your heads up high and channel your disappointment into hard work that will ensure that, come next election, we will achieve a truly transparent and fair election, which we all as Ghanaians can be proud of.

To all my compatriots and supporters, we may have lost the temporary battle of the 2020 election and the Petition that followed, but the larger struggle to create a society that lives up to our national motto of freedom and justice still rages on. It is a struggle, which requires even more commitment than before, and it is one that we will not shirk from until our patriotic aim is achieved.

To the millions of NDC supporters who have stood by me, my running mate, Professor Naana Jane Opoku Agyemang, our National Chairman, General Secretary, Campaign Chairman, FEC, NEC, Parliamentary Candidates, Sponsors and all activists and supporters who gave their all in the hope that we will win and form the next government to save our nation and meet your aspirations, do not despair at this outcome. I repeat. Do not despair! Never, ever lose hope.

We achieved an impressive showing in the last election, and despite the intimidation, obscene abuse of incumbency advantage and the massive use of funds and resources we can be proud that we gave it our best. Our have become stepping-stones on which the NDC can build to secure victory in the next elections.

The NDC will survive and grow from strength to strength. The sun may have set on our hopes for the just ended election today, but it will rise tomorrow and illuminate our path to a better outcome next time around.

To the Council of Elders, members of the National Executive Committee of the NDC, the Functional Executive Committee, the Election 2020 Campaign team, my Staff, party executives at all levels, volunteers, polling agents and all who played roles in our campaign, no matter how small, I thank you from the bottom of my heart.

The NDC will always remain the party of the people. The party was established to empower the people of Ghana to be architects of our own destiny. We blazed the trail for participatory democracy. And I am confident that out of the ashes of this legal setback, we will mobilize and rekindle the struggle for a better democratic Ghana.

We will be law abiding and do nothing to compromise the stability of the country. We will however continue to be the voice of the voiceless and will not be distracted demanding justice and fairness at all times. Neither will we surrender or fail to champion the rights of all our people to enjoy the fundamental freedoms guaranteed under our constitution.

To the over six million Ghanaians who entrusted me with their votes, I cannot thank you enough for this honour. I value your votes so much. It reflects the confidence you have in the ideology, the ethos and importantly the 2020 Peoples’ Manifesto of the NDC. We have proven to be the most viable path to rapid socio-economic development.

I can assure you that even though this was not the outcome we expected, I am sure your votes will spur us on to victory in the future elections.

I also wish to acknowledge and commend the courage and commitment of Civil Society Organisations, journalists and individuals who have dedicated their lives to speak truth to power irrespective of which party sits at the Flagstaff House.

Whiles in office, my administration tolerated your views even when we disagreed. We did not hound your souls. In similar vein, we encourage you to continue to hold all governments accountable as you have done in the past for it is your right to do so.

My brothers and sisters, I have had a relatively long and fulfilling journey of public life and service during which I have had the privilege to serve in various capacities. I have had my ups and downs like all humans, but I have at all times promoted unity and inclusion and not division; and I have always placed the interest and well-being of Ghana first. I will continue to do same even at this moment and beyond.

We have only one nation, Ghana, and we must work together to ensure progress and growth of our dear nation. We can only do this, if we ensure equality, freedom and justice for all our citizens.

Long Live the NDC!

Long Live Ghana!

I thank you all for your attention.

May God bless our homeland Ghana.

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Senate Passes Electoral Bill 2026, Rejects Real-time Electronic Transmission of Results

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The Senate, yesterday, passed the Electoral Bill 2026 following hours of robust debate. But it rejected a proposal to mandate real-time electronic transmission of election results while approving significant reforms to election timelines, penalties for electoral offences and voting technology.

At the centre of the controversy was Section 60, which governs the transmission of polling unit results. Senators voted down a recommendation by the Senate Committee on Electoral Matters that would have compelled presiding officers to upload results to the INEC Result Viewing (IReV) portal in real time.

Instead, lawmakers retained the approach in the 2022 Electoral Act, which allows electronic transmission after votes are counted and publicly announced at the polling unit.

Relatedly, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), which concluded work on the timetable and schedule of activities for the 2027 general election, is unable to release it due to ongoing amendments to the Electoral Act by the National Assembly.

