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Etymology Of Atiku Abubakar As Stepping Stone For Igbo Presidency

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By Magnus Onyibe

As it may be recalled ,a great deal of verbal missiles were hauled at Anambra state governor and former Central Bank of Nigeria, CBN governor, Professor Chukwuma Charles Soludo when he contended in a recently published article titled: ”History Beckons And I shall Not Be Silent (Part1)”, that nobody from the lgbo nation has a chance of becoming president of Nigeria in 2023.

“Let’s be clear: Peter Obi knows that he can’t and won’t win. He knows the game he is playing, and we know too; and he knows that we know. The game he is playing is the main reason he didn’t return to APGA. The brutal truth (and some will say, God forbid) is that there are two persons/parties seriously contesting for president: the rest is exciting drama!“
The masterpiece by Soludo was a realistic and pragmatic analysis of what l would like to characterize as the ‘lgbo dilemma’.

Whereas the frank advise should have woken up the lgbo from what can be likened to a fantastic wonderland dream of presiding over the affairs of our country from Aso Rock Villa in 2023,instead it got a good number of them so incensed that the level of bile directed in rebuke at Soludo was as if he committed some kind of heresy or apostasy.
In order for readers to better understand the anger of the lgbos against Soludo or any other lgbo man or woman who does not subscribe to lgbo presidency of Nigeria in 2023,it is important that we put into context the propelling force for their quest to occupy Aso Rock Villa when the incumbent president Mohammadu Buhari exits next year.
The truth is that the anger of the lgbo that culminated into the vitriolic attacks on Soludo stems from the over half of a millennium years old determination of the tribe to regain their lost pride and glory because they were at the commanding heights of the political, economic and social architecture of Nigeria, pre January 1966 coup by the military that resulted in the death of the first republic (1963-66) and the crash of the lgbo from power in practically all the spheres of life in our country.

Not satisfied with their loss of power, particularly of the political hue in the Nigerian nation, the lgbo sought self determination by engaging the Nigerian state in a civil war from 1967 to 1970 when the country failed to allow her secede.

But at the end of the war rather than achieve their objective of returning to the pre-eminent position that they had occupied pre independence or before the British colonialist exited by granting Nigeria independence from colonial rule in 1960,the region got worse off.

That is simply because a significant number of lives of lgbo people got dispatched prematurely to the meet their ancestors, just as the infrastructure in the eastern region got wantonly destroyed in the course of the horrific war and the situation has not changed much till date.

In addition, the lgbo who lost the war have thereafter become systematically relegated to the bottom or even gotten excluded from the main stream of the political system in Nigeria.
And that is evidenced by the reality that currently, the leadership power equation in the only country that the lgbo can call their own seem to have been skewed against them as none of them is the head of the executive, legislative or judicial arms of government which is largely responsible for the enduring secessionist tendencies currently bedeviling the region in particular, and the whole country at large.

Arising from the above, and being a realist, l would argue that Soludo’s pragmatic assessment of the chances of an lgbo man/woman becoming president of Nigeria in 2023 as he marshaled in his published treatise: “History Beckons And I Shall Not Be Silent (part 1) was on point.

But lgbo appear not to be ready to accept the inconvenient truth, hence Soludo’s advise was discountenanced and he was disparaged and excoriated.

Before the Anambra governor’s matter-of-fact advise that elicited the ire of some lgbo that generated the firestorm that almost literally consumed him, another prominent lgbo politician, Senator Orji Uzor Kalu, the current Chief Whip of Nigerian Senate and ex governor of Abia state had also admonished members of his tribe not to seek to become president of Nigeria in 2023.

Below are his reasons:

“I have no problem with an Ibo man becoming president, but we have to do it with other Nigerians.

“If you don’t do it with other Nigerians, it’s not going to work, no matter how popular you are. This is the president of Nigeria, not the president of Igbo land.”

He was quoted as basically stating that the lgbo must wait for another time when Nigerians would agree to zone the presidency to the east.

It is unsurprising that Kalu’s renunciation of lgbo presidency in 2023 did not trigger as much storm as Soludo’s admonishment which l would like to equate politically with an event recorded in the holy Bible ‘Sermon on the Mount’ which is a narrative of the teachings by our lord Jesus Christ during which he laid out the blue print of his doctrine to be followed by his disciples after he must have transformed from the physical into the spiritual realms.

As the Muslim religion has Abrahamic origins (Abraham is the source of Christianity, lslam and Judaism) which is why lslam recognizes Jesus Christ as lsah – a prophet of God and not son of God which is the belief of we Christians, I won’t be surprised if our Muslim brothers and sisters can identify an equivalent of such narrative in the holy Quran.
According to John R.W. Stott, “The Sermon on the Mount is probably the best-known part of the teaching of Jesus, though arguably it is the least understood, and certainly it is the least obeyed”.

So, Soludo’s solution which sounded like sermon on the mount obviously struck the wrong chord amongst not only some lgbo elites, but also a critical mass of of the hoi poloi who are perhaps living in a parallel universe and as such unable to process the reality that it is not yet time for the lgbo to call the shots from Aso Rock Villa, and the reason the visionary Soludo was largely misunderstood in the manner that Jesus Christ was also misunderstood and disobeyed. For the avoidance of doubt, l am not equating Soludo with our lord Jesus Christ but sermon on the mount was referenced for analogical purpose only.

Perhaps, if the lgbos take the statistics below into consideration, they would probably have a different reaction to Soludo’s wise counsel.

For instance, the total number of registered voters for the 2023 general elections in Nigeria according to lndependent National Electoral Commission, INEC is 93.5 million.
And the total number of registered voters in the entire lgbo land is a paltry 11.49 million.
That makes the eastern region the zone with the least number of registered voters.
It is followed from the rear by the north central with 14.1 million voters.

When you compare the south-east registered voters numbers which is about half of the 22.67 million registered voters in the north-west region that is the highest,it would be clear that the eastern region is a dwarf or Lilliputian politically compared to the north-west which is a giant ,since it has the largest registered voters cache in our country.
And that makes the north-west the battle ground for all the leading political parties and the south-east a less consequential part of the country for sourcing votes by politicians and therefore on the fringe in the reckoning of political strategists.

