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Pendulum: South Africa in this Season of Total Madness

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By Dele Momodu

Fellow Nigerians, let me confess that I was a big fan of South Africa until lately. I have travelled to South Africa countless times in the last 15 years for business and pleasure. Sometimes I have routed my journey through that country only to seek to experience the air of freedom brought about by what I believed was the death of apartheid. I suspect that I was also trying to make up for those terrible years of apartheid when we thought we will never travel in that direction in our lifetime. As it turned out, Nigeria was a major clamourer for the end of the oppression of the Blacks in South Africa, and remained in the vanguard of the war against apartheid until the collapse of the evil regime and system. Not only did Nigeria support the country, it offered solace, succour and shelter for Black South Africans many of whom had fled to Nigeria to escape the tribulations, trauma and sometimes torture that they would otherwise be exposed to. Not only were these our South African brothers and sisters welcomed with open hands and were well catered for, we treated them like royalty and afforded them opportunities that were not even available to ordinary Nigerians.  We educated and trained them. We effectively armed them in every sense of the word for the struggle that they would be plunged into both during the battles to end apartheid but also thereafter during the turbulent periods of nation-building.  In fact, Nigeria and Nigerians wept louder than the bereaved. Nelson and Winnie Mandela were our biggest heroes and we shared in their pain and anguish.

The release of Mandela from prison was celebrated all over the world and Nigeria in particular. His first visit to Nigeria shortly afterwards was carnival-like. Without sounding blasphemous, everyone wanted to touch his body, as if doing so would heal all wounds and proffer salvation to sinners. We wondered then, and till today, how a man who spent 27 years in prison would still have the capacity not just to forgive but also to forget and thereafter move on with his life and national leadership. Other mortals in his shoes would have pursued their enemies to the pit of hell. Not Mandela. He kept his dignified poise all the way and held out olive branches for those who had manacled his manhood and spirit. He demonstrated the truism that you can shackle the body, but the mind and spirit will always be free to roam as the individual directs.

I remember when news broke that Nelson had decided to separate from his wife, Winnie, whom we all saw and accepted as the symbol of the struggle. We were stunned and dumbfounded. We were thrown into mourning instantly. But because this was Mandela, we forgave him. Even when he imported his new wife from Mozambique (some women are lucky, her last husband was also a President, Samora Machel), his fanatical fans forgave him again. Even in death, it is apparent that the Man can do no wrong.  He is the reference point for visionary leadership and consummate statesmanship. He displayed abilities and capacities so uncommon in most world leaders. He was simply an icon, a colossus that is nonpareil, one of a kind. I guess Mandela is so big that African leaders don’t even try to emulate him. He is just so much bigger than them as for example his decision not to be a sit-tight leader notwithstanding that his countrymen and the world at large craved for more of his unique and distinctive style of government.

With the liberation from apartheid, Nigerians felt a sense of entitlement in South Africa and wasted no time in invading the place, in droves, like locusts. Every new immigrant became enchanted with the country and immediately sent word home inviting family and friends to come and experience Eldorado. I must also say this for the records. I used to wonder why the white settlers did not want to hand over to the real owners and original inhabitants of the land? Why would anyone travel from distant places and decide to take over one the juiciest landscapes in the entire world? Who gave them the right? I discovered the simple answer as soon as I first encountered Johannesburg. Wow, I exclaimed, I thought I was in paradise. In reality, I realised that no one would build such monumental infrastructure and allow it to fall into wrong hands. Apart from anything, they would also want to enjoy the beauty and comfort for eternity.

I fell headlong in love with South Africa exactly 15 years ago during the 70th birthday celebrations of The Esama of Benin, Chief Gabriel Osawaru Igbinedion, who incidentally is celebrating his 85th birthday at this very moment. One of the events took place in South Africa where he and his children have had extensive interests for years. I stayed long enough to undertake a tour of some parts of the country. We saw beautiful ranches and some incredible estates. Trust us Nigerians, we know the good life and we love the great life. Nigerians were doing great in the country. Visas were not so difficult to obtain, though we were naturally disappointed and even angry that Nigerians queued for visa while Europeans strolled in and out at will. We still face the same segregation to this day.

