Opinion
Etymology Of Atiku Abubakar As Stepping Stone For Igbo Presidency
Published
3 years agoon
By
Eric
By Magnus Onyibe
As it may be recalled ,a great deal of verbal missiles were hauled at Anambra state governor and former Central Bank of Nigeria, CBN governor, Professor Chukwuma Charles Soludo when he contended in a recently published article titled: ”History Beckons And I shall Not Be Silent (Part1)”, that nobody from the lgbo nation has a chance of becoming president of Nigeria in 2023.
“Let’s be clear: Peter Obi knows that he can’t and won’t win. He knows the game he is playing, and we know too; and he knows that we know. The game he is playing is the main reason he didn’t return to APGA. The brutal truth (and some will say, God forbid) is that there are two persons/parties seriously contesting for president: the rest is exciting drama!“
The masterpiece by Soludo was a realistic and pragmatic analysis of what l would like to characterize as the ‘lgbo dilemma’.
Whereas the frank advise should have woken up the lgbo from what can be likened to a fantastic wonderland dream of presiding over the affairs of our country from Aso Rock Villa in 2023,instead it got a good number of them so incensed that the level of bile directed in rebuke at Soludo was as if he committed some kind of heresy or apostasy.
In order for readers to better understand the anger of the lgbos against Soludo or any other lgbo man or woman who does not subscribe to lgbo presidency of Nigeria in 2023,it is important that we put into context the propelling force for their quest to occupy Aso Rock Villa when the incumbent president Mohammadu Buhari exits next year.
The truth is that the anger of the lgbo that culminated into the vitriolic attacks on Soludo stems from the over half of a millennium years old determination of the tribe to regain their lost pride and glory because they were at the commanding heights of the political, economic and social architecture of Nigeria, pre January 1966 coup by the military that resulted in the death of the first republic (1963-66) and the crash of the lgbo from power in practically all the spheres of life in our country.
Not satisfied with their loss of power, particularly of the political hue in the Nigerian nation, the lgbo sought self determination by engaging the Nigerian state in a civil war from 1967 to 1970 when the country failed to allow her secede.
But at the end of the war rather than achieve their objective of returning to the pre-eminent position that they had occupied pre independence or before the British colonialist exited by granting Nigeria independence from colonial rule in 1960,the region got worse off.
That is simply because a significant number of lives of lgbo people got dispatched prematurely to the meet their ancestors, just as the infrastructure in the eastern region got wantonly destroyed in the course of the horrific war and the situation has not changed much till date.
In addition, the lgbo who lost the war have thereafter become systematically relegated to the bottom or even gotten excluded from the main stream of the political system in Nigeria.
And that is evidenced by the reality that currently, the leadership power equation in the only country that the lgbo can call their own seem to have been skewed against them as none of them is the head of the executive, legislative or judicial arms of government which is largely responsible for the enduring secessionist tendencies currently bedeviling the region in particular, and the whole country at large.
Arising from the above, and being a realist, l would argue that Soludo’s pragmatic assessment of the chances of an lgbo man/woman becoming president of Nigeria in 2023 as he marshaled in his published treatise: “History Beckons And I Shall Not Be Silent (part 1) was on point.
But lgbo appear not to be ready to accept the inconvenient truth, hence Soludo’s advise was discountenanced and he was disparaged and excoriated.
Before the Anambra governor’s matter-of-fact advise that elicited the ire of some lgbo that generated the firestorm that almost literally consumed him, another prominent lgbo politician, Senator Orji Uzor Kalu, the current Chief Whip of Nigerian Senate and ex governor of Abia state had also admonished members of his tribe not to seek to become president of Nigeria in 2023.
Below are his reasons:
“I have no problem with an Ibo man becoming president, but we have to do it with other Nigerians.
“If you don’t do it with other Nigerians, it’s not going to work, no matter how popular you are. This is the president of Nigeria, not the president of Igbo land.”
He was quoted as basically stating that the lgbo must wait for another time when Nigerians would agree to zone the presidency to the east.
It is unsurprising that Kalu’s renunciation of lgbo presidency in 2023 did not trigger as much storm as Soludo’s admonishment which l would like to equate politically with an event recorded in the holy Bible ‘Sermon on the Mount’ which is a narrative of the teachings by our lord Jesus Christ during which he laid out the blue print of his doctrine to be followed by his disciples after he must have transformed from the physical into the spiritual realms.
As the Muslim religion has Abrahamic origins (Abraham is the source of Christianity, lslam and Judaism) which is why lslam recognizes Jesus Christ as lsah – a prophet of God and not son of God which is the belief of we Christians, I won’t be surprised if our Muslim brothers and sisters can identify an equivalent of such narrative in the holy Quran.
According to John R.W. Stott, “The Sermon on the Mount is probably the best-known part of the teaching of Jesus, though arguably it is the least understood, and certainly it is the least obeyed”.
So, Soludo’s solution which sounded like sermon on the mount obviously struck the wrong chord amongst not only some lgbo elites, but also a critical mass of of the hoi poloi who are perhaps living in a parallel universe and as such unable to process the reality that it is not yet time for the lgbo to call the shots from Aso Rock Villa, and the reason the visionary Soludo was largely misunderstood in the manner that Jesus Christ was also misunderstood and disobeyed. For the avoidance of doubt, l am not equating Soludo with our lord Jesus Christ but sermon on the mount was referenced for analogical purpose only.
Perhaps, if the lgbos take the statistics below into consideration, they would probably have a different reaction to Soludo’s wise counsel.
For instance, the total number of registered voters for the 2023 general elections in Nigeria according to lndependent National Electoral Commission, INEC is 93.5 million.
And the total number of registered voters in the entire lgbo land is a paltry 11.49 million.
That makes the eastern region the zone with the least number of registered voters.
It is followed from the rear by the north central with 14.1 million voters.