Given the scenario described above, those clamoring for lgbo presidency should also take notice of the fact that Wazirin Atiku Abubakar of PDP is from the northern region where the bulk of the voters reside,and it presupposes that he has a home base advantage.

Also by juxtaposing the south east minuscule and insignificant number of registered voters against that of the south-west region which is 18.3 million,the eastern region’s jeopardy would come into greater relief.

More so ,if it dawns on the proponents of lgbo presidency in 2023 that the south-west is also APC torch bearer Bola Tinubu’s enclave and supporters base.
But the Igbos driven by ethnic nationalism are wont to argue that members of the tribe being itinerant people are spread all over Nigeria.

As such their voting power is more than the 11.49 million ascribed to the zone.

But so are members of other major tribes scattered across the country -Yoruba,Hausa/Fulani ,ljaw, kanuri,Tiv, kalabari,Urhobo,ldoma and lbibio,lgbira,lgala,Angas etc.
Perhaps,other ethnic nationalities outside their ancestral birth places are not as many as the lgbos that are challenged by land mass and are also very mercantile,hence they are very dispersed nationwide,but a lot Nigerians of all tribes are often well dispersed across the country too.

Another dilemma that the lgbo nation is contending with in its quest for the presidency of Nigeria is the fact that, of the six (6) geopolitical zones in Nigeria, only the south east where the lgbo is the dominant tribe is comprised of a mere five (5) states.

The zone has the least number of states because all the other five (5) regions have at least six (6) states each, with the north west region even having seven (7) states.
The realities above are the major handicaps that should compel the lgbo to seek collaborations with with either north-west or south-west regions where the critical mass of voters are located,in order for their dream that a member of lgbo ethnic stock would become president of Nigeria would manifest.

But rather than think critically,they have been fantasizing about an lgbo person becoming president of Nigeria in 2023 without taking into consideration the political calculus or equations outlined above.

Can those claiming that political structures would not matter in election 2023 also deny the fact that the number of registered voters in specific regions of the candidates would count, and a consequential presidential candidate must have a solid voter base ?

Yet, most politically naive lgbo have elected to remain in self denial by being sentimental instead of analytical.

Without looking beneath the inherent superficialities, they are counting on votes from the youth demography and those who are discontented with government either due to a prevailing culture of nepotism or insecurity of lives and properties as well as the high level of poverty ravaging the masses under the watch of the current administration to catapult an lgbo man into the presidency.

There is not enough space and time to put in array all the thistles and thorns that have buffeted Nigerians in the nearly eight (8) years of APC maladministration. But suffice it to say that while those ignoble hallmarks of misrule are significant factors that can influence some voters to desire to punish the ruling party at the polls,they are not enough to swing the presidential pendulum to the side of the lgbos because the region lacks the critical mass of voters and failed to secure an alliance with a high voters value like north-west or south-west.

Worse still, since it has been established that most Nigerian registered voters reside in the north-west and south-west, it follows that they seldom know Peter Obi and the LP platform.
More so because Obi and LP were basically unknown quantities nationally, until less than a year ago when the political platform and its candidate became a third force in 2023 presidential race that was hitherto looking like a two horse race.

To gain better insight, apart from Obi not having a political base like Atiku that practically has the entire north glued together by not only his robust political pedigree but religion and language; and Tinubu that controls the south-west leveraging his long time political antecedents, well funded political machines and the monarchical system existent in Yoruba land, readers only need to interrogate the voting pattern of Nigerians as captured in INEC’s historical records to discover that the category of the electorate that exercise their franchise the most are folks in the rural areas.

They are not the necessarily the smattering of youth and city slickers who are clamoring for Obi presidency and a handful of discontented adults seeking a new political order.
The category of Nigerians described above are not whom the lgbo nation should anchor their hope of being the tribe ruling the roost in Aso Rock Villa in 2023.
For crying out loud,most of our mothers, fathers,aunts and uncles in the villages are the ones who often step out to vote in throngs and they hardly know Peter Obi.
And they were likely not captured in the opinion polls,particularly the ANAP/NOI polling of which the pollsters have admitted they conducted by phone which by its nature is prone to manipulation therefore deeply flawed.

It is unfortunate that the pollsters seem to be ignoring those factors outlined earlier, either by omission or commission, hence they have ended up with their wrong calculations and false hope about the notion of lgbo producing the next president being a realizable objective without serious collaboration or alliance with voters from any of the two main zones (north-West and south-west) that are home to significant number of voters.

Had the attempted partnership between the LP and Dr Musa Kwakwanso’s New Nigerian Peoples Party, NNPP come into fruition with Obi as the presidential candidate of the coalition, the probability of an lgbo president in 2023 would have been higher. But without such an arrangement, Obi’s quest for the presidency would most likely be an exercise in futility.

The above reality is the justification for the recent comment by a prominent lgbo billionaire and power broker, Chief Arthur Eze who reportedly stated in the media, last week, the 24th of December that he had made it known to the LP Presidential candidate, Peter Obi that his ambition is inordinate was emphatic that he is not part of Obi’s plan.

“I told him to drop his ambition, and wait for next time. “When he told me about his ambition, l asked him the states he thinks he can win in the west and in the north -he told me, but l was not convinced. l told him he can not win; so that he would not waste his time and money”

Incidentally, in various opinion pieces that l have been writing and publishing in the mass media in the past two years, l had already identified and analyzed all the bogeys or stumbling blocks clogging the path of the lgbo man’s quest for becoming president of Nigeria without being propelled by the presently moribund presidential power rotation or power shift principle. They can all be found in my website magnum.ng.

By obviously ignoring the wise counsel of critical lgbo stake holders like Chukwuma Soludo and Arthur Eze, as referenced earlier, clearly Mr Obi must be relying on opinion polls that have been forecasting that president Buhari would be handing over to him as his successor on 29 May 2023.