It also identified the inclusion of deceased persons on the voters’ register, prompting plans for a nationwide verification exercise.

On its part, the African Democratic Congress (ADC) raised the alarm over the National Assembly’s delay in passing the Electoral Act amendments, warning that the situation could expose political parties to technical and legal pitfalls ahead of the 2027 general elections.

Under the retained provisions, presiding officers are required to: count votes at the polling unit, record results on prescribed forms, announce them publicly and transmit them electronically to the appropriate collation centre.

Copies must also be provided to polling agents and security personnel where available. Violators face fines of up to N500,000 or a minimum of six months’ imprisonment.

Senators opposing the real-time upload argued that inconsistent network coverage and logistical challenges could trigger legal disputes and undermine electoral credibility.

Chairman of the Senate Committee on Media and Public Affairs, Adeyemi Adaramodu, described the debate as largely semantic.

“Electronic transmission remains part of the law,” he said, “and results will continue to be available to the public both electronically and through physical forms, ensuring verifiable records for disputes.”

Beyond the transmission debate, the Senate approved far-reaching amendments to Nigeria’s electoral calendar. The election notice period was reduced from 360 days to 180 days, the deadline for submission of party candidate lists was shortened from 120 to 90 days, and the nomination period was cut from 180 to 90 days.

To deter electoral malpractice, the fine for unlawful possession of voters’ cards was increased from N500,000 to N5 million, though the Senate rejected a proposal for a 10-year ban on vote-buyers, opting for stiffer financial penalties instead. The smart card reader was officially removed from the electoral framework and replaced with the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS).

Presiding over the session, Senate President Godswill Akpabio dismissed claims that electronic transmission had been removed, emphasising: “Retaining that provision means electronic transmission remains part of our law.”

INEC Chairman, Prof Joash Amupitan, noted the delay yesterday in Abuja at INEC’s first quarterly consultative meeting with Civil Society Organisations (CSOs).

The e-transmission of results, if approved, would have required INEC presiding officers to upload results from each polling unit to the IReV portal in real time, immediately after completing Form EC&A, which must be signed and stamped by the presiding officer and countersigned by party agents.
Instead, the senators chose to retain the present Electoral Act provision, which mandates that “the presiding officer shall transfer the results, including the total number of accredited voters and the results of the ballot, in a manner as prescribed by the Commission.”

The rejected proposal was contained in the new Clause 60(5) of the draft bill, which aimed to mandate presiding officers to electronically transmit polling unit results in real time after completing and signing Form EC8A.

The clause was designed to strengthen transparency and reduce electoral malpractice through technology-driven result management.

The motion to reject the electronic transmission clause was swiftly seconded by the Deputy President of the Senate, Barau Jibrin.

Similarly, the Senate also rejected a proposed amendment under Clause 47 that would have allowed voters to present electronically-generated voter identification, including a downloadable voter card with a unique Quick Response (QR) code, as a valid means of accreditation.

Lawmakers voted to retain the existing 2022 provisions requiring voters to present their Permanent Voter’s Card (PVC) for accreditation at polling units.

The Senate further upheld the provision mandating the use of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) or any other technological device prescribed by INEC for voter verification and authentication, rather than allowing alternative digital identification methods as proposed in the new bill.

With these decisions, the Senate reaffirmed the use of PVC and BVAS-based accreditation while rejecting efforts to expand digital voter identification and make electronic transmission of results compulsory.

The Guardian

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Wike Remains Undisputed Rivers APC, PDP Leader, Tinubu Rules

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President Bola Tinubu has, again, intervened to halt the escalating feud between Rivers State Governor, Siminalayi Fubara, and his predecessor and estranged godfather, Nyesom Wike.

The peace deal came after months of failed settlements that had pushed the state to the brink of governorship impeachment, legislative paralysis, and prolonged instability.

The president had previously intervened in the rift between Fubara and Wike in December 2023, when he brokered a fragile peace, which broke down soon after, leading the declaration of a six-month emergency rule in the state on March 18, 2025 by Tinubu and suspension of the governor.

However, in the fresh push to defuse one of the country’s most combustible political disagreements in recent times, Tinubu ordered an immediate suspension of any impeachment moves against Fubara, but with very strict conditions.

