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The Oracle: Ethnic Nationalities and Emerging Challenges in Nigeria (Pt. 3)

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By Mike Ozekhome

INTRODUCTION

Ethnic conflict is an issue that, particularly during the last few decades or so, has crept to the forefront of international political debate. Issues that raise the most dust are those regarded essential for the existence and the validity of the state. The result revealed that the six geo-political zones of Nigeria namely; North West, North East, North Central, South West, South-South and South East zones have all witnessed all kinds of ethnic conflicts resulted from the same set of causes. Flowing from all of these, in a bid to address these ethnic nationalities challenges, the CIVIL SOCIETY LEGISLATIVE AND ADVOCACY CENTRE (CISLAC) in collaboration with FRIEDRICH-EBERT-STIFTUNG (FES) NIGERIA with support from the European Union recently held a stakeholder’s consultative forum on Peace and Security Challenges in Nigeria themed “Ethnicity, Ethnic Crises and National Security: Casual Analysis and Management Strategies”.

ETHNIC CONFLICTS AND NIGERIA (continues)

According to Auwal Ibrahim Musa (Rafsanjani), the Executive Director of CIVIL SOCIETY LEGISLATIVE AND ADVOCACY CENTRE (CISLAC), he stated at the forum that there was need for a new constitution that defined rights and privileges of citizenship in terms of residency rather than nativism, ancestry and religious background, adding that the new constitution must devolve power over resource distribution and development from an all-powerful central government to local constituencies to enthrone economic justice and equity.

He stated also that;

“This periodic event brings together key players within the security space to look critically and think of ways to resolve the ongoing fiasco on ethnicity and its implication on national security, which currently undermines human security in Nigeria and has largely become a threat to socio-economic and political culture of our co-existence. Nigeria with over 400 ethnic groups, over 1000 dialects, practicing several religions, with different cultures and histories came under the British imperialist in the 19th century. With the 1st of January, 1914 amalgamation of Southern and Northern Protectorate the foundation of a nation now called Nigeria was laid. Nigeria is now populated by over 200 million people and has adopted the federal system of government with 36 States and a Federal Capital Territory. Mismanagement of national resources and misrule by multi ethnic and multi-religious coalitions of successive rulers since independence have impoverished and denied opportunities to the majority of Nigerians. As a result, religious rhetoric blaming of members of other religious communities and proposals for religious reform as a solution to society’s ills have found purchase among the masses. This genuine, if misplaced, quest for a religious utopia has given some opportunistic political gladiators an excuse to curry legitimacy through politicized appeals to piety and religious fervor. Official graft needs to be tackled headlong, a new constitution that defines rights and privileges of citizenship in terms of residency rather than nativism, ancestry and religious background also needs to be crafted. This new constitution needs to devolve power over resource distribution and development from an all-powerful central government to local constituencies.

This will ensure economic justice and equity. It will also make central political power less attractive, less corrupt, and the contests over national political offices less contentious. The use of religious and ethnic appeals as tools of political mobilization will become less attractive and it will find a diminished reception in a climate of justice, equitable resource distribution, and equal opportunities for all”.

Worthy to note here is that, the Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Centre (CISLAC), in collaboration with Friedrich Ebert Stiftung (FES) with the support from European Union (EU) has worked collectively to institutionalize a participatory system that is vibrant, robust and effective.

Another approach to curb these ethnic nationalities and its emerging challenges is the Kinetic and Non-kinetic Approach

According to the Defence Minister, Major General Bashir Magashi (rtd), when he highlighted some of the issues causing further division among the people include, absence of social justice, feelings of marginalization and lack of equality.

He also advocated the use of kinetic and non-kinetic approaches in addressing the issues, noting that force alone would not yield positive result, just as he called for dialogue, noting that the implications of separatist
agitations and other forms of insecurity on Nigeria were enormous.

Again, the Minister noted that, there is no doubt the country is confronted with multiple security challenges that are affecting socio-economic wellbeing and threatening the survival of the nation state. He listed the implications to include under development, social tension, displacement of citizens, destruction of private and public property, disruption of means of livelihood and educational system.

He said and I quote,

“There is no doubt that Nigeria is confronted with multiple security challenges, notably the Boko Haram terrorists in the North-east and militancy in the Niger Delta, increasing violence between herders and farmers, banditry and kidnapping especially in the North-west and Central regions as well as separatist agitations for Biafra and now Oduduwa Republics in the South Eastern and Western parts of the country respectively.