Another probable factor which may be at play for the lgbo (with Obi as the arrow head) to be nursing the false hope that they would be producing the next president would be that his strategists are likely working from the answer to the question, instead of the other way round.

Equally significant is the rather surprising revelation that the lgbo are still counting on the presidential power rotation principle which is a gentle man’s agreement hashed out during the unimplemented National Conference held under former military head of state, late general SANNI Abacha’s regime in 1995. It was basically a political power sharing formula that is still being relied upon by the lgbo to justify its claim that it is the turn of some of their ethnic stock to rule Nigeria.

That principle which is not enshrined in Nigeria’s statutes book has been jettisoned or at best suspended by both the ruling All Progressives Party, APC and main opposition peoples Democratic party, PDP, yet the lgbo appear to have remained fixated on it and seem not ready to purge themselves of the mind set.

Given the present dynamics of politics in Nigeria, only the APC or PDP are the political platforms that can produce the president of Nigeria.

And the lgbo is unfortunate that the two parties have no member of the stock as their presidential flag bearer.

So the chance of an lgbo man taking charge in Aso Rock Villa from 29 May 2023 is practically zero.

The conclusion above does not imply that l have not taken cognizance of the recent emergence of Labor Party, LP as a third (3rd) force in Nigeria’s political space with Mr Peter Obi, former Anambra state governor on the platform of APGA 2007-2014 who was also in 2019 the running mate to Wazirin Atiku Abubakar as presidential flag bearer on the platform of PDP which contested against incumbent president, Mohammadu Buhari of APC.

But, since it is an inconvenient truth for the typical lgbo man that has been seeking to return to the top of the pecking order of leadership of Nigeria resulting in a destructive three (3) years civil war that is believed to have claimed the lives of an estimated three (3) million Nigerians with the lgbos as the main victims, Soludo’s kinsmen who are apparently blind sided by their legitimate, but unrealizable ambition, have chosen to deem the realistic prognosis as an art of betrayal of his people for which he was ‘roasted ‘by lgbo intelligentsia, especially the social media denizens, also known as Obidients and architects of the famous #Endsars protests that had the potentials of revolutionizing Nigeria in 2020.

Fortuitously, Wazirin Atiku Abubakar has emerged on the scene like a knight in a shining amour to offer the lgbo the rescue that they have been craving by giving them the opportunity via his current quest for the presidency for one of them to be his running mate as vice president.

By so doing he is according the lgbos the honor and privilege of being the stepping stone for lgbo nation into Aso Rock Villa: “I am going to be a stepping stone to an Igbo president in this country. I have shown it in my action, because this is the third time I am running with an Igbo man. If you really want to produce a president, then, vote Atiku-Okowa ticket.”

Having established the etymology (in plain language the origin) of the words stepping stone deployed by Wazirin Atiku Abubakar in his lofty proposition to Ndigbo,it is fitting that we interrogate or take a cursory look at the emotional quotient that the lgbo nation has invested in accomplishing its mission to occupy the number position in Aso Rock Villa.

The emotional feelings that are oftentimes elicited by an lgbo person not becoming president of Nigeria is so potent that when current lmo state governor, Chief Hope Uzodinma of APC via a political abracadabra (controversial court ruling) supplanted, Emeka Ihedioha of the PDP who had earlier been declared winner and sworn into office as lmo state governor; and Uzodinma in trying to take control of the state that was originally largely PDP as governor on APC platform, reportedly called in the military to keep the peace, all was let loose.

That decision to call in the military that was necessitated by the rising spate of violence and break down of law and order in the state, resulted in Uzodinma’s country home being set ablaze with all the appurtenances including a Rolls Royce car burnt down.

Having taken into consideration the above circumstances, as far back as two (2) years ago, l had been writing a series of articles with the aim of averting the minds of lgbo people to the rough road that it has to travel to get into Aso Rock Villa in 2023 and l had pointed out that it was a mission impossible without presidential rotation principle being upheld.

And I had long arrived at the conclusion because it is simply mathematically impossible for an lgbo person to become President of Nigeria without having a prolific political base and aligning with people from the north-west or south-west of Nigeria to make it happen.

Mr Peter Obi, incidentally is from the south-east which is a politically disadvantaged region probably as a consequence of the civil war triggered by the decision of lgbo leadership at that time to secede in 1967-barely six (6) years after Nigeria’s independence and three (3) years after becoming a republic.

Worse still, the south-east can not be said to have a political base, simply because there is no evidence that he is enjoying the sympathy of any of the main or even fringe political parties or incumbent governors-from Anambra, Enugu, lmo ,Ebonyi to Abia states.

Yes, he has the backing of the lgbo social-cultural group Ohaneze Ndigbo, but it is not a political machine, but a mere sociocultural platform. In fact, it is as impotent politically as Afenifere in Yoruba land and Arewa in Hausa/Fulani part of our country. Incidentally, Afenifere in the south-west, touting its forthrightness is in sympathy with lgbo and therefore in support of Obi in his vaulting ambition.

But l wonder how the sociocultural group can harness Yoruba votes for the LP and its presidential candidate.

Do the lgbo have legitimate and justifiable reasons to jostle for the presidency of Nigeria?

The answer is in the affirmative.

That prospect would more than any policy of government enable them get reintegrated into Nigerian nation after the civil war fought, won and lost some fifty two (52) years ago.
But as things currently stand, only an Atiku Abubakar presidency with lgbo man as vice president is the out-of-the-box thinking formula that can make it happen.

It is disappointing that the so called three (3 Rs) Reconstruction, Reconciliation and Reintegration of the lgbo into the Nigerian nation which is a policy introduced by the general Yakubu Gowon regime that prosecuted and won the war (1967-70) has been largely implemented in breach. That is one of the reasons that the polarizing fault lines of division have been widening and amplifying the exclusion of lgbo in the political leadership of our beloved country at the centre due to actions and inactions of the incumbent regime which is exactly why the separatist sentiments of the easterners have persisted.