I would later further get hooked on South African Airways with its sumptuous meals and fantastic wines. There were times I flew to London and back via South Africa, not minding the 16 hours that I would have to endure on each leg. My affection for South Africa started waning after a sad experience I had at the Michelangelo in Sandton one miserable evening. The duo of KC Presh had come to visit me at the hotel. Two of their friends later arrived and requested from the reception for access to my floor which was declined pronto. I went down personally to sort it out with the manager. To my utter consternation, whites were going in and out freely while the blacks were sentenced and banished from entering after 6pm. I was nonplussed. I reflected again on whether I had been dreaming that apartheid had ended years earlier and that this was a country run by Black people for the masses of the people who are majorly Black. It did not seem that this was the case, as the debacle presented us a classic case of segregation, except that it was being sanctioned by Black people against their Black folk. Unbelievable!

That was my first baptism of fire. I was so angry and disillusioned that I checked out the following day and never returned to that hotel. This woke me up to the sordid reality of things in post-apartheid South Africa. The Independence of South Africa was clearly far from being total. It was a mirage. I travelled to Cape Town, Durban, and Joburg many times and began to see the ugliness I never observed before. I saw squalor and opulence side by side, between Alexandria and Sandton. Cases of violence quadrupled. Nigerians were targets because they knew we love to carry cash and enjoy the good life. We were envied because of our confidence and self-assuredness.

Then some of our bad boys started trickling into townships and partially adulterated the majority who are the good ones. Many of them did not just take over the good and bad businesses, they also took the women from their less generous boyfriends. Nigerians hold the world championship records in over-pampering their girlfriends. Many South African ladies ran away to Nigerians, told their parents to forget ever having them back.

But by far the biggest battle was among the drug lords and their gangs. The South Africans alleged in 2016 that Nigerians were taking over the trade and they must flush them out by fire by force. This was confirmed by a well-positioned staff of our High Commission in Pretoria. Since then there has been a simmering war between the South African drug cartels and the foreign drug cartels some of which unfortunately include Nigerian drug barons.

One of the major causes of the present strife, for which Nigerians are in the forefront of foreigners being consumed by the conflagration, is the fact that foreigners especially Nigerians are typically more hardworking and industrious than their South African counterparts. Nigerians are business savvy and diligent.  They are innovative and creative. They will prosper in the midst of adversity and the worst kind of situations, as is currently being shown by events at home. The ordinary South African probably finds this culture and work ethic alien to their DNA. What we must note, is that no narrative can justify or excuse the heinous and hideous atrocities that we have all been witnessing. We should not allow any fifth columnist to distract or divide us from being united against the evil, vile and wicked monstrosities being perpetrated against Nigerians in South Africa.

The culpability of the South African security apparatus for the ignoble events unfolding in South Africa is palpable. At this volatile moment, they appear to be tacitly and, sometimes, overtly supporting their people by studiously ignoring the wanton and depraved killings of foreigners and the unconscionable looting of their property. The South African Police Force is a largely efficient and well-drilled unit.  It has significant resources to fight this scourge if it wishes. It has the benefit of CCTV and other surveillance techniques to fight any drug war, if that is partly the genesis of the crisis. It can bring down both the South African and foreign cartels if it so wishes. Turning a blind eye, as it seems to be doing, can only give fillip to the rumours that the police are complicit in the problem.  It is in their own interest to nip such stories or popular beliefs in the bud.

As for me and my house, the major blame should go to His Excellency President Cyril Ramaphosa who had actually stoked the fire of xenophobia during his Presidential campaigns. Some of the statements he was captured saying on tape are too bizarre and unbecoming of a man of his position and status. His recent appeals to reason and wisdom have become too little and too late. Many are not even convinced of his sincerity. The popular belief is that those words are half-hearted and spoken with a forked tongue, that they are only uttered to fulfil all righteousness and nothing tangible would ever come out of them.

