Opinion
The Oracle: Chief (Mrs) Margaret Ekpo and Hajia Gambo Sawaba in History (Pt 15)
Published
5 years agoon
By
Eric
By Chief Mike Ozekhome
Margaret Ekpo (1914-2006), a Nigerian women’s rights activist and social mobilizer, who was a pioneering female politician in the country’s First Republic and a leading member of a class of traditional Nigerian women activists. She played major roles as a grassroot and nationalist politician in the Eastern Nigerian city of Aba, in the era of an hierarchical and male-dominated movement towards independence, with her rise not the least helped by the socialization of women’s role into that of helpmates or appendages to the careers of males.
EARLY LIFE AND EDUCATION
Margaret Ekpo was born in Creek Town, Cross River State, to the family of Okoroafor Obiasulor and Inyang Eyo Aniemewue. She reached standard six of the school leaving certificate in 1934. However, tragedy struck at home with the death of her father in 1934, her goals of further education in teachers training was as a result put on hold following her father’s death. She subsequently settled for a ‘pupil-teaching job,’ teaching at various elementary schools until she got married, in 1938, to a Yaba High School-trained medical practitioner, Dr. John Udo Ekpo. He was from the Ibibio ethnic group who are predominant in Akwa Ibom State, while she was of Igbo and Efik heritage. She later moved with her husband to Aba.
Ekpo’s determination to advance her education motivated her to obtain a diploma in Domestic Economics in 1948 at the Rathmine School of Domestic Economics in Dublin Ireland, during the period her husband was taken there for medical attention. When the couple returned to the country, Ekpo established a Domestic Science Institute (DSI), where she trained young girls in dress-making and home economics.
MARGARET’S ARRIVAL ON THE NATIONAL SCENE
Margaret Ekpo’s first direct participation in political ideas and association was in 1945. Her husband was indignant with the colonial administrator’s treatment of indigenous Nigerian doctors but as a civil servant, he could not attend meetings to discuss the matter. Margaret Ekpo then attended meetings in place of her husband, the meetings were organized to discuss the discriminatory practices of the colonial administration in the city and to fight cultural and racial imbalance in administrative promotions. She later attended a political rally and was the only woman at the rally, which saw fiery speeches from Mbonu Ojike, Nnamdi Azikiwe and Herbert Macaulay.
Not content with being the only woman at political meetings, Ekpo devised ingenious ways of encouraging the participation of the women folk in Aba, her base, during the early years of her political career in 1945. She wanted more women to become members of the Aba Market Women Association, so that she could pass on information from her meetings to them, but their husbands would not let them. Luckily, After World War II, there was a general scarcity of salt, an item no household could be without. Ekpo went round the shops and deposited money for all available bags of salt, giving her control of its sales. She ordered that any woman who was not a member of the association should not be sold to. Resultantly, all the men released their women to register.
At the end of the decade Ekpo had organized a Market Women Association (MWA), in Aba. She used the MWA to promote women solidarity as a platform to fight for the economic rights of women, economic protections and expansionary political rights of women.
Margaret’s awareness of growing movements for civil rights for women around the world prompted her into demanding the same for the women in her country and to fight the discriminatory and oppressive political and civil role played in the suppression of women. She felt that women abroad were already fighting for civil rights and had more voice in political and civil matters than their counterparts in Nigeria. She later joined the decolonization-leading National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NGNC), as a platform to represent a marginalized group.
In the 1950s, Margaret teamed up with Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti to protest killings at an Enugu coal mine. The victims were leaders protesting demeaning colonial practices at the mine. In 1953, Margaret was nominated by the NGNC to the regional House of Chiefs, and in 1954, she established the Aba Township Women’s Association (ATWA). As leader of the new market group, she was able to garner the trust of a large number of women in the township and turn it into a political pressure group. By the following year, women voters in Aba had outnumbered male voters in a city wide election. She won a seat to the Eastern Regional House of Assembly in 1961, a position that allowed her to fight for issues affecting women at the time. After a military coup ended the First Republic, she took a less prominent approach to politics.