Having laid the foundation for the establishment of the proposition that Wazirin Atiku Abubakar would be the stepping stone for lgbo presidency, l would like to crave the indulgence of readers to allow me republish a relevant portion of one of the several articles that l wrote and first published nearly two years ago in both traditional and online media platforms titled: ”Nigeria Presidency 2023: Where Are The lgbo Candidates”

Here we go.

“The political inactivity in lgbo land with respect to the presidency of Nigeria in 2023 is quite the opposite of the preparatory activities towards the forthcoming November 6, governorship election which both president Buhari and lNEC chairman, Mahmood Yakubu have vowed must hold on schedule, despite the IPOB threat.

Somehow, the quartet of Andy Uba of APC, Val Ozigbo of PDP, Chukwuma Soludo of APGA, and Ifeannyi Uba of YPP representing the main political parties have been ramping up their campaigns.

Given the scenario above, and if the lgbo are really not politicking for the presidency like their Yoruba and Hausa/Fulani counterparts, (which is evident by the reality on ground) the prospect of lgbo presidency in 2023 that may already be in peril, needs to be given a shot-in-the-arm through a strategic partnership that would provide required political structures and financial muscle .

That is what informed my proposal in the earlier referenced article: “How To Become The President Of Nigeria ln 2023”that the lgbo should align with Atiku Abubakar as PDP presidential candidate in 2023 to achieve the dream of lgbo presidency in 2027.

My proposal is underscored by the belief that it would be unlikely that the former Vice President Atiku Abubakar who has become a veteran in presidential contests since 1992 with enormous practical experience , would seek for re-election in 2027, if elected president in 2023 via an lgbo alliance and PDP support.

Unless other northern contenders like Aminu Tambuwal or Bala Mohammed are willing to serve only one term and hand over to an lgbo Vice President, which is a highly unlikely scenario simply because of their relatively young age compared to the former Vice President who would be 75 years next month, lgbo quest for the presidency of Nigeria may remain a mirage.

In my view, a partnership with Atiku Abubakar as a pathway to Aso Rock Villa remains the most viable trajectory for an lgbo man/woman to become president of Nigeria in 2027 on PDP platform .That is because, Atiku Abubakar is liberal , broad minded, business savvy and has links by marriage to all the three major ethnic groups-Hausa/Fulani, Yoruba and lgbo in Nigeria. It implies that Atiku Abubakar presidency would likely be more inclusive than nepotistic-a trademark of the current government in power that is fueling the current gale of separatist movements.

The point being made here is that under Atiku Abubakar’s watch as president, separatism would be consigned to the dustbin as inclusiveness becomes a major policy plank in government. With inclusiveness becoming a centre point of public policy in Nigeria ,secessionist tendencies would die a natural death in the manner that Niger delta militancy ceased after the late president Umaru Yar’dua took strategic steps to stabilize the volatile region via his offer of Amnesty to former militants after meeting some of their demands.

The existential reality in Nigeria’s current political equation that is not balanced , no thanks to Fredrick Lugard.

That truth is that the lgbos need help to actualize their quest for the presidency of Nigeria. As Atilla the Hun advised “choose your enemies wisely and your friends carefully.”
It should be obvious to the average lgbo that they can not ascend the throne in Aso Rock Villa seat of power by themself as they lack the numerical strength and political tentacles . And they must accept that their mastery of business can not overnight be translated into the political savviness that is required for someone of lgbo extraction to become the number one(1 )citizen presiding over our country in Aso Rock Villa from 2023.

So an alliance with the former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar whose political fortune has been built since the time that he first contested against the late MKO Abiola in Social Democratic Party, SDP primaries held in 1992, remains the most viable political catapult that can propel the lgbo nation into Aso Rock Villa, after Alex Ekwueme’s partnership with Shehu Shagari for the presidency of Nigeria (1979-1983).

It is disappointing that Ekwueme’s vice presidency is the last time the lgbo enjoyed worthy political significance in a country that they have indisputable ancestry.
Frankly , without adopting or resorting to the application of the type of cold calculations that l am advocating, the lgbo’s demand for someone from their ethnic stock as number one occupant in Aso Rock Villa would very likely remain a mirage and mission impossible as it would continue to be elusive beyond 2023 and even 2027.

As a follow up article to “How To Become President Of Nigeria”, l wrote another piece titled : “A Citizen’s Guide on How To Become President of Nigeria” also published on the back page of Thisday newspaper on October 22,2021 and other mainstream newspapers, including Daily lndependence, Vanguard as well as online platforms. And the following points were brought to the attention of readers:

“Although presidential power play is largely about popularity, it also significantly utilizes conspiracies and alliances as the oxygen and blood for positioning popular candidates for victory in presidential polls.”

In light of the above reality, which ethnic nationality or nationalities in the Nigerian Union is the lgbo building alliance or conspiring with, overtly or covertly ? None”
So by and large what Chukwuma Soludo was literally clobbered on the head for saying, what had already been identified long ago in my articles before he articulated them more forcefully like a professor that he truly is. And before anybody levels a hasty and mischievous allegation of being anti lgbo against me, l implore readers to obtain and read my latest book : Becoming President of Nigeria. A Citizen’s Guide (May,2022)

A quarter of which is four (4) of the twelve (12) chapters tome is dedicated to making a case for lgbo presidency in 2023.

But after painstakingly identifying and interrogating the odds stacked against the lgbo nation in the present political structure of our country, l came to the conclusion that the most feasible pathway for the lgbo to ascend to the apogee of power in Aso Rock Villa soon is to quickly get on the PDP train and piggy-tail Wazirin Atiku Abubakar by ‘donating’ to him their votes in exchange for an lgbo person as vice Presidential candidate that would take over from him in four(4) years time,2027 when he completes his first tenure.

The lgbo leadership did not heed my nearly two years old advise and my brother, current delta state governor, Dr lfeanyi Okowa who saw the opportunity and could not resist it by letting it slip off, seized the moment.

And he has identified himself as an lgbo man and no one can deny him that identify.

As it is often with contestation for political power, Okowa did not wait to be given power, he seized it.

So the rest is now history.