I believe the South Africans have bitten more than they can chew this time around and they should be taught some big lessons that they will never forget. I think the only language they would understand is if we inflict the biggest economic sanctions on them. If I were the President of Nigeria, I would threaten, and if not heeded, start the process of legally shutting down some of their major economic interests in our country like MTN and DSTV. In any event I would have immediately ordered an inventory of all South African businesses in Nigeria. I would also ask my High Commissioner in South Africa to embark on a similar exercise of Nigerian interests including small scale businesses. For every Nigerian business burnt or looted I would legitimately ensure that a South African business is taken over. If human limbs and lives are involved, I would inflict incarceration on those of them that have breached our laws and we have been turning a blind eye. Again, I am sure that there are more than a few of these. Moreover, I doubt that South Africa can survive for too long if their cash cow, MTN, or even DSTV, is nationalised, bidded and subjected to the ownership of Nigerians with commensurate and demonstrable capacities to run them. I am sure that there are quite a few infractions being committed by these South African giants that would make such a process possible. The insult on Nigeria has reached its peak and this should not be so.

To whom much is given, much is expected. Nigeria has been too kind to South Africa, but South Africa has never reciprocated properly. As President of Nigeria, I would have been brutal against the madness going on in South Africa. My response would have been swift, and harsh, albeit just. Someone needs to demonstrate that Nigeria is not squeamish or stupid. The fact that we are nice, kind, generous and accommodating should not be taken for docility or weakness.

Having said all these, I will never support any act of looting or damaging of South African shops in Nigeria. That would be tantamount to committing the same crime as the children of anger who have been going on rampage in South Africa. Two wrongs can never make a right. I believe the main thing that can hurt the South Africans is to wield our big economic stocks and block the very bountiful harvests they’ve been carting away from us. They will be forced to control the recalcitrant and unrepentant thugs, louts and brigands who have been acting stupidly and recklessly.

Let’s not behave like them. We should act like the intelligent and civilised humans of reasonable breed, culture and custom that we are and are renowned to be. Nigeria is not the giant of Africa without reason. This is probably the catalyst for the sleeping giant to awaken.

The ball is squarely in Mr President’s court. This is the time for action and not inaction. For authority and not delegation!

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Opposition Parties Reject 2026 Electoral Act, Demand Fresh Amendment

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Opposition political parties have rejected the 2026 Electoral Act recently passed by the National Assembly, which President Bola Tinubu swiftly signed into law.

The parties called on the National Assembly to immediately begin a fresh amendment process to remove what they described as “all obnoxious provisions” in the law.

Their position was made known at a press briefing themed “Urgent Call to Save Nigeria’s Democracy,” held at the Transcorp Hilton Hotel in Abuja on Thursday.

In a communiqué read by the Chairman of the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) Ahmed Ajuji, the opposition leaders stated:

“We demand that the National Assembly immediately commence a fresh amendment to the Electoral Act 2026, to remove all obnoxious provisions and ensure that the Act reflects only the will and aspiration of Nigerians for free, fair, transparent and credible electoral process in our country. Nothing short of this will be acceptable to Nigerians.”

Some of the opposition leaders present in at the event include former Senate President David Mark; former Governor of Osun State, Rauf Aregbesola; former Vice President Atiku Abubakar; former Governor of Rivers State, Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi; and former Governor of Anambra State, Peter Obi, all from the African Democratic Congress (ADC).

The National Chairman of the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP), Ahmed Ajuji, and other prominent members of the NNPP, notably Buba Galadima, were also in attendance.

The coalition said the amended law, signed by Bola Tinubu, contains “anti-democratic” clauses, which they argue may weaken electoral transparency and public confidence in the voting system.

At the centre of the opposition’s concerns is the amendment to Section 60(3), which allows presiding officers to rely on manual transmission of election results where there is communication failure.

According to the coalition, the provision weakens the mandatory electronic transmission of results and could create loopholes for manipulation.

They argued that Nigeria’s electoral technology infrastructure is sufficient to support nationwide electronic transmission, citing previous assurances by officials of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).

The parties also rejected the amendment to Section 84, which restricts political parties to direct primaries and consensus methods for candidate selection.

They described the change as an unconstitutional intrusion into the internal affairs of parties, insisting that indirect primaries remain a legitimate democratic option.

The opposition cited alleged irregularities in the recent Federal Capital Territory local government elections as evidence of what they described as a broader pattern of electoral compromise.

They characterised the polls as a “complete fraud” and said the outcome has deepened their lack of confidence in the ability of the electoral system to deliver credible elections in 2027.

The coalition also condemned reported attacks on leaders of the African Democratic Congress in Edo State, describing the incidents as a serious threat to democratic participation and political tolerance.