MARGARET’S IMPERISHABLE STRIDES AND ACHIEVEMENTS
Ekpo was one of three women appointed to the House of Chiefs, in the 1950s – besides Mrs. Olufunmilayo Ransome Kuti (appointed into the Western Nigeria House of Chiefs) and Janet Mokelu (appointed along with Margaret Ekpo into the Eastern Nigeria House of Chiefs). She went on to serve her nation in several other capacities; as the Nigerian representative to the Inter-Parliamentary Union Conference (1964), Nigerian representative to the World Women’s International Domestic Federation Conference (1963), Member of Parliament, Government of Nigeria (1960 – 1966), women’s interest representative to the Nigerian Constitutional Conference (1960), a delegate to the Nigerian Constitutional Conference (1959), a delegate to the Nigerian Constitutional Conference (1953 and 1957), women’s interest representative to the Eastern House of Chiefs, Nigeria (between 1954 and 1958) and member, Eastern House of Chiefs, Nigeria (between 1948 and 1966). In 2001, Calabar Airport was named after her.
MARGARET’S PAINFUL EXIT
Margaret died on 21st September, 2006, at the University of Calabar Teaching Hospital. She was aged 92. There is no way the history of Nigeria can be written without including the name of this legend.
HAJIA GAMBO SAWABA
Hajia Gambo Sawaba (1933-2001), was a luminous Nigerian politician and activist, who was an important women organizer for the Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU), during Nigeria’s first Republic. She was one of the early members of NEPU in Zaria, a party that identified with the poor and working class, and became their major support base. Sawaba is also known for some of her charitable causes and strong views on women’s liberation in the arena of politics. Her political activities during the period earned her persecutions from both the colonial authorities and the native administration and many times, these resulted in her being incarcerated. Her biography included notes on several instances of beatings and assaults attributed to the NPC’s Yan Mahaukita. She was born in Zaria, Kaduna state, to parents Fatima and Isa Amarteifo (a Ghanaian). Her birth name was Hajaratu Amarteifo but she was born after a set of twins and so was nicknamed Gambo; the nickname stuck. A name that was supposedly given to her by Malam Gambo Sawaba, an outstanding member of NEPU in Zaria, who was twice elected to the Zaria City Council. Her father was of Ghanaian origin while her mother was from Nupeland.
EARLY LIFE AND EDUCATION
Gambo was married off at age 13 to a World War II veteran, Abubakar Garba Bello, who left and never returned after her first pregnancy. A general hospital was later named after her in Kaduna. As a child, Gambo Sawaba was often described as stubborn and forthright. By her own admission, she often went out looking for fights, although she rationalized the said fights as her way of protecting the weaker people she knew. According to her, “I could not stand by to watch a weak friend or relation being molested.” Whenever she got to the scenes of such fights,she would immediately say, “OK, I have bought the fight from you”, to the weaker person and take over the fight. She also showed a marked affection towards mentally challenged and generally less privileged members of society. She spoke with them, accommodated some and gave the ones she could, money, clothes and food. She attended the Native Authority Primary School in Tudun Wada. However, within a spate of a few years, starting in 1943, she lost her father and then her mother. She cut short her education.
POLITICAL CAREER AND ARRIVAL AT THE NATIONAL SCENE
Hajia Gambo Sawaba entered politics when she was 17. At that time, northern Nigeria was dominated by the Northern People’s Congress (NPC), which had the support of the Emirs and British Colonial Authority. Hajia Gambo Sawaba belonged to opposition group, the Northern Element Progressive Union (NEPU), which she joined in Zaria when a local branch was formed. The party held secretive meetings to hide their activities from the Police.
NEPU’s early message was to relinquish power from the elites and rally round the poor. They were anti-colonialism and anti-corruption. Gambo was made women’s leader at Kaduna’s Sabon Gari branch. At one point, she travelled to Abeokuta to meet female activist – and mother of singer Fela – Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti. Gambo had read about her successful protest against the taxation of Egba women.
A few months later, Gambo made a name for herself when, at a political lecture in Zaria, she climbed on to a podium and spoke out in a room full of male contemporaries who were afraid to open their mouths. She continued to raise her profile by going door-to-door and meeting women who were not allowed to attend political activities because of their gender. She campaigned against the marriage of underage girls and the use of forced labour. She was also a great advocate of Western education in the North. She died of natural causes in October, 2001, aged 71.