Incidentally, before l made a case for the lgbo to make a beeline to the presidency via partnership with former vice president Atiku Abubakar, l never discussed it with him even though l have had the honor and privilege of knowing the Wazirin Adamawa over a long period of about two decades courtesy of my long association with my former boss and brother, ex governor of delta state (1999-2007) Chief James lbori who facilitated my sojourn into politics since 2003 as a commissioner in his cabinet.

It did not surprise me that my proposition for my lgbo brothers/sisters to hinge their mission to Aso Aso Rock Villa on Wazirin Atiku Abubakar’s presidency in 2023 was tagged by my friends and foes alike as ‘Magnus formula’ and of which l received more than a fair share of knocks by the same media mobs that tried to maul Professor Soludo for telling the lgbo nation the home truth.

About two (2) years after the idea was first mooted, I am delighted that the PDP presidential candidate, Wazirin Atiku’ Abubakar has finally validated my proposition made to the lgbos ‘several moons ago’ (as a typical lgbo person would put it) by personally making the pledge to them during his campaign stomp in Awka, Anambra state capital on 15 December,2023 that his presidency would be a stepping stone for lgbo presidency of Nigeria.

Again, leaning on or drawing from the legendary lgbo wittiness, ‘ndigbo now have the yam and the knife‘ and they can not pretend not to know what to do with the yam and knife.
And in case they have forgotten, Atiku Abubakar is providing the palm oil with which they can eat the yam after cutting for themselves a generous portion of it with the knife.
One thing that the lgbo must keep in the most critical part of their mind is that who they cast their votes for on 25 February next year can make or mar their chances of realizing their life long ambition to call the the shots in Aso Rock Villa.

And Wazirin Atiku Abubakar offers the best pathway.

Magnus Onyibe, an entrepreneur, public policy analyst, author, development strategist, alumnus of Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, Massachusetts, USA and a former commissioner in Delta state government, sent this piece from lagos. To continue with this conversation, pls visit www.magnum.ng

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Opinion

How an Organist Can Live a More Fulfilling Life

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By Tunde Shosanya

It is essential for an Organist to live a fulfilling life, as organ playing has the capacity to profoundly and uniquely impact individuals. There is nothing inappropriate about an Organist building their own home, nor is it unlawful for an Organist to have a personal vehicle. As Organists, we must take control of our own futures; once again, while our certificates hold value, organ playing requires our expertise. We should not limit ourselves to what we think we can accomplish; rather, we should chase our dreams as far as our minds permit. Always keep in mind, if you have faith in yourself, you can achieve success.

There are numerous ways for Organists to live a more fulfilling and joyful life; here are several suggestions:

Focus on your passion. Set an example, and aim for daily improvement.

Be self-reliant and cultivate harmony with your vicar.

Speak less and commit to thinking and acting more.

Make choices that bring you happiness, and maintain discipline in your professional endeavors.

Help others and establish achievable goals for yourself.

Chase your dreams and persist without giving up.

“Playing as an Organist in a Church is a gratifying experience; while a good Organist possesses a certificate, it is the skills in organ playing that truly matter” -Shosanya 2020

Here are 10 essential practices for dedicated Organists…

1) Listen to and analyze organ scores.

2) Achieve proficiency in sight reading.

3) Explore the biographies of renowned Organists and Composers.

4) Attend live concerts.

5) Record your performances and be open to feedback.

6) Improve your time management skills.

7) Focus on overcoming your weaknesses.

8) Engage in discussions about music with fellow musicians.

9) Study the history of music and the various styles of organ playing from different Organists.

10) Take breaks when you feel fatigued. Your well-being is vital and takes precedence over organ playing.

In conclusion, as an Organist, if you aspire to live towards a more fulfilling life in service and during retirement, consider the following suggestions.

1) Plan for the future that remains unseen by investing wisely.

2) Prioritize your health and well-being.

3) Aim to save a minimum of 20 percent of your monthly salary.

4) Maintain your documents in an organized manner for future reference.

5) Contribute to your pension account on a monthly basis.

6) Join a cooperative at your workplace.

7) Ensure your life while you are in service.

8) If feasible, purchase at least one plot of land.

9) Steer clear of accumulating debt as you approach retirement.

10) Foster connections among your peers.

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Opinion

The Power of Strategy in the 21st Century: Unlocking Extraordinary Possibilities (Pt. 2)

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By Tolulope A. Adegoke PhD

“In Nigeria, strategy is not an abstraction imported from elsewhere—it is forged daily in the crucible of reality. Here, global principles meet local truths, and the strategies that work are those humble enough to learn from both. The future of this nation will be written not by those who wait for solutions, but by those who create them from the raw materials of our own experience” – Tolulope A. Adegoke, PhD

Introduction: Why Strategy Matters More Than Ever

There was a time when strategy meant creating a detailed plan and sticking to it for years. You would map everything out, follow the steps, and expect success to follow. That world no longer exists.

Today, change happens too fast for rigid plans. Industries transform overnight. Skills that were valuable last year become obsolete. Global events ripple through local economies in ways we could never predict. In this environment, strategy has evolved into something more dynamic—less about predicting the future and more about building the capacity to navigate it successfully.

This is the power of 21st-century strategy. It helps individuals chart meaningful careers in uncertain times. It enables businesses to thrive despite constant disruption. It allows nations to build prosperity that outlasts any single administration.

Nowhere is this more evident than in Nigeria. Here, strategy is not an abstract exercise. It is a daily necessity. Nigerians navigate unreliable infrastructure, policy shifts, and economic volatility while pursuing their ambitions. The strategies that work here are not imported from textbooks. They are forged in the reality of local experience—blending global knowledge with gritty, on-the-ground wisdom.

This exploration looks at how strategy works at three levels in Nigeria: for the person trying to build a meaningful life, for the business striving to grow, and for the nation working to secure its future.

Part One: For the Nigerian People—Redefining Success in a Changing World

The Old Promise That No Longer Holds

Not long ago, the path to a good life seemed clear. You went to school, earned your degree, found a job, and worked your way up. That degree was your ticket. It signaled to employers that you had what it takes.

That promise has broken.