The implications of these separatist agitations and other forms of insecurity on Nigeria are enormous. These include socio-economic implications such as under development, social tension, displacement of citizens, destruction of private and public property, disruption of means of livelihood and educational system. Others are fanning the embers of disunity, overstretching of security agencies and loss of lives. Therefore, the combination of the above implications is continuous cycle of insecurity that has led to heighten tension and violence that is capable of affecting the survival and corporate existence of the country. The Armed Forces of Nigeria and other security agencies who are constitutionally saddled with the responsibility of protecting the territorial integrity of Nigeria as well as maintaining law and order have continued to confront these challenges through both kinetic and non-kinetic instruments’’.

Specifically, the Constitution, clearly charged the Armed Forces with the primary role of defending Nigeria from external aggression and maintaining its territorial integrity as well as securing is borders from violation on land, sea and air. The Constitution passes the Armed Forces the secondary role of suppressing insurrection and act in aid of civil authorities to restore law and order when called upon to do so by the President. This secondary role provides the basis operations in the country.

However, it is worth noting that the efforts of the Armed Forces and other security agencies using the kinetic means as suggested by the Honorable Minister alone, may not bring the peace and security we all desire in the country. Kinetic and non-kinetic measures must be applied to complement each other.

Comparatively, the non- kinetic measures could take the form of addressing all the major causes of insecurity and discontent through genuine dialogue, economic empowerment, good governance, provision of employment and social infrastructure. Other non-kinetic means include fighting corruption, extreme poverty, hunger and maladministration, provision of equal opportunities to all citizens as well as addressing perceived to the current multi-dimensional security challenges facing our nation.

Quite frankly, some of these security challenges are posing serious threats to the corporate existence of our country and some of these suggestions will assist appropriate authority to address all forms of insecurity implementable solutions that would engender effective policies towards addressing the myriad of security challenges facing Nigeria today.

Amongst all that have been stated concerning this ethnic nationalities and emerging challenges thereof, it is however important to get the lawmakers view on it thus;

“It is promoted by the political elites, embraced by the young and the old, passed from generation to generation, and even has base in the constitution. This explains the assumption that conflicts in Nigeria is motivated by ethnic competition Nigerians must ask, how did we get here, what and who are responsible? Why are other countries (India, Indonesia, Brazil, United States, Switzerland, Belgium, China, etc.) which are as diverse as Nigeria not half as obsessed with their diversity? The ethnic diversity of Nigeria has more or less been a threat rather than a source of national pride and development as countries above have experienced. Why?

Ethnic tensions are boiling over. At the center of it all are herdsmen who for as long as anyone can remember have roamed the country grazing their cattle. Even as a little boy, growing up in my community in Adamawa, I recall coming across the harmless looking herders who usually only had a stick slung languidly across their shoulders. These days, a new generation ply their trade caressing AK47 rifles to ward off threats. Over the years the damage done to farmlands as they traversed the land became a flashpoint. Now, they are regularly accused of being involved in the booming kidnapping business. It’s hard to dismiss this accusation because of testimonies of countless victims on the Abuja-Kaduna Expressway and other parts of the country as to the ethnicity of their captors. Unfortunately, despite public outcry in many states, official response has never adequately addressed the problem. This is not the best time to succumb to sentiments. Refusing to address the issues at stake in an honest and unbiased way is the worse form of injustice. For instance, to suggest that what is happening is just a blind attack or ethnic profiling on any ethnic group is unhelpful.

Finally, the constant reference to tribal animosities and differences affects the youth’s psyche and has created a pattern or legacy of hate and suspicion which the successive generation carries like a mantle. Ethnic and religious intolerance has exposed the nation to bizarre conflict experiences with loss of lives and properties, creating uncertainties in the polity. Boko Haram insurgent group is a classic example of the outcome of a long stretch of ethnic distrust and rivalry. Nigeria must not go the way of Sudan, Central Africa Republic, Mali, Somalia, etc. Nigeria has a testimony of resilience and the fact that, even though there are so many distrusts and suspicion, the people still believe in the indivisibility of the country.”

RE-ASSESSING THE ETHNIC DISCOURSE AND SUGGESTIONS ON HOW TO MANAGE THE EMERGING CHALLENGES OF ETHNIC NATIONALITIES IN A BID TO MANAGE NIGERIA

Start with yourself, it always works. Take parts in meeting and parades promoting Nigerian, but not tribal unity. Meet friends from other cultures, marry a girl from the other tribe and develop the idea of the difference between tribes as a positive idea. Tell your thoughts at the family reunion dinner and share them with a friend. Do your best to introduce peace and equality into your Nigerian culture. So, there is the problem of ethnic hatred. But today many people claim that this is not the hatred between people, but the hatred among politicians. That is why we proposed the best ways to solve ethnic problems on the level of the political reformation. As you see, every person can contribute to solving this problem. Fortunately, Nigeria is a democratic country at least formally but ruled by its people, and if people do not want hatred, no other factors can influence it.