LOVE, MARRIAGE AND CHILDREN
Imagine that at 13 years of age, Gambo had been married off (if we can call that marriage), to Abubakar Garba Bello, a World War II veteran. When the teenaged Gambo was pregnant with their first child, Bello suddenly disappeared, never to be heard from again. The child was Bilikisu. A few years later, Gambo got married again to Hamidu Gusau. That marriage was, to call a mountain a mole hill, tempestuous. Husband and wife often had disagreements that degenerated into violent fights (never a good idea), because Gambo could dish up a good fight and apparently, so could Hamidu. The two eventually parted ways and Gambo would try marriage twice more.
HAJIA GAMBO SAWABA’S IMPERISHABLE STRIDES
Gambo was said to have been sent to jail a staggering 16 times in her lifetime – usually on trumped-up charges – and was often brutalised by the Police. In 1953, she organised an inaugural meeting of the women’s wing in Kano city.
In July 1958, during NEPU’s second congress, the women’s wing decided to join up with the Nigerian Women’s Union, which was under the leadership of Ransome-Kuti.
During the second republic, Gambo became a member of the Great Nigeria People’s Party and served as a Deputy Chairman. In the 70s, she was involved in small-scale trading and later worked as a contractor. Hajia Gambo, Nigerians will forever honour and celebrate you.
FUN TIME
The stress is abhorrent and torturous. The fears are enormous. To ease these, we shall henceforth, week after week, share some laughter to kick-start a fresh week. Laughter is the biggest medicine for stress. It is therapeutic. Says Mary Peterbone Poole, “he who laughs, lasts!”.
“This is the first time in the history of English that a question and the answer are exactly the same!!!
Question: Who declared Coronavirus as a pandemic?
Answer: WHO declared Coronavirus as a pandemic.
THOUGHT FOR THE WEEK
“Unity is strength… when there is teamwork and collaboration, wonderful things can be achieved”. (Mattie Stepanek).
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Opinion
GLO and the Democratization of Communication in Nigeria
Published
2 hours agoon
June 13, 2026By
Eric
By Dr. Sani Sa’idu Baba
Glo, the “Digital Oxygen” of Nigeria’s Democracy
As Nigeria marked Democracy Day on June 12, it is important to celebrate not only our democratic journey as a nation, but also institutions whose values and contributions reflect the very essence of democracy.
In Nigeria’s telecommunications industry, Glo stands out as arguably the most democratic network. Democracy thrives on inclusion, accessibility, equal opportunity, participation, and the empowerment of the people. Since its inception, Glo has consistently demonstrated these ideals through its commitment to making communication affordable and accessible to millions of Nigerians.
By pioneering competitive tariffs, affordable data services, and innovative products tailored to the needs of ordinary citizens, Glo helped break barriers to communication and brought connectivity within reach of people across different social and economic backgrounds. In doing so, it democratized access to information, knowledge, and opportunities in an increasingly digital world.
This commitment has been tested in recent times. Following the Nigerian Communications Commission’s approval of a 50 percent tariff adjustment across the telecommunications industry in 2025, operators were compelled to review their pricing structures. Yet Glo’s response reflected a people-first philosophy even amid economic pressure. Through generous data bundles, rollover benefits, value-back offers on MiFi devices, and bonus data packages, the company sought to cushion the impact on subscribers. While the industry generally moved toward higher costs, Glo worked to ensure that communication remained within the reach of ordinary Nigerians, staying true to the democratic principle that access should never be reserved for a privileged few.
Glo’s democratic approach extends beyond pricing to infrastructure development. Its 2025–2026 network modernization programme, which involved the deployment of over a thousand new 4G LTE sites, spectrum expansion, and the reconstruction of critical fibre routes, has been particularly noteworthy for its focus on underserved rural communities as well as densely populated urban centres such as markets and educational institutions. Democracy is not merely about serving those already at the centre of power; it is about extending opportunity to those at the margins. By expanding connectivity to communities that have historically been overlooked by telecommunications infrastructure, Glo has quietly been democratizing not only communication but also access to the digital future.