Multiple highly placed sources familiar with the issue told THISDAY that Tinubu, who acted just before departing for an official trip to Türkiye on January 26, laid down the political terms aimed at restoring peace between the two key political actors in Rivers State, a state seen as critical to the president’s re-election in 2027.

Tinubu’s intervention came with a blunt message to Fubara: Wike remains the undisputed political leader of the party, whether APC or Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in Rivers State, and he must be respected in that regard.

THISDAY was told that the president, visibly displeased by the depth of the rift, despite his efforts in the past, warned that continued hostilities would undermine governance in the state and lead to instability, a situation Tinubu said he was not ready to condone.

Tinubu was said to have clearly told Wike to back off any impeachment plots against Fubara and allow governance in the state.

Fubara and his predecessor, Wike, have had a cat and mouse relationship just within months of the governor’s swearing into office in May 2023. What is now out in the open is that Wike, who personally engineered Fubara’semergence as his successor, has sought to control the levers of power from Abuja, while the governor has resisted what many see as the FCT minister’s chokehold on him.

The relationship began to fracture within months of Fubara’s inauguration, as the governor quietly sought to assert his independence, with political actors in the state immediately taking sides. Notably, in the ongoing fight, almost all the state lawmakers align with Wike.

Subsequently, attempts to impeach Fubara emerged from the pro-Wike group in the House of Assembly. Although the governor has tried to wriggle out of the situation several times, the shadows of impeachment continue to haunt him every time there is a disagreement with the minister.

Several efforts have been made to resolve the crisis, all of which failed to produce lasting peace. The failure of one of the peace meetings eventually led to the declaration of a state of emergency in the oil-rich state, which lasted six months.

While Wike’s camp continues to accuse Fubara of betrayal and political ingratitude, the governor’s allies argue that Rivers State cannot be run from outside the state by a former governor now serving as the FCT minister.

Still on the latest attempt to seek an end to the prolonged imbroglio, one insider recounted the president’s thinking, drawing a parallel with Lagos State, where Sanwo-Olu is the leader of the party.

Tinubu was said to have stated, “Is Babajide Sanwo-Olu my leader in Lagos, or was Babatunde Fashola my leader when he was governor?”, according to a source.

The president was equally said to have stated that Fubara should respect elders, saying Wike is an elder statesman in Rivers politics and should be regarded as such. Tinubu, one of the sources added, made it clear that political seniority could not be wished away because of personal disagreements.

As part of the peace deal, the president directed Wike and his camp to immediately halt all impeachment-related actions against Fubara, citing his overriding concern about stability in Rivers State.

In return, Fubara was instructed to make significant concessions. Chief among them was the formal recognition of Wike as the “political leader” in Rivers State, with final authority on party matters.

Sources said Tinubu stressed that all internal party disputes in the state must ultimately defer to Wike.

However, the complexity of Wike’s case is that he is not a card-carrying member of APC in Rivers State. Officially, he remains a member of the struggling opposition PDP, although he is a top minister under the ruling APC government – A position he has used to weaken his party, the PDP.

Besides, the understanding covered the upcoming state House of Assembly bye-elections in Rivers State. Tinubu directed that candidates loyal to Wike should be recognised by the APC leadership for the two vacant assembly seats. “It was explicitly stated that Wike has two candidates for the by-elections and that those candidates are to be recognised by the APC party structure,” one source said.

Already, Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has fixed February 21, 2026 for the contentious by-elections into Ahoada East II and Khana II State Constituencies of the state.

THISDAY learnt that while the Ahoada-East II seat became vacant following the resignation of its former occupant, Edison Ehie, who was appointed Chief of Staff (CoS) to Governor Fubara, the Khana II seat was vacant since the death of its lawmaker, Dinebari Loolo, in September 2023.

Notably, the sensitive issue of Fubara’s second term ambition also came up for deliberation, the source said, but was deliberately side-lined, with the president alleged to have said such discussions were too early for now. One source said Tinubu described any talk about the 2027 governorship in the state as still premature.