When you compare the south-east registered voters numbers which is about half of the 22.67 million registered voters in the north-west region that is the highest,it would be clear that the eastern region is a dwarf or Lilliputian politically compared to the north-west which is a giant ,since it has the largest registered voters cache in our country.
And that makes the north-west the battle ground for all the leading political parties and the south-east a less consequential part of the country for sourcing votes by politicians and therefore on the fringe in the reckoning of political strategists.
Given the scenario described above, those clamoring for lgbo presidency should also take notice of the fact that Wazirin Atiku Abubakar of PDP is from the northern region where the bulk of the voters reside,and it presupposes that he has a home base advantage.
Also by juxtaposing the south east minuscule and insignificant number of registered voters against that of the south-west region which is 18.3 million,the eastern region’s jeopardy would come into greater relief.
More so ,if it dawns on the proponents of lgbo presidency in 2023 that the south-west is also APC torch bearer Bola Tinubu’s enclave and supporters base.
But the Igbos driven by ethnic nationalism are wont to argue that members of the tribe being itinerant people are spread all over Nigeria.
As such their voting power is more than the 11.49 million ascribed to the zone.
But so are members of other major tribes scattered across the country -Yoruba,Hausa/Fulani ,ljaw, kanuri,Tiv, kalabari,Urhobo,ldoma and lbibio,lgbira,lgala,Angas etc.
Perhaps,other ethnic nationalities outside their ancestral birth places are not as many as the lgbos that are challenged by land mass and are also very mercantile,hence they are very dispersed nationwide,but a lot Nigerians of all tribes are often well dispersed across the country too.
Another dilemma that the lgbo nation is contending with in its quest for the presidency of Nigeria is the fact that, of the six (6) geopolitical zones in Nigeria, only the south east where the lgbo is the dominant tribe is comprised of a mere five (5) states.
The zone has the least number of states because all the other five (5) regions have at least six (6) states each, with the north west region even having seven (7) states.
The realities above are the major handicaps that should compel the lgbo to seek collaborations with with either north-west or south-west regions where the critical mass of voters are located,in order for their dream that a member of lgbo ethnic stock would become president of Nigeria would manifest.
But rather than think critically,they have been fantasizing about an lgbo person becoming president of Nigeria in 2023 without taking into consideration the political calculus or equations outlined above.
Can those claiming that political structures would not matter in election 2023 also deny the fact that the number of registered voters in specific regions of the candidates would count, and a consequential presidential candidate must have a solid voter base ?
Yet, most politically naive lgbo have elected to remain in self denial by being sentimental instead of analytical.
Without looking beneath the inherent superficialities, they are counting on votes from the youth demography and those who are discontented with government either due to a prevailing culture of nepotism or insecurity of lives and properties as well as the high level of poverty ravaging the masses under the watch of the current administration to catapult an lgbo man into the presidency.
There is not enough space and time to put in array all the thistles and thorns that have buffeted Nigerians in the nearly eight (8) years of APC maladministration. But suffice it to say that while those ignoble hallmarks of misrule are significant factors that can influence some voters to desire to punish the ruling party at the polls,they are not enough to swing the presidential pendulum to the side of the lgbos because the region lacks the critical mass of voters and failed to secure an alliance with a high voters value like north-west or south-west.
Worse still, since it has been established that most Nigerian registered voters reside in the north-west and south-west, it follows that they seldom know Peter Obi and the LP platform.
More so because Obi and LP were basically unknown quantities nationally, until less than a year ago when the political platform and its candidate became a third force in 2023 presidential race that was hitherto looking like a two horse race.
To gain better insight, apart from Obi not having a political base like Atiku that practically has the entire north glued together by not only his robust political pedigree but religion and language; and Tinubu that controls the south-west leveraging his long time political antecedents, well funded political machines and the monarchical system existent in Yoruba land, readers only need to interrogate the voting pattern of Nigerians as captured in INEC’s historical records to discover that the category of the electorate that exercise their franchise the most are folks in the rural areas.
They are not the necessarily the smattering of youth and city slickers who are clamoring for Obi presidency and a handful of discontented adults seeking a new political order.
The category of Nigerians described above are not whom the lgbo nation should anchor their hope of being the tribe ruling the roost in Aso Rock Villa in 2023.
For crying out loud,most of our mothers, fathers,aunts and uncles in the villages are the ones who often step out to vote in throngs and they hardly know Peter Obi.
And they were likely not captured in the opinion polls,particularly the ANAP/NOI polling of which the pollsters have admitted they conducted by phone which by its nature is prone to manipulation therefore deeply flawed.
It is unfortunate that the pollsters seem to be ignoring those factors outlined earlier, either by omission or commission, hence they have ended up with their wrong calculations and false hope about the notion of lgbo producing the next president being a realizable objective without serious collaboration or alliance with voters from any of the two main zones (north-West and south-west) that are home to significant number of voters.
Had the attempted partnership between the LP and Dr Musa Kwakwanso’s New Nigerian Peoples Party, NNPP come into fruition with Obi as the presidential candidate of the coalition, the probability of an lgbo president in 2023 would have been higher. But without such an arrangement, Obi’s quest for the presidency would most likely be an exercise in futility.
The above reality is the justification for the recent comment by a prominent lgbo billionaire and power broker, Chief Arthur Eze who reportedly stated in the media, last week, the 24th of December that he had made it known to the LP Presidential candidate, Peter Obi that his ambition is inordinate was emphatic that he is not part of Obi’s plan.
“I told him to drop his ambition, and wait for next time. “When he told me about his ambition, l asked him the states he thinks he can win in the west and in the north -he told me, but l was not convinced. l told him he can not win; so that he would not waste his time and money”
Incidentally, in various opinion pieces that l have been writing and publishing in the mass media in the past two years, l had already identified and analyzed all the bogeys or stumbling blocks clogging the path of the lgbo man’s quest for becoming president of Nigeria without being propelled by the presently moribund presidential power rotation or power shift principle. They can all be found in my website magnum.ng.