Today, Nigeria produces hundreds of thousands of graduates each year. Many of them are brilliant. Many of them struggle to find work. The degree that once opened doors now barely gets a foot in. Employers have changed what they look for. They want to know not what you studied, but what you can actually do.

This is not unique to Nigeria. It is happening everywhere. But in Nigeria, where formal jobs are scarce and the youth population is massive, the shift hits harder. For the average Nigerian young person, the message is clear: waiting for someone to give you a job is not a strategy.

A New Way of Thinking About Yourself

The most important strategic shift for any individual is this: stop thinking of yourself as someone looking for work and start thinking of yourself as someone who creates value.

This is not just positive thinking. It is a fundamental change in perspective. When you see yourself as a value creator, you ask different questions. Not “who will hire me?” but “what problems can I solve?” Not “what jobs are available?” but “where can I apply my skills?” Not “what degree do I need?” but “what can I learn to become more useful?”

This mindset matters because it puts you in control. You are no longer waiting for opportunities to be given to you. You are actively looking for ways to contribute. And in an economy where problems are everywhere, people who can solve them will always find a way to earn a living.

What Skills Actually Matter Today

If degrees no longer guarantee success, what does? The answer lies in skills that are both practical and adaptable.

Problem-solving sits at the top of the list. Every organization, every community, every family faces challenges. People who can look at a difficult situation and figure out a way forward are always needed. This skill does not come from a textbook. It comes from practice—from learning to think clearly when things go wrong.

Communication matters more than most people realize. The ability to express ideas clearly, to listen carefully, to persuade others, to write simply—these are not soft skills. They are the tools we use to turn thoughts into action. In any field, people who communicate well stand out.

Digital literacy is no longer optional. It is the baseline. Using spreadsheets, collaborating on online platforms, understanding how data works, knowing your way around common software—these are not technical skills for specialists. They are basic tools for modern work. Without them, you are locked out of most opportunities.

Adaptability might be the most important of all. The willingness to learn new things, to admit what you do not know, to try something different when the old way stops working—this is what keeps people relevant over a lifetime. The person who can learn will always find a place. The person who stops learning will eventually be left behind.

Learning That Fits Real Life

The traditional model of education assumes you learn first and work later. You spend years in school, then you start your career. But in a fast-changing world, that model breaks down. By the time you finish learning, what you learned may already be outdated.

This is why many Nigerians are turning to micro-credentials—short, focused courses that teach specific, job-ready skills. These programs take weeks or months, not years. They cost a fraction of what university costs. And they signal clearly to employers what you can do.

A certificate in data analysis, digital marketing, project management, or solar installation tells a clear story. It says: I have this specific skill, and I can apply it right now. For employers, that is often more valuable than a general degree.

The beauty of this approach is flexibility. You can learn while working. You can stack credentials over time, building a portfolio of skills. You can pivot when opportunities shift. This is lifelong learning made practical—not an ideal, but a working strategy for staying relevant.

Taking Control of Your Financial Life

Strategy also applies to money. For years, most Nigerians had limited options. You saved what you could, kept it at home or in a bank, and hoped it would be enough. Inflation often ate away at whatever you managed to put aside.

Technology has changed this. Today, anyone with a smartphone can access tools that were once available only to the wealthy. Apps allow you to save automatically, invest small amounts, and get advice tailored to your situation. You can build a diversified portfolio with whatever you have. You can protect your money against inflation. You can plan for goals that matter to you.

The key is to start early and stay consistent. Small amounts saved regularly, invested wisely, grow over time. This is not about getting rich quick. It is about building a foundation that gives you choices. The person with savings can take risks. The person with investments can weather storms. Financial strategy is not just about money—it is about freedom.

Part Two: For Nigerian Businesses—Thriving in a Complex Environment

 

The End of the Five-Year Plan

There was a time when companies created detailed five-year plans and followed them religiously. Those days are gone. Markets move too fast. Technology changes too quickly. Consumer behaviour shifts in ways no one predicts.

Today, successful companies think differently. They set direction but stay flexible. They plan but remain ready to pivot. They treat strategy not as a document but as a continuous conversation—a way of making decisions in real time as new information emerges.

This is especially true in Nigeria, where the business environment presents unique challenges. Electricity is unreliable. Roads are poor. Policy can change overnight. Currency fluctuations affect everything. Companies that succeed here learn to adapt constantly. Rigidity is a recipe for failure.

What Digital Transformation Really Means

Every business today hears about digital transformation. But in Nigeria, going digital looks different than it does elsewhere.

You cannot simply move everything online and expect it to work. Internet access is not universal. Many customers prefer cash. Trust is built through personal relationships, not just websites. The purely digital model that works in London or Singapore will hit walls here.

Successful Nigerian companies understand this. They build hybrid models—digital at the core, but with physical touchpoints where needed. They offer online ordering and offline delivery. They accept digital payments but also cash. They use technology to enhance relationships, not replace them.

This is not a compromise. It is a sophisticated adaptation to local reality. The companies that get it right are not less digital. They are more intelligent about how digital actually works in their context.

Digital maturity matters more than digital adoption. This means building systems that function even when infrastructure fails. It means training people to use tools effectively. It means integrating technology into every part of the business, not just tacking it on at the edges. Companies that achieve this maturity outperform their competitors consistently.

Building Trust in a Low-Trust Environment

Nigeria faces a trust deficit. Years of broken promises, failed institutions, and economic volatility have left people cautious. Consumers do not easily trust businesses. Employees do not easily trust employers. Partners do not easily trust each other.

For companies, this is both a challenge and an opportunity. The businesses that earn trust stand out. They build loyal customer bases. They attract committed employees. They form partnerships that last.

Building trust takes time and consistency. It means delivering what you promise, every time. It means being transparent when things go wrong. It means treating customers and employees with respect, not as transactions. It means showing up consistently, even when it is difficult.

Some of Nigeria’s most successful companies have built their reputations on this foundation. They are not necessarily the flashiest or the most innovative. They are the ones people know they can count on. In an environment where trust is scarce, reliability becomes a competitive advantage.