ThisDay/Arise News

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Otunba Adekunle Ojora: Farewell to a Good Man

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By Eric Elezuo

The curtain dropped on the elitist life of prominent Lagosian, traditional custodian, boardroom guru, refined journalist and elaborate philanthropist, Otunba Adekunle Ojora, on January 28, 2026, bringing to an over nine decades of spreading good tidings, prosperity, unity and humanity. He was 93 years.

His death was announced via a statement by his daughter, Mrs Toyin Ojora-Saraki, on behalf of the Ojora Family, saying he died early in the morning in full submission to the will of Almighty Allah (SWT)

“With total submission to the will of Almighty Allah (SWT), the Ojora family of Lagos hereby announces the passing of our beloved patriarch, Otunba Adekunle Ojora, the Otunba of Lagos and Lisa of Ife, who returned to his creator early this morning.

“We say Alhamdulilahi for a life well lived, and we comply with Allah’s words: ‘Surely, to Allah we belong, and to Him we will all return’ (Q2:156),” the statement reads.

A distinguished businessman, people-oriented-person, the Olori Omo Oba of Lagos and the Lisa of Ife, Adekunle Ojora’s passing came with a much ancipated heartbreak, wailings and regrets, among his hugely extended family members, circle of friends, mentees, colleagues in and across business and traditional terrain, associates and the well impacted general public.

With the announcement of his death came the heavy traffic of personalities, dignitaries and nobles to his Ikoyi palatial home, where his adorable wife, Ojuolape Ojora, and one of his distinguished daughters, Mrs Toyin Saraki, who is the wife of the former Senate President, Bukola Saraki, played significant hosts.

President Bola Tinubu was one of the first mourners with a statement signed by his spokesperson, Bayo Onanuga, acknowledging the dimunitive personality of the deceased, noting how he had affected humanity in a positive light.

Tinubu commiserated with the government and people of Lagos State, as well as the Ojora and Adele royal families.

“The passing of Otunba Ojora is a significant loss to the country, the private and public sectors, and traditional institutions,” the President said, describing the late industrialist as a man whose life was defined by humility, perseverance, hard work and generosity. He further noted that his values shaped his long and distinguished career.

“He remained a towering figure whose counsel and experience benefited institutions at both national and subnational levels,” Tinubu added.

In his condolence message, former President Olusegun Obasanjo described Ojora’s death as painful, saying his absence would be difficult to fill, according to a statement released by his Special Assistant on Media, Kehinde Akinyemi.

The ex-president described Ojora as “an amiable and distinguished Nigerian who, during his lifetime, built a remarkable legacy of integrity, wisdom, and unwavering dedication.”

“By his death, the country has lost a notable captain of industry and commerce, but there is no doubt that his memory lingers on through his many landmark contributions to the development of the South-West zone in particular, and the country in general,” Obasanjo added.

He also stated that “He was a remarkable entrepreneur whose vision, determination, and resilience added value to the community and to hundreds of families who depended on his commercial activities. He was a role model and exemplar whose personal life and achievements inspired a generation of entrepreneurs, industrialists, and merchants. Over the years, with his wise counsel, unquestioned strength, and gentle guidance, Otunba Ojora commanded respect and reverence, and took particular pleasure in mentoring younger men and women to succeed in life.”

Also reacting, a former Minister of Communications, Major General Tajudeen Olanrewaju (Rtd) described Ojora as a “veteran journalist and boardroom titan”.

The former General Officer Commanding (GOC) 3 Division Nigerian Army noted that he made positive contributions to the industrial and entrepreneurial sectors of the economy, lightened up the social fabric of his time in Lagos, in particular, and across our nation.

Among dignitaries that called to the home of the Ojora’s to express heartfelt condolences were the Governor of Osun State, Senator Ademola Adeleke and his elder brother, Dr. Deji Adeleke; Africa’s richest man, Alhaji Aliko Dangote, Mr. Femi Otedola and former governor of Akwa Ibom State, Udom Emmanuel.

As a revered Muslim, versed in Islamic doctrines, the nonagenarian’s burial followed the very next day, drawing an avalanche of well wishers and mourners to the Central Mosque, on Lagos Island, where the funeral rites or the Janazah, led by the Chief Imam of Lagos, Sheikh Sulaiman Abou-Nolla, and assisted by other prominent Islamic clerics, were conducted, and finally to the Vaults and Garden, Ikoyi, where the remains were committed to mother-earth. The events were a meeting point of some sort, as they drew together prominent Islamic scholars, family members, political bigwigs and other distinguished guests.