By obviously ignoring the wise counsel of critical lgbo stake holders like Chukwuma Soludo and Arthur Eze, as referenced earlier, clearly Mr Obi must be relying on opinion polls that have been forecasting that president Buhari would be handing over to him as his successor on 29 May 2023.
Another probable factor which may be at play for the lgbo (with Obi as the arrow head) to be nursing the false hope that they would be producing the next president would be that his strategists are likely working from the answer to the question, instead of the other way round.
Equally significant is the rather surprising revelation that the lgbo are still counting on the presidential power rotation principle which is a gentle man’s agreement hashed out during the unimplemented National Conference held under former military head of state, late general SANNI Abacha’s regime in 1995. It was basically a political power sharing formula that is still being relied upon by the lgbo to justify its claim that it is the turn of some of their ethnic stock to rule Nigeria.
That principle which is not enshrined in Nigeria’s statutes book has been jettisoned or at best suspended by both the ruling All Progressives Party, APC and main opposition peoples Democratic party, PDP, yet the lgbo appear to have remained fixated on it and seem not ready to purge themselves of the mind set.
Given the present dynamics of politics in Nigeria, only the APC or PDP are the political platforms that can produce the president of Nigeria.
And the lgbo is unfortunate that the two parties have no member of the stock as their presidential flag bearer.
So the chance of an lgbo man taking charge in Aso Rock Villa from 29 May 2023 is practically zero.
The conclusion above does not imply that l have not taken cognizance of the recent emergence of Labor Party, LP as a third (3rd) force in Nigeria’s political space with Mr Peter Obi, former Anambra state governor on the platform of APGA 2007-2014 who was also in 2019 the running mate to Wazirin Atiku Abubakar as presidential flag bearer on the platform of PDP which contested against incumbent president, Mohammadu Buhari of APC.
But, since it is an inconvenient truth for the typical lgbo man that has been seeking to return to the top of the pecking order of leadership of Nigeria resulting in a destructive three (3) years civil war that is believed to have claimed the lives of an estimated three (3) million Nigerians with the lgbos as the main victims, Soludo’s kinsmen who are apparently blind sided by their legitimate, but unrealizable ambition, have chosen to deem the realistic prognosis as an art of betrayal of his people for which he was ‘roasted ‘by lgbo intelligentsia, especially the social media denizens, also known as Obidients and architects of the famous #Endsars protests that had the potentials of revolutionizing Nigeria in 2020.
Fortuitously, Wazirin Atiku Abubakar has emerged on the scene like a knight in a shining amour to offer the lgbo the rescue that they have been craving by giving them the opportunity via his current quest for the presidency for one of them to be his running mate as vice president.
By so doing he is according the lgbos the honor and privilege of being the stepping stone for lgbo nation into Aso Rock Villa: “I am going to be a stepping stone to an Igbo president in this country. I have shown it in my action, because this is the third time I am running with an Igbo man. If you really want to produce a president, then, vote Atiku-Okowa ticket.”
Having established the etymology (in plain language the origin) of the words stepping stone deployed by Wazirin Atiku Abubakar in his lofty proposition to Ndigbo,it is fitting that we interrogate or take a cursory look at the emotional quotient that the lgbo nation has invested in accomplishing its mission to occupy the number position in Aso Rock Villa.
The emotional feelings that are oftentimes elicited by an lgbo person not becoming president of Nigeria is so potent that when current lmo state governor, Chief Hope Uzodinma of APC via a political abracadabra (controversial court ruling) supplanted, Emeka Ihedioha of the PDP who had earlier been declared winner and sworn into office as lmo state governor; and Uzodinma in trying to take control of the state that was originally largely PDP as governor on APC platform, reportedly called in the military to keep the peace, all was let loose.
That decision to call in the military that was necessitated by the rising spate of violence and break down of law and order in the state, resulted in Uzodinma’s country home being set ablaze with all the appurtenances including a Rolls Royce car burnt down.
Having taken into consideration the above circumstances, as far back as two (2) years ago, l had been writing a series of articles with the aim of averting the minds of lgbo people to the rough road that it has to travel to get into Aso Rock Villa in 2023 and l had pointed out that it was a mission impossible without presidential rotation principle being upheld.
And I had long arrived at the conclusion because it is simply mathematically impossible for an lgbo person to become President of Nigeria without having a prolific political base and aligning with people from the north-west or south-west of Nigeria to make it happen.
Mr Peter Obi, incidentally is from the south-east which is a politically disadvantaged region probably as a consequence of the civil war triggered by the decision of lgbo leadership at that time to secede in 1967-barely six (6) years after Nigeria’s independence and three (3) years after becoming a republic.
Worse still, the south-east can not be said to have a political base, simply because there is no evidence that he is enjoying the sympathy of any of the main or even fringe political parties or incumbent governors-from Anambra, Enugu, lmo ,Ebonyi to Abia states.
Yes, he has the backing of the lgbo social-cultural group Ohaneze Ndigbo, but it is not a political machine, but a mere sociocultural platform. In fact, it is as impotent politically as Afenifere in Yoruba land and Arewa in Hausa/Fulani part of our country. Incidentally, Afenifere in the south-west, touting its forthrightness is in sympathy with lgbo and therefore in support of Obi in his vaulting ambition.
But l wonder how the sociocultural group can harness Yoruba votes for the LP and its presidential candidate.
Do the lgbo have legitimate and justifiable reasons to jostle for the presidency of Nigeria?
The answer is in the affirmative.
That prospect would more than any policy of government enable them get reintegrated into Nigerian nation after the civil war fought, won and lost some fifty two (52) years ago.
But as things currently stand, only an Atiku Abubakar presidency with lgbo man as vice president is the out-of-the-box thinking formula that can make it happen.