A key pillar of any true democracy is the protection and promotion of freedom of speech and expression. Through its reliable and affordable network, Glo has empowered millions of Nigerians to express their views, share ideas, engage in public discourse, and connect with others without being constrained by cost or access. This is not an abstract principle. It is reflected daily in the WhatsApp groups, Facebook communities, online forums, and citizen-led conversations that increasingly shape Nigeria’s political and social discourse. From grassroots town hall engagements to real-time reactions during elections and national debates, Glo provides a platform through which citizens exercise one of the most fundamental rights in a democratic society.
Furthermore, Glo’s unwavering support for local content, Nigerian talents, sports, entertainment, and entrepreneurship reflects its belief in creating opportunities for people to succeed and contribute meaningfully to national development. From its long-standing sponsorship of football competitions to its investment in Nigerian music, Nollywood, and homegrown entrepreneurial initiatives, Glo has consistently amplified Nigerian voices and celebrated Nigerian excellence. This commitment to empowering individuals mirrors the democratic principle of broad participation and shared progress.
As we honour the heroes of June 12 and reflect on the sacrifices that paved the way for democratic governance in Nigeria, Glo deserves recognition as a corporate institution that has consistently advanced the values of inclusion, accessibility, empowerment, and freedom of expression. In many respects, Glo has done for communication what democracy seeks to do for governance: place power in the hands of the people.
As Nigeria celebrates Democracy Day, Glo stands not merely as a telecom provider but as a symbol of inclusion, accessibility, and empowerment. In connecting millions of Nigerians to one another and to the world, it has helped deepen democratic participation and amplify the voices of ordinary citizens. It is more than a network. It is more than “unlimited.” It is “digital oxygen” that keeps Nigeria’s democratic conversation alive.
Happy Democracy Day, Nigeria.
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The morning sun streamed through the stained-glass windows of the Anglican Church of Transformation Hall, casting patches of amber and gold across the gathered crowd. Mothers clutched small bouquets—it was Mother’s Day—and children fidgeted in their seats, unaware that history was about to be made in their midst.
At the podium stood Sunny Irakpo, his hands steady on the lectern, his voice carrying the weight of nearly two decades of quiet war. Not a war of soldiers or bombs, but one fought with pamphlets, school visits, rehabilitation talks, and now—something far greater.
Before him sat bishops in clerical collars, doctors in tailored suits, community leaders in colorful Nigerian attire, and ordinary men and women who had crossed oceans for a better life. They had come to witness the unveiling of the SILEC International Magazine (SIM)—the first global media platform dedicated exclusively to reporting drug-related issues across Africa, the United States, and beyond.
“Just like a SIM device is important to a phone,” Sunny began, his voice warm yet resolute, “imagine one with a sophisticated phone without a SIM. Such a phone will be useless. Therefore, SIM is a solution provider—an enabler designed to bring value, reset mindsets, and create a global platform bold enough to revolutionize the media ecosystem.”
The room leaned in.
Three hours earlier, Revd. Canon Paul Obike had opened the ceremony with a prayer and a smile. The anchor Venerable Shola Ogbedebi , He looked out at the sea of faces—mothers, especially, whom he thanked for their invisible labor of raising children in a world saturated with temptation.
“Sunny Irakpo,” Ogbedebi had said, “is a courageous young man with strong passion and zeal, championing a worthy cause that has taken the lives of many promising youth in Nigeria, the United States, and across the globe. He is a trailblazer. A strong voice that keeps shaping policy direction.”
The audience had applauded, some wiping tears. They knew the statistics. They had buried nephews, cousins, sons.
Now, as Sunny continued his address, he moved from metaphor to mission.
“SILEC International Magazine is not just a publication,” he said. “It will drive awareness, create employment opportunities for young people, and support underprivileged students—particularly in Nigeria, where more than twenty million children remain out of school due to financial hardship.”
He paused, letting the number settle.
“Twenty million.”
A murmur rippled through the hall.