The Power of Collaboration

The old model of business assumed competition was everything. You fought for market share. You protected your secrets. You went it alone.

That model is breaking down. The challenges businesses face today are too complex for any single organisation to solve alone. Climate change affects everyone. Skills gaps require industry-wide responses. Infrastructure deficits need collective action.

Forward-thinking Nigerian companies are embracing collaboration. They share data with competitors to build industry standards. They partner with government on infrastructure projects. They work with educational institutions to shape curricula. They understand that when the whole ecosystem grows, everyone benefits.

This is not charity. It is enlightened self-interest. A rising tide lifts all boats. Companies that invest in the broader environment create conditions for their own success.

Artificial Intelligence: Proceed with Purpose

Artificial intelligence is everywhere in business conversations. The hype is enormous. The fear of being left behind is real.

But for Nigerian companies, the strategic question is not whether to use AI. It is how to use AI wisely. Jumping on every trend without purpose leads nowhere. Building AI capabilities without governance creates risk.

The smart approach starts with problems, not technology. What specific challenges does your business face? Where could better data or smarter algorithms help? What decisions could be improved with more insight? These questions point to where AI might actually add value.

Equally important is data governance. AI learns from data. If your data is poor, your AI will be poor. If your data is biased, your AI will be biased. If your data is insecure, your AI creates vulnerability. Building strong data practices is not a technical detail. It is a strategic foundation.

Some Nigerian companies are already showing the way. They are using AI to assess credit risk for customers without formal banking history. They are using it to predict crop yields for farmers. They are using it to personalize learning for students. These applications solve real problems. They are not imported from elsewhere. They are built for Nigeria, by Nigerians.

People First: The Talent Challenge

Every business leader in Nigeria will tell you the same thing: finding and keeping good people is the hardest part of the job. The best talent is scarce. Competition is fierce. Many of the brightest leave for opportunities abroad.

This makes talent strategy central to business success. Companies that win the talent game win everything else.

What does good talent strategy look like? It starts with recognizing that people want more than money. They want to grow. They want to be valued. They want to do work that matters. Companies that provide these things attract and retain better people even when they cannot pay the highest salaries.

This means investing in training and development. It means creating clear career paths. It means building cultures where people feel respected and supported. It means giving people autonomy and trusting them to do good work.

Some Nigerian companies have built their own universities—internal training programs that develop talent systematically. Others partner with online learning platforms to give employees access to courses. Others create mentorship programs that connect experienced leaders with younger staff. These investments pay back many times over in loyalty, productivity, and innovation.

Part Three: For the Nigerian Nation—Building a Future That Works for Everyone

From Short-Term Thinking to Long-Term Vision

For decades, Nigerian governance has been shaped by election cycles. Each new administration brings its own plans, its own priorities, its own language. Programmes start and stop. Momentum is lost. Progress is fragmented.

This is changing. Slowly but significantly, Nigeria is building long-term strategic frameworks that outlast any single government. The Nigeria Agenda 2050 looks three decades ahead. The Renewed Hope Development Plan (2026-2030) translates that vision into concrete action for the next five years. These documents are not just paperwork. They represent a commitment to continuity—a recognition that real development takes time and persistence.

The shift matters because it changes how decisions get made. When long-term goals are clear, short-term choices can be evaluated against them. Does this policy move us toward the future we want? Does this budget advance our long-term priorities? These questions create discipline. They reduce the risk that immediate pressures will derail important work.

The Nigeria First Approach

There is a quiet revolution happening in Nigerian economic thinking. It is captured in the phrase “Nigeria First.”

For too long, Nigeria has been a consumer of other people’s products. We import what we could make. We buy what we could build. We send our resources abroad and buy back finished goods at higher prices. This pattern has kept us dependent. It has limited our industrial development. It has cost us jobs.

The Nigeria First approach aims to change this. It says: where possible, we should buy Nigerian. We should build Nigerian. We should invest in Nigerian capabilities.

This is not protectionism. It is strategic procurement. Government spending accounts for a significant portion of the economy—as much as 30 percent of GDP. When that money flows abroad, it creates jobs elsewhere. When it stays home, it builds local industry. Directing even a portion of procurement toward Nigerian producers could unlock millions of jobs and stimulate manufacturing capacity.

Agencies like NASENI (National Agency for Science and Engineering Infrastructure) are driving this agenda. They are not just talking about local manufacturing. They are building it—developing products, training innovators, creating infrastructure for strategic industries like battery manufacturing. They are proving that Nigerians can make world-class products.

The challenge now is scaling this approach. Moving from pilot projects to systemic change. Embedding Nigeria First in procurement rules, in investment decisions, in the daily choices of businesses and consumers. Making patriotism practical—not just a sentiment but a force that shapes economic behaviour.

Digital Sovereignty: Owning Our Future Online

The digital economy runs on infrastructure. Data centers, fiber networks, cloud platforms—these are the roads and bridges of the 21st century. Countries that own their digital infrastructure have sovereignty. Countries that depend on others are vulnerable.

Nigeria is building toward digital sovereignty. Agencies like Galaxy Backbone are laying fiber across the country, connecting states, building data centers that meet international standards. This infrastructure ensures that government data stays in Nigeria. It provides continuity even when commercial providers face challenges. It builds capability that can serve the whole economy.

The vision goes further. With robust digital infrastructure, Nigeria can become a regional hub—serving West and Central Africa, attracting investment, creating jobs in technology and services. This is not just about catching up. It is about leapfrogging—using digital technology to accelerate development in ways previous generations could not.

But infrastructure alone is not enough. Digital sovereignty also means data sovereignty—control over the information that flows through these networks. It means policies that protect privacy while enabling innovation. It means building the human capacity to manage and secure digital systems. It means creating an environment where Nigerian technology companies can thrive.

The Demographic Dividend or Disaster?

Nigeria’s young population is often described as an opportunity. With a median age of eighteen, we are one of the youngest countries in the world. These young people could drive decades of economic growth.

But demography is not destiny. Young people are only an asset if they are productively engaged. If they are educated, healthy, and employed, they create wealth. If they are not, they become a source of instability.