It is disappointing that the so called three (3 Rs) Reconstruction, Reconciliation and Reintegration of the lgbo into the Nigerian nation which is a policy introduced by the general Yakubu Gowon regime that prosecuted and won the war (1967-70) has been largely implemented in breach. That is one of the reasons that the polarizing fault lines of division have been widening and amplifying the exclusion of lgbo in the political leadership of our beloved country at the centre due to actions and inactions of the incumbent regime which is exactly why the separatist sentiments of the easterners have persisted.
Having laid the foundation for the establishment of the proposition that Wazirin Atiku Abubakar would be the stepping stone for lgbo presidency, l would like to crave the indulgence of readers to allow me republish a relevant portion of one of the several articles that l wrote and first published nearly two years ago in both traditional and online media platforms titled: ”Nigeria Presidency 2023: Where Are The lgbo Candidates”
Here we go.
“The political inactivity in lgbo land with respect to the presidency of Nigeria in 2023 is quite the opposite of the preparatory activities towards the forthcoming November 6, governorship election which both president Buhari and lNEC chairman, Mahmood Yakubu have vowed must hold on schedule, despite the IPOB threat.
Somehow, the quartet of Andy Uba of APC, Val Ozigbo of PDP, Chukwuma Soludo of APGA, and Ifeannyi Uba of YPP representing the main political parties have been ramping up their campaigns.
Given the scenario above, and if the lgbo are really not politicking for the presidency like their Yoruba and Hausa/Fulani counterparts, (which is evident by the reality on ground) the prospect of lgbo presidency in 2023 that may already be in peril, needs to be given a shot-in-the-arm through a strategic partnership that would provide required political structures and financial muscle .
That is what informed my proposal in the earlier referenced article: “How To Become The President Of Nigeria ln 2023”that the lgbo should align with Atiku Abubakar as PDP presidential candidate in 2023 to achieve the dream of lgbo presidency in 2027.
My proposal is underscored by the belief that it would be unlikely that the former Vice President Atiku Abubakar who has become a veteran in presidential contests since 1992 with enormous practical experience , would seek for re-election in 2027, if elected president in 2023 via an lgbo alliance and PDP support.
Unless other northern contenders like Aminu Tambuwal or Bala Mohammed are willing to serve only one term and hand over to an lgbo Vice President, which is a highly unlikely scenario simply because of their relatively young age compared to the former Vice President who would be 75 years next month, lgbo quest for the presidency of Nigeria may remain a mirage.
In my view, a partnership with Atiku Abubakar as a pathway to Aso Rock Villa remains the most viable trajectory for an lgbo man/woman to become president of Nigeria in 2027 on PDP platform .That is because, Atiku Abubakar is liberal , broad minded, business savvy and has links by marriage to all the three major ethnic groups-Hausa/Fulani, Yoruba and lgbo in Nigeria. It implies that Atiku Abubakar presidency would likely be more inclusive than nepotistic-a trademark of the current government in power that is fueling the current gale of separatist movements.
The point being made here is that under Atiku Abubakar’s watch as president, separatism would be consigned to the dustbin as inclusiveness becomes a major policy plank in government. With inclusiveness becoming a centre point of public policy in Nigeria ,secessionist tendencies would die a natural death in the manner that Niger delta militancy ceased after the late president Umaru Yar’dua took strategic steps to stabilize the volatile region via his offer of Amnesty to former militants after meeting some of their demands.
The existential reality in Nigeria’s current political equation that is not balanced , no thanks to Fredrick Lugard.
That truth is that the lgbos need help to actualize their quest for the presidency of Nigeria. As Atilla the Hun advised “choose your enemies wisely and your friends carefully.”
It should be obvious to the average lgbo that they can not ascend the throne in Aso Rock Villa seat of power by themself as they lack the numerical strength and political tentacles . And they must accept that their mastery of business can not overnight be translated into the political savviness that is required for someone of lgbo extraction to become the number one(1 )citizen presiding over our country in Aso Rock Villa from 2023.
So an alliance with the former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar whose political fortune has been built since the time that he first contested against the late MKO Abiola in Social Democratic Party, SDP primaries held in 1992, remains the most viable political catapult that can propel the lgbo nation into Aso Rock Villa, after Alex Ekwueme’s partnership with Shehu Shagari for the presidency of Nigeria (1979-1983).
It is disappointing that Ekwueme’s vice presidency is the last time the lgbo enjoyed worthy political significance in a country that they have indisputable ancestry.
Frankly , without adopting or resorting to the application of the type of cold calculations that l am advocating, the lgbo’s demand for someone from their ethnic stock as number one occupant in Aso Rock Villa would very likely remain a mirage and mission impossible as it would continue to be elusive beyond 2023 and even 2027.
As a follow up article to “How To Become President Of Nigeria”, l wrote another piece titled : “A Citizen’s Guide on How To Become President of Nigeria” also published on the back page of Thisday newspaper on October 22,2021 and other mainstream newspapers, including Daily lndependence, Vanguard as well as online platforms. And the following points were brought to the attention of readers:
“Although presidential power play is largely about popularity, it also significantly utilizes conspiracies and alliances as the oxygen and blood for positioning popular candidates for victory in presidential polls.”
In light of the above reality, which ethnic nationality or nationalities in the Nigerian Union is the lgbo building alliance or conspiring with, overtly or covertly ? None”
So by and large what Chukwuma Soludo was literally clobbered on the head for saying, what had already been identified long ago in my articles before he articulated them more forcefully like a professor that he truly is. And before anybody levels a hasty and mischievous allegation of being anti lgbo against me, l implore readers to obtain and read my latest book : Becoming President of Nigeria. A Citizen’s Guide (May,2022)
A quarter of which is four (4) of the twelve (12) chapters tome is dedicated to making a case for lgbo presidency in 2023.
But after painstakingly identifying and interrogating the odds stacked against the lgbo nation in the present political structure of our country, l came to the conclusion that the most feasible pathway for the lgbo to ascend to the apogee of power in Aso Rock Villa soon is to quickly get on the PDP train and piggy-tail Wazirin Atiku Abubakar by ‘donating’ to him their votes in exchange for an lgbo person as vice Presidential candidate that would take over from him in four(4) years time,2027 when he completes his first tenure.