They warned that increasing violence against opposition figures could destabilise the political environment if not urgently addressed.

In their joint statement, the opposition parties pledged to pursue “every constitutional means” to challenge the Electoral Act 2026 and safeguard voters’ rights.

“We will not be intimidated,” the leaders said, urging civil society organisations and citizens to support efforts aimed at protecting Nigeria’s democratic system.

On February 18, 2026, President Bola Tinubu signed the Electoral Act (Amendment) 2026 into law following its passage by the National Assembly. The Act introduced several reforms, including statutory recognition of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System and revised election timelines.

However, opposition figures such as Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi have also called for further amendments, particularly over the manual transmission fallback clause, which critics say leaves room for manipulation.

The president said the law will strengthen democracy and prevent voter disenfranchisement.

Tinubu defended manual collation of results, questioned Nigeria’s readiness for full real-time electronic transmission, and warned against technical glitches and hacking.

The Electoral Act sparked intense debate in the National Assembly over how election results should be transmitted ahead of the 2027 general elections.

Civil society groups under the “Occupy NASS” campaign demanded real-time transmission to curb manipulation.

In the Senate, lawmakers clashed during consideration of Clause 60, which allows manual transmission of results if electronic transmission fails.

Senator Enyinnaya Abaribe (ADC, Abia South) demanded a formal vote to remove the proviso permitting manual transmission, arguing against weakening real-time electronic reporting.

The move led to a heated exchange on the floor, with Senate President Godswill Akpabio initially suggesting the demand had been withdrawn.

After procedural disputes and a brief confrontation among senators, a division was conducted. Fifteen opposition senators voted against retaining the manual transmission proviso, while 55 supported it, allowing the clause to stand.

Earlier proceedings had briefly stalled during clause-by-clause review, prompting consultations and a closed-door session.

In the House of Representatives, a similar disagreement came up over a motion to rescind an earlier decision that mandated compulsory real-time electronic transmission of results to IReV.

Although the “nays” were louder during a voice vote, Speaker Tajudeen Abbas ruled in favour of rescinding the decision, triggering protests and an executive session.

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AFP: How Tinubu’s Govt Paid Boko Haram ‘Huge’ Ransom, Released Two Terrorists for Kidnapped Saint Mary’s Pupils

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The Nigerian government paid Boko Haram militants a “huge” ransom of millions of dollars to free up to 230 children and staff the jihadists abducted from a Catholic school in November, an AFP investigation revealed Monday.

Two Boko Haram commanders were also freed as part of the deal, which goes against the country’s own law banning payments to kidnappers. The money was delivered by helicopter to Boko Haram’s Gwoza stronghold in northeastern Borno state on the border with Cameroon, intelligence sources told AFP.

The decision to pay the militants is likely to irritate US President Donald Trump, who ordered air strikes on jihadists in northern Nigeria on Christmas Day and has been sent military trainers to help support Nigerian forces.

Nigerian government officials deny any ransom was paid to the armed gang that snatched close to 300 schoolchildren and staff from St. Mary’s boarding school in Papiri in central Niger state on November 21. At least 50 later managed to escape their captors.

Boko Haram has not been previously linked to the kidnapping, but sources told AFP one of its most feared commanders was behind the mass abduction: the notorious jihadist known as Sadiku.

He infamously held up a train from the capital in 2022 and netted hefty ransoms for the release of government officials and other well-off passengers.

Boko Haram, which has waged a bloody insurgency since 2009, is strongest in northeast Nigeria.

But a cell in central Niger state operates under Sadiku’s leadership. The St. Mary’s pupils and staff were freed after two weeks of negotiations led by Nuhu Ribadu, Nigeria’s National Security Adviser, with the government insisting no ransom was paid. Nigeria’s State Security Service flatly denied paying any money, saying “government agents don’t pay ransoms”.

However, four intelligence sources familiar with the talks told AFP the government paid a “huge” ransom to get the pupils back. One source put it at 40 million naira per head – around $7 million in total.

Another put the figure lower at two billion naira overall. The money was delivered by chopper to Ali Ngulde, a Boko Haram commander in the northeast, three sources told AFP.