Sunny spoke of the vision conceived years ago, held in his heart like a pregnancy carried through contraction and pain. “When a child eventually escapes the womb, the mother leaps for joy,” he said. “Today, I stand in solidarity as a mother—not by pregnancy, but by conception of ideas that could help proffer solutions to the many problems confronting mankind. This is my joy: that baby SIM is birthed to the world today, in a country where dreams come through.”
He invoked Habakkuk 2:2—write the vision and make it plain—and reminded the gathering that a child’s raising belongs not only to its parents but to the entire community. “So it is for this newborn, named SIM,” he said. “I call for your collective nurturing.”
The statistics he shared were stark.
A United Nations report from 2025 stated that 316 million people worldwide were affected by drugs. Nearly half a million deaths annually. Twenty-eight million healthy years of life lost. In 2023, only one in twelve people with drug use disorders received any treatment.
In the United States, over one million people between the ages of eighteen and forty-five had died from drugs.
But it was Africa that Sunny named as the emerging frontline. “The new market,” he said quietly. “Seventy percent of young people. In Nigeria, according to UNODC, 14.4 million people aged fifteen to sixty-four abused drugs and substances as of 2018—significantly higher than the global average. Those aged eighteen to thirty-nine remain the worst users today.”
He did not shout. He did not need to. The numbers screamed for themselves.
Then came the moment the room had been waiting for.
The Chairman of the occasion, The Rt. Revd. Dr. Augustine Unuigbe—Coordinating Bishop of the Church of Nigeria North America Mission and Managing Director of Rapha Medical Group—rose from his seat. He was a tall man with gentle eyes and the steady hands of a physician.
“As a medical doctor,” Bishop Unuigbe said, stepping to the podium, “I have seen firsthand cases of drug overdose. I have watched young people slip away on hospital beds, their parents wailing in corridors. The drug problem and overdose deaths in the United States are underreported—for reasons I cannot ascertain. But time has come for the message to be louder.”
He turned to look directly at Sunny.
“My path and Sunny Irakpo crossed on social media,” the bishop continued. “I did not know Sunny from Adam. What brought us together is divine connection. In 2021, met him physically when the Primate of All Nigeria, the Most Rt. Dr. Henry Chukwudum Ndukuba, invited Sunny to present a paper at the Standing Committee meeting—the highest decision-making body of the Church of Nigeria, Anglican Communion. His presentation on ‘The Monster of Drug Addiction: A Battle for the Future’ was educative, revealing, and commendable.”
The bishop’s voice deepened. “My association and endorsement of SILEC Initiatives is based on the credible platform and the carrier of the message—Sunny Irakpo—who has shown serious commitment for nearly two decades. This young man deserves all the support and encouragement to propagate the message farther.”
He placed his hand on a tablet connected to a large screen. “I now unveil the SILEC International Magazine—electronically, with Artificial Intelligence tools for the campaign ideology—to the glory of God and benefit of humanity.”
The screen flickered to life. The magazine’s website appeared: crisp, modern, alive with stories. A video montage played—interviews with recovered addicts, profiles of resilient entrepreneurs, reports from Nigerian villages where schoolrooms stood empty. The audience watched in rapt silence.
Then they rose. They clapped. Some wept.
Dr. Inua Momodu, President of the Nigerian Community in Atlantic County, New Jersey, seized the moment. “Drug abuse affects almost every household,” he said. “Everyone must be involved in this fight to save the lives of young people. The Nigerian community under my leadership will continue to support SILEC Initiatives with effective collaboration.”
Distinguished guests nodded firmly from the front row. Besides, Angels In Motion ably represented by Laura Rhodes whispered to a colleague: We need to partner with them.
Before closing, Sunny Irakpo turned to the mothers in the room. It was, after all, their day.
“Dear mothers,” he said, “your roles in family and nation-building cannot be overemphasized. Sadly, in the cause of my advocacy, I have seen women deeply engaged in drug abuse and illicit trafficking. The most despicable act is using their most revered private parts to conceal drugs. One out of four females is now a drug abuser.”
The room grew very still.
“We urge our mothers to hold firm the values that help shape society. Tighten the home front. Help prevent our wards from this destructive path.”