The lgbo leadership did not heed my nearly two years old advise and my brother, current delta state governor, Dr lfeanyi Okowa who saw the opportunity and could not resist it by letting it slip off, seized the moment.
And he has identified himself as an lgbo man and no one can deny him that identify.
As it is often with contestation for political power, Okowa did not wait to be given power, he seized it.
So the rest is now history.
Incidentally, before l made a case for the lgbo to make a beeline to the presidency via partnership with former vice president Atiku Abubakar, l never discussed it with him even though l have had the honor and privilege of knowing the Wazirin Adamawa over a long period of about two decades courtesy of my long association with my former boss and brother, ex governor of delta state (1999-2007) Chief James lbori who facilitated my sojourn into politics since 2003 as a commissioner in his cabinet.
It did not surprise me that my proposition for my lgbo brothers/sisters to hinge their mission to Aso Aso Rock Villa on Wazirin Atiku Abubakar’s presidency in 2023 was tagged by my friends and foes alike as ‘Magnus formula’ and of which l received more than a fair share of knocks by the same media mobs that tried to maul Professor Soludo for telling the lgbo nation the home truth.
About two (2) years after the idea was first mooted, I am delighted that the PDP presidential candidate, Wazirin Atiku’ Abubakar has finally validated my proposition made to the lgbos ‘several moons ago’ (as a typical lgbo person would put it) by personally making the pledge to them during his campaign stomp in Awka, Anambra state capital on 15 December,2023 that his presidency would be a stepping stone for lgbo presidency of Nigeria.
Again, leaning on or drawing from the legendary lgbo wittiness, ‘ndigbo now have the yam and the knife‘ and they can not pretend not to know what to do with the yam and knife.
And in case they have forgotten, Atiku Abubakar is providing the palm oil with which they can eat the yam after cutting for themselves a generous portion of it with the knife.
One thing that the lgbo must keep in the most critical part of their mind is that who they cast their votes for on 25 February next year can make or mar their chances of realizing their life long ambition to call the the shots in Aso Rock Villa.
And Wazirin Atiku Abubakar offers the best pathway.
Magnus Onyibe, an entrepreneur, public policy analyst, author, development strategist, alumnus of Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, Massachusetts, USA and a former commissioner in Delta state government, sent this piece from lagos. To continue with this conversation, pls visit www.magnum.ng
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Opinion
Reimagining the African Leadership Paradigm: A Comprehensive Blueprint
Published
3 days agoon
January 10, 2026By
Eric
By Tolulope A. Adegoke, PhD
“To lead Africa forward is to move from transactional authority to transformational stewardship—where institutions outlive individuals, data informs vision, and service is the only valid currency of governance” – Tolulope A. Adegoke, PhD
The narrative of African leadership in the 21st century stands at a critical intersection of profound potential and persistent paradox. The continent, pulsating with the world’s youngest demographic and endowed with immense natural wealth, nonetheless contends with systemic challenges that stifle its ascent. This divergence between capacity and outcome signals not merely a failure of policy, but a deeper crisis of leadership philosophy and practice. As the global order undergoes seismic shifts, the imperative for African nations to fundamentally re-strategize their approach to governance has transitioned from an intellectual exercise to an existential necessity. Nigeria, by virtue of its demographic heft, economic scale, and cultural influence, serves as the continent’s most significant crucible for this transformation. The journey of Nigerian leadership from its current state to its potential apex offers a blueprint not only for its own 200 million citizens but for an entire continent in search of a new compass.
Deconstructing the Legacy Model: A Diagnosis of Systemic Failure
To construct a resilient future, we must first undertake an unflinching diagnosis of the present. The prevailing leadership archetype across much of Africa, with clear manifestations in Nigeria’s political economy, is built upon a foundation that has proven tragically unfit for purpose. This model is characterized by several interlocking dysfunctions:
· The Primacy of Transactional Politics Over Transformational Vision: Governance has too often been reduced to a complex system of transactions—votes exchanged for short-term patronage, positions awarded for loyalty over competence, and resource allocation serving political expediency rather than national strategy. This erodes public trust and makes long-term, cohesive planning impossible.
· The Tyranny of the Short-Term Electoral Cycle: Leadership decisions are frequently held hostage to the next election, sacrificing strategic investments in education, infrastructure, and industrialization on the altar of immediate, visible—yet fleeting—gains. This creates a perpetual cycle of reactive governance, preventing the execution of decade-spanning national projects.
· Administrative Silos and Bureaucratic Inertia: Government ministries and agencies often operate as isolated fiefdoms, with limited inter-departmental collaboration. This siloed approach fragments policy implementation, leads to contradictory initiatives, and renders the state apparatus inefficient and unresponsive to complex, cross-sectoral challenges like climate change, public health, and national security.
· The Demographic Disconnect: Africa’s most potent asset is its youth. Yet, a vast governance gap separates a dynamic, digitally-native, and globally-aware generation from political structures that remain opaque, paternalistic, and slow to adapt. This disconnect fuels alienation, brain drain, and social unrest.
· The Weakness of Institutions and the Cult of Personality: When the strength of a state is vested in individuals rather than institutions, it creates systemic vulnerability. Independent judiciaries, professional civil services, and credible electoral commissions are weakened, leading to arbitrariness in the application of law, erosion of meritocracy, and a deep-seated crisis of public confidence.
The tangible outcomes of this flawed model are the headlines that define the continent’s challenges: infrastructure deficits that strangle commerce, public education and healthcare systems in states of distress, jobless economic growth, multifaceted security threats, and the chronic hemorrhage of human capital. To re-strategize leadership is to directly address these outputs by redesigning the very system that produces them.
Pillars of a Reformed Leadership Architecture: A Holistic Framework
The new leadership paradigm must be constructed not as a minor adjustment, but as a holistic architectural endeavor. It requires foundational pillars that are interdependent, mutually reinforcing, and built to endure beyond political transitions.