You personally can contribute to cultural integration. Become a volunteer, travel around Nigeria and promote your culture, tell its stories and present its history and unusual believes. You can also contribute to media and Internet propaganda. Write posts about your own intercultural experience and support groups and articles about ethnic integration and ways of solving the problems of ethnicity in Nigeria to overcome the problems of ethnicity in Nigeria and reach the principal goal – national unity, it is necessary to unite people in as many aspects of life as it is possible. (To be continued).

 

THE WORLD WE LIVE IN

“Hypocrisy is the audacity to preach integrity from a den of corruption.” – Wes Fesler.

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Opinion

When Architecture of Policy Meets Architecture of Connection

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By Shakirat Akintola

For many political observers, the proposition of an Atiku-Momodu ticket represents a fascinating answer to Nigeria’s complex governance puzzle. The conversation is rapidly moving past the two personalities involved, evolving into a broader debate about national cohesion, credibility, and the precise qualities required to steady a fractured nation.

Atiku Abubakar, having recently emerged as the presidential candidate for the African Democratic Congress (ADC) following a fiercely contested and highly scrutinized nationwide primary election, remains one of the most resilient figures in Nigeria’s democratic journey. His institutional memory is vast. As the Vice President who chaired the National Economic Council during one of Nigeria’s most consequential eras of economic restructuring and privatization, he understands the levers of state policy.

Yet, in a nation fractured along regional, religious, and generational lines, policy blueprints alone are no longer enough. The opposition faces a distinct hurdle: Nigerians already know who Atiku is. The challenge is not building recognition, but establishing a genuine, empathetic connection with the deep frustrations of the grassroots. This is precisely where Aare Dele Momodu enters the equation.

To view Momodu strictly through the glamorous lens of Ovation International is to misunderstand the deliberate philosophy behind his media empire. While critics might initially mistake his chronicling of high society for elite insulation, his career has actually functioned as a masterclass in breaking down walls. For decades, Momodu did not just document success; he demystified it, bringing the corridors of power and privilege directly to the gaze of the ordinary citizen. More importantly, this deep social capital was forged in the fires of grassroots defiance. Long before he was a celebrated publisher, Momodu was a pro-democracy activist who faced detention and forced exile during the dark days of the Abacha regime for standing with the masses. His ability to navigate corporate boardrooms today is not a sign of detachment from the struggle, but a powerful asset. It means the opposition gains a communicator who can walk into spaces of immense privilege, speak truth to power in their own language, and channel that access directly back into the service of Nigeria’s markets, classrooms, and farming communities.

A Referendum on Lived Realities

The ongoing security and economic trials illustrate exactly why a balance of institutional experience and cultural reach matters. For a parent deciding between school fees and healthcare, or a trader calculating the risks of interstate highways, governance is not a theoretical debate.

The next election will not be won by campaign slogans or aggressive social media strategies. It will be decided by trust. While the ruling party scrambles to convince a strained populace that their sacrifices will yield future rewards, the opposition must present a credible, steady, and comforting alternative.

Nigeria’s future will ultimately be shaped by leaders who look beyond political echo chambers and actively listen to the markets, classrooms, and farming communities. As the country continues its difficult search for stability, the political figures capable of building a bridge between sound policy and genuine human empathy will inevitably command the attention of a nation eager to move forward.

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Opinion

Why Dele Momodu May Be Atiku’s Smartest Running Mate Option Yet

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By Michael Abimboye

As the African Democratic Congress, ADC, gradually consolidates its coalition ahead of the 2027 presidential election, attention has inevitably shifted from the emergence of Atiku Abubakar as presidential candidate to the more delicate and strategic question of his running mate.

Several names have surfaced in political calculations and media speculation: Rotimi Amaechi, Emeka Ihedioha, and Dele Momodu, among them. Yet, beyond the noise of conventional political arithmetic lies a deeper electoral question: who among these options best expands Atiku’s coalition beyond traditional structures and into the modern political battlefield Nigeria has become?

Increasingly, the answer may well be Dele Momodu.

For years, Nigerian politics has operated under an outdated assumption that electoral victory is secured merely through governors, party leaders, and regional strongmen. The 2023 election disrupted that orthodoxy. The emergence of Peter Obi demonstrated that digital momentum, perception management, emotional resonance, and transregional appeal can significantly alter the political equation. Obi’s strongest weapon was not necessarily party structure. It was narrative dominance.