A roll call of the elite callers at the events include the deceased’s wife, Erelu Ojuolape Ojora; his daughter, Toyin Ojora-Saraki, and her husband, former Senate President and Kwara State Governor, Bukola Saraki. Also in attendance were Lagos State Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu, former Ogun State Governor Ibikunle Amosun, former Speaker of the Kwara State House of Assembly Ali Ahmad, former PDP National Chairman Kawu Baraje, Mufti of Ilorin Sheikh Sulaiman Onikijipa, and National President of Ansar-Ud-Deen Society of Nigeria Prince Adeniji Kazeem.

The burial ceremonies began with a recovery of the remains, which were borne by pallbearers for a burial procession before it was a motorcade bore it to the venue of the Janazah.

The long convoy of dignitaries that accompanied the body to the mosque spoke volumes of the personality of Adekunle Ojora. As the solenm approached, Imam Sulaiman Abou-Nolla led the congregation in prayers, asking for the repose of the siul of the deceased.

At the conclusion of the prayers, the body was conveyed to the Ikoyi Vault, where pallbearers and Muslim Ummah as well selected members of the family and notable dignitaries accompanied the remains,  amid chants, to its final resting place.

THE MAN, OTUNBA ADEKUNLE OJORA 

The highly principled businessman was born Isiaq Adekunle Ojora on June 13, 1932, into the distinguished Ojora Royal Family of Lagos, where he grew with a deeply-rooted tolerance for the history, culture and traditional governance of the Yoruba race and Lagos in particular.

His lineage placed him among the foremost royal families in the state, a heritage he upheld with dignity throughout his long life. Over several decades, he emerged as one of the most influential figures within Lagos’ traditional institutions, commanding respect across royal, cultural and civic circles.

Ojora was a member of the Ojora and Adele royal families of Lagos and was himself the holder of the chieftaincy of the Otunba of Lagos. He studied journalism at Regent Street Polytechnic, with the intention of developing a career in journalism. He started work as a staffer at the BBC where he rose to become an assistant editor.

In 1955, he switched his services to the Nigerian government as a reporter with the Nigerian Broadcasting Corporation. He was soon transferred to Ibadan as an information officer in the office of the regional premier. Ojora’s stint with NBC lasted until 1961 when he took up appointment as the public relations manager at United African Company.

Ojora soon developed interest in the commercial units of enterprises, he became an executive director of UAC in 1962. After a military coup truncated the first republic, Ojora was nominated as a member of Lagos City Council in 1966. A year later, he was given political appointments in two government agencies, in 1967, he was managing director of WEMABOD, a regional property and investment company and also in 1967, he succeeded Kola Balogun as chairman of Nigerian National Shipping Line.

After leaving WEMABOD, he became an investor in various firms including AGIP petroleum marketing and NCR Nigeria. He also founded the private firms Nigerlink Industries, Unital Builders and a holding company Lagos Investments. After the Nigerian Enterprise Promotion Act, he took equity interest in some foreign companies operating in Nigeria such as investments in the Nigerian operations of Bowring Group, Inchape, Schlumberger, Phoenix Assurance, UTC Nigeria, Evans Brothers and Seven-Up. He married Erelu Ojuolape, and among their children is Toyin Saraki.

Beyond royalty, Otunba Ojora was widely regarded as a bridge between tradition and modern governance.

The Otunba Adekunle Ojora would be remembered as a quintessential gentleman,  astute businessman, excellent in speech, dignified in conduct, and deeply respected across generations.

For as many as those who know him, Ojora has for decades, remained a familiar and revered presence in elite social and cultural spaces, where his highly sought-after counsel and calm disposition have proved relevant and needful.

He is also known for his refined lifestyle and strong family values, an embodiment of a “brand of old-school nobility that earned him admiration well beyond wealth or status. He was often described as a man of honour whose life reflected discipline, tradition, and unwavering integrity.

Otunba Adekunle Ojora is survived by his wife, Erelu Ojuolape Ojora, his children, grandchildren and great-grandchildren.

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