He paused, and his voice softened.
“In loving memory, I remember today the sacrifices of my late parents—Pa Christopher Ewomarevia and Mrs. Victoria Adiheji Irakpo—for the value of education and godly parenting they implanted in me. They started this vision of SILEC with me in 2010. It pleased God that they did not witness this very important occasion. But I give God all the glory. May their kind souls continue to rest in peace.”
The ceremony ended with Reverend Ohio Simire offering the vote of thanks, followed by closing prayers from Bishop Unuigbe. As the crowd filed out into the New Jersey afternoon, phones buzzed with notifications—the live stream had reached thousands across three continents.
Outside, a young woman approached Sunny Irakpo. She was perhaps twenty-two, her eyes red-rimmed.
“My brother overdosed last year,” she said quietly. “He was nineteen.”
Sunny placed a hand on her shoulder. “Then we do this for him,” he said. “And for all the others.”
She nodded, and for the first time that day, she smiled.
Somewhere, a SIM card connects a phone to the world. And somewhere else, a newborn magazine called SIM began connecting broken stories to hope—one page, one life, one truth at a time. Oh, what a magazine you must get with just a click from your phone at www.sim.silecinitiatives.org.ng . SILEC is rising, SILEC International Magazine, the global light.
Article contributed by Kwame Jamal
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Opinion
When Architecture of Policy Meets Architecture of Connection
Published
3 days agoon
June 9, 2026By
Eric
By Shakirat Akintola
For many political observers, the proposition of an Atiku-Momodu ticket represents a fascinating answer to Nigeria’s complex governance puzzle. The conversation is rapidly moving past the two personalities involved, evolving into a broader debate about national cohesion, credibility, and the precise qualities required to steady a fractured nation.
Atiku Abubakar, having recently emerged as the presidential candidate for the African Democratic Congress (ADC) following a fiercely contested and highly scrutinized nationwide primary election, remains one of the most resilient figures in Nigeria’s democratic journey. His institutional memory is vast. As the Vice President who chaired the National Economic Council during one of Nigeria’s most consequential eras of economic restructuring and privatization, he understands the levers of state policy.
Yet, in a nation fractured along regional, religious, and generational lines, policy blueprints alone are no longer enough. The opposition faces a distinct hurdle: Nigerians already know who Atiku is. The challenge is not building recognition, but establishing a genuine, empathetic connection with the deep frustrations of the grassroots. This is precisely where Aare Dele Momodu enters the equation.
To view Momodu strictly through the glamorous lens of Ovation International is to misunderstand the deliberate philosophy behind his media empire. While critics might initially mistake his chronicling of high society for elite insulation, his career has actually functioned as a masterclass in breaking down walls. For decades, Momodu did not just document success; he demystified it, bringing the corridors of power and privilege directly to the gaze of the ordinary citizen. More importantly, this deep social capital was forged in the fires of grassroots defiance. Long before he was a celebrated publisher, Momodu was a pro-democracy activist who faced detention and forced exile during the dark days of the Abacha regime for standing with the masses. His ability to navigate corporate boardrooms today is not a sign of detachment from the struggle, but a powerful asset. It means the opposition gains a communicator who can walk into spaces of immense privilege, speak truth to power in their own language, and channel that access directly back into the service of Nigeria’s markets, classrooms, and farming communities.
A Referendum on Lived Realities
The ongoing security and economic trials illustrate exactly why a balance of institutional experience and cultural reach matters. For a parent deciding between school fees and healthcare, or a trader calculating the risks of interstate highways, governance is not a theoretical debate.
The next election will not be won by campaign slogans or aggressive social media strategies. It will be decided by trust. While the ruling party scrambles to convince a strained populace that their sacrifices will yield future rewards, the opposition must present a credible, steady, and comforting alternative.
Nigeria’s future will ultimately be shaped by leaders who look beyond political echo chambers and actively listen to the markets, classrooms, and farming communities. As the country continues its difficult search for stability, the political figures capable of building a bridge between sound policy and genuine human empathy will inevitably command the attention of a nation eager to move forward.
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