1. The Philosophical Core: Embracing Servant-Leadership and Ethical Stewardship
The most profound change must be internal—a recalibration of the leader’s fundamental purpose. The concept of the leader as a benevolent “strongman” must give way to the model of the servant-leader. This philosophy, rooted in both timeless African communal values (ubuntu) and modern ethical governance, posits that the true leader exists to serve the people, not vice versa. It is characterized by deep empathy, radical accountability, active listening, and a commitment to empowering others. Success is measured not by the leader’s personal accumulation of power or wealth, but by the tangible flourishing, security, and expanded opportunities of the citizenry. This ethos fosters trust, the essential currency of effective governance.
2. Strategic Foresight and Evidence-Based Governance
Leadership must be an exercise in building the future, not just administering the present. This requires the collaborative development of a clear, compelling, and inclusive national vision—a strategic narrative that aligns the energies of government, private sector, and civil society. For Nigeria, frameworks like Nigeria’s Agenda 2050 and the National Development Plan must be de-politicized and treated as binding national covenants. Furthermore, in the age of big data, governance must transition from intuition-driven to evidence-based. This necessitates significant investment in data collection, analytics, and policy-informing research. Whether designing social safety nets, deploying security resources, or planning agricultural subsidies, decisions must be illuminated by rigorous data, ensuring efficiency, transparency, and measurable impact.
3. Institutional Fortification: Building the Enduring Pillars of State
A nation’s longevity and stability are directly proportional to the strength and independence of its institutions. Re-strategizing leadership demands an unwavering commitment to institutional architecture:
· An Impervious Judiciary: The rule of law must be absolute, with a judicial system insulated from political and financial influence, guaranteeing justice for the powerful and the marginalized alike.
· Electoral Integrity as Sacred Trust: Democratic legitimacy springs from credible elections. Investing in independent electoral commissions, transparent technology, and robust legal frameworks is non-negotiable for political stability.
· A Re-professionalized Civil Service: The bureaucracy must be transformed into a merit-driven, technologically adept, and well-remunerated engine of state, shielded from the spoils system and empowered to implement policy effectively.
· Robust, Transparent Accountability Ecosystems: Anti-corruption agencies require genuine operational independence, adequate funding, and protection. Complementing this, transparent public procurement platforms and mandatory asset declarations for public officials must become normalized practice.
4. Collaborative and Distributed Leadership: The Power of the Collective
The monolithic state cannot solve wicked problems alone. The modern leader must be a convener-in-chief, architecting platforms for sustained collaboration. This involves actively fostering a triple-helix partnership:
· The Public Sector sets the vision, regulates, and provides enabling infrastructure.
· The Private Sector drives investment, innovation, scale, and job creation.
· Academia and Civil Society contribute research, grassroots intelligence, independent oversight, and specialized implementation capacity.
This model distributes responsibility, leverages diverse expertise, and fosters innovative solutions—from public-private partnerships in infrastructure to tech-driven civic engagement platforms.
5. Human Capital Supremacy: The Ultimate Strategic Investment
A nation’s most valuable asset walks on two feet. Re-strategized leadership places a supreme, non-negotiable priority on developing human potential. For Nigeria and Africa, this demands a generational project:
· Revolutionizing Education: Curricula must be overhauled to foster critical thinking, digital literacy, STEM proficiency, and entrepreneurial mindset—skills for the Fourth Industrial Revolution. Investment in teacher training and educational infrastructure is paramount.
· Building a Preventive, Resilient Health System: Focus must shift from curative care in central hospitals to robust, accessible primary healthcare. A healthy population is a productive population, forming the basis of economic resilience.
· Creating an Enabling Environment for Talent: Beyond education and health, leadership must provide the ecosystem where talent can thrive: reliable electricity, ubiquitous broadband, access to venture capital, and a regulatory environment that encourages innovation and protects intellectual property. The goal is to make the domestic environment more attractive than the diaspora for the continent’s best minds.
6. Assertive, Strategic Engagement in Global Affairs
African leadership must shed any vestiges of a supplicant mentality and adopt a posture of strategic agency. This means actively shaping continental and global agendas:
· Leveraging the AfCFTA: Moving beyond signing agreements to actively dismantling non-tariff barriers, harmonizing standards, and investing in cross-border infrastructure to turn the agreement into a real engine of intra-African trade and industrialization.
· Diplomacy for Value Creation: Foreign policy should be strategically deployed to attract sustainable foreign direct investment, secure technology transfer agreements, and build partnerships based on mutual benefit, not aid dependency.
· Advocacy for Structural Reform: African leaders must collectively and persistently advocate for reforms in global financial institutions and multilateral forums to ensure a more equitable international system.
The Nigerian Imperative: From National Challenges to a National Charter
Applying this framework to Nigeria requires translating universal principles into specific, context-driven actions:
· Integrated Security as a Foundational Priority: Security strategy must be comprehensive, blending advanced intelligence capabilities, professionalized security forces, with parallel investments in community policing, youth employment programs in high-risk areas, and accelerated development to address the root causes of instability.
· A Determined Pursuit of Economic Complexity: Leadership must orchestrate a decisive shift from rent-seeking in the oil sector to value creation across diversified sectors: commercialized agriculture, light and advanced manufacturing, a thriving creative industry, and a dominant digital services sector.
· Constitutional and Governance Re-engineering: To harness its diversity, Nigeria requires a sincere national conversation on restructuring. This likely entails moving towards a more authentic federalism with greater fiscal autonomy for states, devolution of powers, and mechanisms that ensure equitable resource distribution and inclusive political representation.
· Pioneering a Just Energy Transition: Nigeria must craft a unique energy pathway—strategically utilizing its gas resources for domestic industrialization and power generation, while simultaneously positioning itself as a regional hub for renewable energy technology, investment, and innovation.