That reality has permanently changed Nigerian politics.

And in the current ADC coalition conversation, Dele Momodu may be one of the few figures who intuitively understands this new political environment.

Unlike many career politicians whose influence remains confined to state structures or elite caucuses, Momodu operates in multiple political ecosystems simultaneously: media, diplomacy, youth engagement, elite networking, pan-African influence, and digital communication. In modern electoral politics, that multidimensional relevance matters enormously.

One of Momodu’s most understated assets is his continental reach. Through decades of media work, political engagement, and elite interaction across Africa, he has cultivated relationships with presidents, former presidents, business leaders, diplomats, and intellectual figures across the continent. His network is not speculative mythology. It is publicly visible and historically documented through his long-running engagements as publisher of Ovation International and participant in high-level African political circles.

At a time when Nigeria seeks to reassert itself diplomatically and economically within Africa, such soft-power capital becomes politically valuable. A vice-presidential candidate today is no longer merely a ceremonial electoral appendage. He must also communicate competence, cosmopolitanism, and international legitimacy.

Momodu fits that profile more naturally than many conventional politicians. There is also the geographical intelligence behind his potential candidacy.

Though widely perceived nationally as a South-West figure because of his strong Yoruba cultural identity and media dominance in Lagos and the South-West, Dele Momodu is fundamentally from the South-South axis through his Edo roots. Politically, this creates a rare advantage. It allows the ADC to potentially tap into two strategic regions simultaneously without provoking the sharp regional anxieties that often accompany vice-presidential selections.

Amaechi, for instance, undoubtedly possesses political experience and administrative depth. But his polarising history in Rivers politics, coupled with his own presidential ambitions, complicates the chemistry required of a running mate. Indeed, reports have repeatedly suggested Amaechi has little interest in a vice-presidential role.

Ihedioha, meanwhile, brings stability and technocratic moderation, but lacks the national media visibility and emotional connection necessary for a fiercely competitive national election. Elections are not won only by competence. They are won by energy, narrative, symbolism, and visibility.
Dele Momodu possesses all four.

Then comes perhaps the most important factor of all: communication.

The 2027 election is unlikely to resemble previous Nigerian elections. It will be heavily digitised, media-driven, youth-influenced, and psychologically contested online. The political establishment still underestimates how profoundly social media has altered electoral mobilisation. The Obi movement in 2023 proved that online enthusiasm can shape national conversation, pressure traditional media, influence undecided voters, and energise urban youth demographics.

Momodu enters this terrain with an already established digital infrastructure.

Unlike many politicians who outsource communication to media aides, Dele Momodu himself is a communication institution. He understands headlines, optics, timing, public emotion, narrative construction, and audience psychology. His social media platforms command enormous engagement across demographics that traditional politicians often struggle to reach organically.

That matters.

In a coalition environment where ADC must unify disillusioned PDP voters, attract soft Obidients, retain Northern numerical strength, and penetrate urban youth constituencies, communication sophistication becomes central to survival.

Momodu also carries an outsider-insider advantage. He is politically experienced enough to understand power, yet sufficiently detached from the toxic baggage of conventional Nigerian political warfare. He has not governed a state, which critics may see as a weakness, but which supporters may frame as insulation from corruption controversies and governance fatigue associated with many old political actors.

In an anti-establishment electoral climate, that distinction could become useful.

Perhaps most importantly, Dele Momodu brings cultural elasticity. He can comfortably engage traditional rulers in Kano, intellectuals in Abuja, media elites in Lagos, young digital audiences in Port Harcourt, diaspora professionals in London, and political moderates in the South-East. Very few Nigerian political figures possess that adaptive national reach without appearing artificial.

And politics, ultimately, is the management of coalitions.

Atiku’s greatest challenge is not merely winning Northern votes. He already possesses substantial Northern recognition. His real challenge is rebuilding emotional trust across sections of Southern Nigeria while simultaneously energising younger demographics sceptical of establishment politics.

A conventional politician may help him consolidate structures.

Dele Momodu, however, may help Atiku reshape perception. And in modern politics, perception is often the first battlefield victory.

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Opinion

Dele Momodu: The Bridge Between Politics and the People

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By Adeoye Inioluwa

Across the Nigerian nation today, conversations have become remarkably similar. Whether in the crowded markets of Lagos, the farms of the North, the commercial centres of the East, or the towns and villages of the South-West and South-South, many Nigerians are asking the same questions. When will life become easier? When will the economy improve? When will businesses regain stability? When will citizens begin to feel safer and more secure in their daily lives?

The concerns are understandable.