This makes human capital development the most important investment Nigeria can make. Every child who receives quality education adds to our future capacity. Every young person who learns a skill becomes a potential contributor. Every life saved through better healthcare strengthens the whole society.

The challenge is scale. Nigeria’s education system is underfunded and overstretched. Millions of children are out of school. Quality varies enormously. The same is true for healthcare, for skills training, for social support. Building systems that reach everyone is a massive undertaking.

Yet progress is possible. Technology offers new ways to deliver education at scale. Community health workers can extend care to remote areas. Apprenticeship models can train young people in practical skills. The building blocks of human capital exist. The task is to assemble them into functioning systems.

The Governance Challenge

None of this works without effective governance. Good plans fail without good execution. Vision without implementation is just dreaming.

Nigeria’s governance challenges are well documented. Implementation gaps separate policy from reality. Coordination failures mean different agencies work at cross purposes. Capacity constraints limit what even dedicated officials can achieve. Trust deficits make collaboration difficult.

Addressing these challenges requires its own strategy. It means investing in the civil service—training, motivating, and supporting the people who run government day to day. It means using technology to improve transparency and accountability—making it harder for things to fall through cracks. It means creating platforms for dialogue between government, business, and civil society—so policies reflect real needs and real constraints.

It also means accepting that governance reform is slow work. Institutions are not built overnight. Trust is earned over years. Capacity grows through practice. The goal is not perfection but progress—steady, cumulative improvement in how things get done.

Conclusion: The Power of Small Wins Adding Up

There is a temptation to think of strategy as something grand—bold visions, dramatic transformations, sweeping changes. And certainly, those have their place.

But in Nigeria, the most powerful strategy may be something more modest. It is the individual who learns a new skill and applies it. The business that delivers on its promises, day after day. The policy that works as intended and makes life slightly better. These small wins, repeated millions of times, accumulate into something extraordinary.

This is the power of compounding progress. Each skilled graduate adds to the talent pool. Each reliable business builds trust in the market. Each functioning program demonstrates that government can work. These gains build on each other. Over time, they transform what is possible.

Nigeria has immense resources—human, natural, cultural. It has a young population full of energy and ambition. It has entrepreneurs solving problems every day. It has officials working to build systems that serve everyone. The foundation is there.

Strategy provides the framework—the way of thinking that helps individuals, businesses, and the nation make good choices amid uncertainty. It does not guarantee success. Nothing does. But it improves the odds. It helps us see more clearly. It keeps us moving in the right direction, even when the path is unclear.

That is the power of 21st-century strategy. Not predicting the future, but preparing for it. Not controlling events, but navigating them. Not waiting for possibilities to arrive, but working to make them real.

For Nigeria and Nigerians, those possibilities are extraordinary. The work of strategy is to bring them within reach.

Dr. Tolulope A. Adegoke, AMBP-UN is a globally recognized scholar-practitioner and thought leader at the nexus of security, governance, and strategic leadership. His mission is dedicated to advancing ethical governance, strategic human capital development, and resilient nation-building, and global peace. He can be reached via: tolulopeadegoke01@gmail.comglobalstageimpacts@gmail.com

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Opinion

In Defence of Atiku Abubakar: Experience, Reach and the 2027 Reality

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By Tim Okojie Ave

The debate over who should carry the opposition banner in 2027 must be guided by political reality, not ethnic sentiment or social media noise. Nigeria is at a crossroads, and defeating President Bola Tinubu in 2027 will require experience, national reach, and electoral strength—not experiments.

I do not believe in, nor do I promote, ethnic politics. Recent Nigerian history proves that elections are not won by zoning rhetoric but by strategic calculations. Former President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, a southerner, was not allowed to complete a second term—not because of performance alone, but because power blocs rallied against him. When the then-opposition APC sought a candidate capable of defeating Jonathan, they did not argue that it was “still the South’s turn.” Instead, they searched across the country for a candidate with massive grassroots followership and electoral weight. That search led them to Muhammadu Buhari, despite his past electoral losses and controversial human rights record as a former military ruler.

The result is now history.

It is therefore laughable when uninformed voices argue that Atiku Abubakar should be denied the ADC ticket because he has contested elections before. By that same logic, Buhari should never have been given the APC ticket. Political persistence is not a crime; it is often the mark of conviction and relevance.

Others argue that Atiku is “too old,” forgetting that leadership is not a sprint but a test of wisdom, stamina, and experience. Age did not disqualify global leaders like Joe Biden or Nelson Mandela, nor did it stop Buhari himself. What matters is physical fitness, mental clarity, and capacity—and on all counts, Atiku Abubakar remains fit.
The argument that it is “still the South’s turn” in 2027 is politically weak and strategically dangerous. When APC wanted to win, they ignored zoning sentiment and focused on victory. That is exactly what the African Democratic Congress (ADC) must do if it is serious about defeating Tinubu and reducing him to a one-term president. Political parties exist to win elections, not to appease ethnic emotions.

ADC must ensure party supremacy and resist being bamboozled into handing its ticket to candidates who exist mainly on social media but lack nationwide structure and grassroots acceptance.

If asked for my candid opinion on who best fits the ADC ticket in 2027, my choice is clear: Atiku Abubakar.

He possesses unmatched political experience, having served eight solid years as Vice President under President Olusegun Obasanjo. He is globally recognised as an astute politician and a patriotic business mogul. His wealth is independent of public office, meaning he is unlikely to treat Nigeria’s treasury as a personal bank.
Since leaving office, despite relentless political persecution, Atiku has not been successfully linked to any proven corruption case—an indication of transparency and resilience. He is healthy, active, and capable of representing Nigeria internationally without embarrassment.

Ultimately, elections are not won by sentiment but by strategy. If ADC truly seeks victory in 2027, it must choose a candidate with national appeal, experience, credibility, and structure. On all these counts, Atiku Abubakar stands tall.

This is not ethnic politics.
This is political realism.

Tim Okojie Ave is the Publisher, National Chronicle newspaper

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