Conclusion: A Collective Endeavor of Audacious Hope
Re-strategizing leadership in Africa and in Nigeria is not an event, but a generational process. It is not the abandonment of culture but its evolution—melding the deep African traditions of community, consensus, and elder wisdom with the modern imperatives of transparency, innovation, and individual rights. This task extends far beyond the political class. It is a summons to a new generation of leaders in every sphere: the tech entrepreneur in Yaba, the reform-minded civil servant in Abuja, the agri-preneur in Kebbi, the investigative journalist in Lagos, and the community activist in the Niger Delta.
Ultimately, this is an endeavor of audacious hope. It is the conscious choice to build systems stronger than individuals, institutions more enduring than terms of office, and a national identity richer than our ethnic sum. Nigeria possesses all the requisite raw materials for greatness: human brilliance, cultural richness, and natural bounty. The final, indispensable ingredient is a leadership strategy worthy of its people. The blueprint is now detailed; the call to action is urgent. The future awaits not our complaints, but our constructive and courageous labor. Let the work begin in earnest.
Dr. Tolulope A. Adegoke is a globally recognized scholar-practitioner and thought leader at the nexus of security, governance, and strategic leadership. His work addresses complex institutional challenges, with a specialized focus on West African security dynamics, conflict resolution, and sustainable development.
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Opinion
Rivers State: Two Monkeys Burn the Village to Prove They Are Loyal to Jagaban
Published
6 days agoon
January 7, 2026By
Eric
By Sly Edaghese
Teaser
Rivers State is not collapsing by accident. It is being offered as a sacrifice. Two men, driven by fear of irrelevance and hunger for protection, have chosen spectacle over stewardship—setting fire to a whole people’s future just to prove who kneels better before power.
There comes a point when a political tragedy degenerates into farce, and the farce mutates into a curse. Rivers State has crossed that point. What is unfolding there is not governance, not even conflict—it is ritual madness, a grotesque contest in which two men are willing to burn an entire state just to be noticed by one man sitting far away in Abuja.
This is not ambition.
This is desperation wearing designer jacket.
At the center of this inferno stand two performers who have mistaken power for immortality and loyalty for slavery. One is a former god. The other is a former servant. Both are now reduced to naked dancers in a marketplace, grinding their teeth and tearing flesh to entertain Jagaban.
The first is Nyesom Wike—once feared, once untouchable, now frantic. A man whose political identity has collapsed into noise, threats, and recycled bravado. His ministerial appointment was never a validation of statesmanship; it was a severance package for betrayal. Tinubu did not elevate Wike because he admired him—he tolerated him because he was useful. And usefulness, in politics, is key, but it has an expiry date.
Wike governed Rivers State not as a public trust but as a private estate. He did not build institutions; he built dependencies. He did not groom leaders; he bred loyalists. Before leaving office, he salted the land with his men—lawmakers, commissioners, council chairmen—so that even in absence, Rivers State would still answer to his shadow. His obsession was simple and sick: if I cannot rule it, no one else must.
Enter Siminalayi Fubara—a man selected, not tested; installed, not trusted by the people but trusted by his maker. Fubara was meant to be an invisible power in a visible office—a breathing signature, a ceremonial governor whose only real duty was obedience.
But power has a way of awakening even the most timid occupant.
Fubara wanted to act like a governor. That single desire triggered a full-scale political assassination attempt—not with bullets, but with institutions twisted into weapons. A state of emergency was declared with obscene haste. The governor was suspended like a naughty schoolboy. His budget was butchered. His local government elections were annulled and replaced with a pre-arranged outcome favorable to his tormentor. Lawmakers who defected and lost their seats by constitutional law were resurrected like political zombies and crowned legitimate.
This was not law.
This was organized humiliation.
And when degradation alone failed, Wike went further—dragging Fubara into a room to sign an agreement that belonged more to a slave plantation than a democratic republic.
One clause alone exposed the rot:
👉 Fubara must never seek a second term.
In plain language: you may warm the chair, but you will never own it.
Then came the most revealing act of all—Wike leaked the agreement himself. A man so intoxicated by dominance that he thought publicizing oppression would strengthen his grip.
That leak was not strategy; it was confession. It told Nigerians that this was never about peace, order, or party discipline—it was about absolute control over another human being.
But history has a cruel sense of humor.
While Wike strutted like a victorious warlord and his loyal lawmakers sharpened new knives, Fubara did something dangerous: he adapted. He studied power where it truly resides. He learned Tinubu’s language—the language of survival, alignment, and betrayal without apology. Then he did what Nigerian politics rewards most:
He crossed over.
Not quietly. Not shamefully. But theatrically. He defected to the APC, raised a party card numbered 001 and crowned himself leader of the party in Rivers State. He pledged to deliver the same Rivers people to Tinubu just as Wike also has pledged.
That moment was not boldness.
It was cold-blooded realism.
And in one stroke, Wike’s myth collapsed.
The once-feared enforcer became a shouting relic—touring local governments like a prophet nobody believes anymore, issuing warnings that land on deaf ears, reminding Nigerians of favors that no longer matter. He threatened APC officials, cursed betrayal, and swore eternal vengeance. But vengeance without access is just noise.
Today, the humiliation is complete.
Fubara enters rooms Wike waits outside.
Presidential aides shake hands with the new alignment.
The old king rants in press conferences, sounding increasingly like a man arguing with a locked door.
And yet, the darkest truth remains: neither of these men cares about Rivers State.
One is fighting to remain relevant.
The other is fighting to remain protected.
The people—the markets, the schools, the roads, the civil servants—are expendable extras in a drama scripted far above their heads.
Some say Tinubu designed this blood sport—unable to discard Wike outright, he simply unleashed his creation against him. Whether genius or negligence, the effect is the same: Rivers State is being eaten alive by ambition.
This is what happens when politics loses shame.
This is what happens when loyalty replaces competence.
This is what happens when leaders treat states like bargaining chips and citizens like ashes.