The cost of living remains one of the most dominant issues confronting ordinary Nigerians. Food prices have become a source of daily anxiety for many families. Small businesses continue to struggle with rising operational costs. Young graduates face uncertainty about employment opportunities. For millions of citizens, conversations about economic indicators and policy reforms often feel distant from the realities they encounter every day.

Alongside these economic concerns are persistent security challenges. While progress may have been recorded in some areas, many communities still desire greater stability and peace. For ordinary citizens, security is not merely a policy issue. It is the ability to travel safely, conduct business confidently, and live without fear.

These realities inevitably shape the nation’s political mood.

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu assumed office at a time when difficult economic decisions were already looming over the country. His administration has argued that several of its reforms are necessary steps toward long-term economic recovery and sustainability. Supporters maintain that difficult transitions are sometimes required to achieve lasting change.

However, politics rarely rewards intentions alone.

Citizens ultimately judge governments through their lived experiences. They assess leadership not only through policy announcements but through the practical impact of those policies on their everyday lives. As Nigeria gradually moves closer to another election cycle, public perception of the economy, security, and governance will inevitably influence political conversations.
This reality presents both a challenge and an opportunity for the opposition.

Among the leading opposition figures remains former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, a politician whose name has become deeply woven into Nigeria’s democratic journey. Over the years, Atiku has built a reputation as one of the country’s most enduring political figures, participating in some of the most consequential electoral contests in modern Nigerian history.

Yet the challenge before Atiku today is different from the challenge he faced in previous elections.

Recognition is not the issue. Nigerians know who Atiku Abubakar is. They are familiar with his political history, his public service record, and his positions on national issues. The real question is whether opposition politics can successfully connect with the frustrations, hopes, and aspirations of ordinary Nigerians in a way that feels genuine and convincing.

For many citizens, the next election may not simply be a contest between political parties or personalities. It may become a referendum on who best understands the realities confronting everyday Nigerians.
This is why politics must move beyond publicity.

In a period marked by economic pressure and public anxiety, voters are becoming increasingly resistant to carefully crafted political narratives that appear disconnected from their lived experiences. What they seek are leaders who understand their concerns and individuals capable of translating those concerns into meaningful political engagement.

For Atiku, this may require something more valuable than conventional image management.

It requires access to voices that understand the mood of the nation.

It requires people who can move comfortably between boardrooms and marketplaces, between policy discussions and community conversations, between political strategy and public sentiment.
It requires individuals who possess not only influence but perspective.

This is where Aare Dele Momodu enters the conversation.

Perhaps what makes Aare Momodu’s position unique is that politics was never originally his defining platform. Unlike many public figures who built their reputations entirely within political structures, Momodu’s journey was shaped through journalism, publishing, entrepreneurship, and public engagement.

For decades, he cultivated relationships across various sectors of society. Through his work in the media, he interacted with presidents, governors, business leaders, diplomats, entertainers, academics, professionals, and ordinary citizens. His network was built long before his deeper involvement in political affairs.

That distinction matters.

Because it means his influence extends beyond party structures and political loyalties. It is rooted in years of listening, observing, documenting, and engaging with people from different backgrounds and perspectives.

In many ways, Momodu represents an increasingly rare asset in contemporary politics: someone capable of understanding both elite conversations and grassroots realities.

Perhaps this explains why a man who was never primarily known as a politician now finds himself at the forefront of some of the country’s most important political conversations.

His relevance is not merely a product of political ambition. It is the result of decades spent building relationships, understanding public sentiment, and maintaining connections across different segments of Nigerian society.

As the political landscape begins to evolve ahead of 2027, such qualities may become increasingly important.

The next election will not be won solely through campaign slogans, social media strategies, or political advertising. It will be influenced by trust, credibility, and the ability to connect with citizens who are searching for answers in uncertain times.

For President Tinubu, the challenge is to convince Nigerians that current sacrifices will ultimately lead to meaningful progress.
For Atiku Abubakar and the opposition, the challenge is to persuade Nigerians that they offer a credible and compelling alternative.
And for those who operate around the corridors of political influence, the challenge is to ensure that leaders remain connected to the people whose lives are affected by every policy decision.

Nigeria’s future will not be determined by image management alone. It will be shaped by ideas, solutions, trust, and meaningful engagement with the concerns of ordinary citizens.

In a nation yearning for reassurance, leaders need more than advisers who can polish their public image. They need people who can help them hear the voices that matter most.

Those voices are not found in political echo chambers. They are found in the markets, the classrooms, the farms, the offices, and the communities where Nigerians continue to navigate the realities of everyday life while hoping for a better future.

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