Two monkeys are burning the village—not to save it, not to rule it—but to prove who can scream loudest while it burns.
And Jagaban watches, hands folded.
But when the fire dies down, when the music stops, when the applause fades, there will be nothing left to govern—only ruins, regret, and two exhausted dancers staring at the ashes, finally realizing that power does not clap forever.
Sly Edaghese sent in this piece from Wisconsin, USA.
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By Pelumi Olajengbesi Esq.
Every student of politics should now be interested in what will be the end of Wike. Wike is one of those names that mean different things to different people within Nigeria’s political culture. To his admirers, he is courage and capacity, to his critics, he is disruption and excess, and to neutral observers like me, he is simply a fascinating case study in the mechanics of power.
In many ways, he was instrumental to the emergence of President Tinubu, and he has long sat like a lord over the politics of Rivers, having pushed aside nearly every person who once mattered in that space. He waged war against his party, the PDP, and drove it to the edge. Wike waged war against his successor and reduced him to submission. He fights anyone who stands in his way.
He is powerful, loved by many, and deeply irritating to many others. Yet for all his strength, one suspects that Wike does not enjoy peace of mind, because before he is done with one fight, another fight is already forming. From Rivers to Ibadan, Abuja to Imo, and across the country, he is the only right man in his own way. He is constantly in motion, constantly in battle, and constantly singing “agreement is agreement,” while forgetting that politics is merely negotiation and renegotiation.
To his credit, Wike may often be the smartest political planner in every room. He reads everybody’s next move and still creates a countermove. In that self image, Governor Fubara was meant to remain on a leash, manageable through pressure, inducement, and the suggestion that any disobedience would be framed as betrayal of the President and the new federal order.
But politics has a way of punishing anyone who believes control is permanent. The moment Fubara joined the APC, the battlefield shifted, and old tricks began to lose their edge. Whether by real alignment, perceived alignment, or even the mere possibility of a different alignment, once Fubara was no longer boxed into the corner Wike designed for him, Wike’s entire method required review. The fight may remain, but the terrain has changed. When terrain changes, power must either adapt or harden into miscalculation.
It is within this context that the gradually brewing crisis deserves careful attention, because what is emerging is not merely another loud exchange, but a visible clash with vital stakeholders within the Tinubu government and the wider ruling party environment. There is now a fixed showdown with the APC National Secretary, a man who is himself not allergic to confrontation, and who understands that a fight, if properly timed, can yield political advantage, institutional relevance, and bargaining power. When such a figure publicly demands that Nyesom Wike should resign as a minister in Tinubu’s cabinet, it is not a joke, It is about who is permitted to exercise influence, in what space, and on what terms. It is also about the anxiety that follows every coalition built on convenience rather than shared identity, because convenience has no constitution and gratitude is not a structure.
Wike embodies that anxiety in its most dramatic form. He is a man inside government, but not fully inside the party that controls government. He is a man whose usefulness to a winning project is undeniable, yet whose political style constantly reminds the winners that he is not naturally theirs. In every ruling party, there is a crucial difference between allies and stakeholders. Allies help you win, and stakeholders own the structure that decides who gets what after victory. Wike’s problem is that he has operated like both. His support for Tinubu, and his capacity to complicate the opposition’s arithmetic, gave him relevance at the centre. That relevance always tempts a man to behave like a co-owner.
Wike has built his political life on the logic of territorial command. He defines the space, polices the gate, punishes disloyalty, rewards submission, and keeps opponents permanently uncertain. That method is brutally effective when a man truly owns and controls the structure, because it produces fear, and fear produces compliance. This is why Wike insists on controlling the Rivers equation, even when that insistence conflicts with the preferences of the national centre.
The APC leadership is not reacting only to words. It is reacting to what the words represent. When a minister speaks as though a state chapter of the ruling party should be treated like a guest in that state’s politics, the party reads it as an attempt to subordinate its internal structure to an external will. Even where the party has tolerated Wike because of what he helped deliver, it cannot tolerate a situation where its own officials begin to look over their shoulders for permission from a man who is not formally one of them. Once a party believes its chain of command is being bypassed, it will choose institutional survival over interpersonal loyalty every time.
Wike’s predicament is the classic risk of power without full institutional belonging. Informal influence can be louder than formal power, but it is also more fragile because it depends on continuous tolerance from those who control formal instruments. These instruments include party hierarchy, candidate selection, and the legitimacy that comes with membership.
An outsider ally can be celebrated while he is useful, but the coalition that celebrates him can begin to step away the moment his methods create more cost than value. The cost is not only electoral, it can also be organisational. A ruling party approaching the next political cycle becomes sensitive to discipline, structure, and coherence. If the leadership suspects that one person’s shadow is creating factions, confusing loyalties, or humiliating party officials, it will attempt to cut that shadow down. It may not do so because it hates the person, but because it fears the disorder and the precedent.
So the question returns with greater urgency, what will be the end of Wike? If it comes, it may not come with fireworks. Strongmen often do not fall through one decisive attack. They are slowly redesigned out of relevance. The end can look like isolation, with quiet withdrawal of access, gradual loss of influence over appointments, and the emergence of new centres of power within the same territory he once treated as private estate. It can look like neutralisation, with Wike remaining in office, but watching the political value of the office drain because the presidency and the party no longer need his battles. It can look like forced realignment, with him compelled to fully submit to the ruling party structure, sacrificing the freedom of being an independent ally, or losing the cover that federal power provides.
Yet it is also possible that his story does not end in collapse, because Wike is not a novice. The same instinct that made him influential can also help him survive if he adapts. But adaptation would require a difficult shift. It would require a move from territorial warfare to coalition management. It would require a move from ruling by fear to ruling by accommodation. It would require a move from being merely feared to being structurally useful without becoming structurally threatening. Wike may be running out of time.
Pelumi Olajengbesi is a Legal Practitioner and Senior Partner at Law Corridor
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