Due to the lack of communications cover in the remote area, Ngulde had to cross into Cameroon to confirm delivery of the ransom before the first group of 100 children were released.

Nigeria has long been plagued by mass abductions, with criminals and jihadist groups sometimes working together to extort millions from hostages’ families, and authorities seemingly powerless to stop them.

Source: Africanews

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Unlawful Invasion: El-Rufai Drags ICPC, IGP, Others to Court, Demands N1bn Damages

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Former Governor of Kaduna State, Nasir El-Rufai, has slammed a ₦1 billion fundamental rights enforcement suit against the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) for what he claimed was an unlawful invasion of his Abuja residence.

El-Rufai, in a suit filed at the Federal High Court in Abuja, also listed the Chief Magistrate, Magistrate’s Court of the FCT, Abuja Magisterial District; Inspector-General of Police, and the Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF) as 2nd to 4th respondents respectively.

According to the suit filed through his lawyers, led by Oluwole Iyamu, El-Rufai prayed the court to declare that the search warrant issued on February 4 by the Chief Magistrate, Magistrate’s Court of the FCT (2nd respondent), authorising the search and seizure at his residence as invalid, null and void.

Security operatives had stormed and searched the former Governor’s residence in the ongoing investigations against him.

However, he argued in the case marked: FHC/ABJ/CS/345/2026, that the search was in violation of Section 37 of the Constitution, and urged the court to declare that the search warrant was “null and void for lack of particularity, material drafting errors, ambiguity in execution parameters, overbreadth, and absence of probable cause thereby constituting an unlawful and unreasonable search.”

In the suit dated and filed February 20 by Iyamu, ex-governor, who is currently under detention, sought seven reliefs.

He prayed the court to declare that the invasion and search of his residence at House 12, Mambilla Street, Aso Drive, Abuja, on Feb. 19 at about 2pm and executed by agents of ICPC and I-G, “under the aforesaid invalid warrant, amounts to a gross violation of the applicant’s fundamental rights to dignity of the human person, personal liberty, fair hearing, and privacy under Sections 34, 35, 36, and 37 of the Constitution.”

He urged the court to declare that “any evidence obtained pursuant to the aforesaid invalid warrant and unlawful search is inadmissible in any proceedings against the applicant, as it was procured in breach of constitutional safeguards.”

El-Rufai, therefore, sought an order of injunction restraining the respondents and their agents from further relying on, using, or tendering any evidence or items seized during the unlawful search in any investigation, prosecution, or proceedings involving him.

“An order directing the Ist and 3rd respondents (ICPC and I-G) to forthwith return all items seized from the applicant’s premises during the unlawful search, together with a detailed inventory thereof.

“An order awarding the sum of N1,000,000,000.00 (One Billion Naira) as general, exemplary, and aggravated damages against the respondents jointly and severally for the violations of the applicant’s fundamental rights, including trespass, unlawful seizure, and the resultant psychological trauma, humiliation, distress, infringement of privacy, and reputational harm.”

The breakdown of the ₦1 billion in damages includes “a N300 million as compensatory damages for psychological trauma, emotional distress, and loss of personal security;

“A ₦400 million as exemplary damages to deter future misconduct by law enforcement agencies and vindicate the applicant’s rights.

“A ₦300 million as aggravated damages for the malicious, high-handed and oppressive nature of the respondents’ actions, including the use of a patently defective warrant procured through misleading representations.”

He equally sought ₦100 million as the cost of filing the suit, including legal fees and associated expenses.

Iyamu argued that the search warrant was fundamentally defective, lacking specificity in the description of items to be seized, containing material typographical errors, ambiguous execution terms, overbroad directives, and no verifiable probable cause.

He added that the warrant violated Sections 143-148 of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act (ACJA), 2015; Section 36 of the Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences (ICPC) Act, 2000, and constitutional protections against arbitrary intrusions and several other constitutional provisions.

“Section 146 stipulates that the warrant must be in the prescribed form, free from defects that could mislead, but the document is riddled with errors in the address, date, and district designation;

“Section 147 allows direction to specified persons, but the warrant’s indiscriminate addressing to “all officers is overbroad and unaccountable.

“Section 148 permits execution at reasonable times, but the contradictory language creates ambiguity, undermining procedural clarity,” he submitted.

Iyamu stated that the execution of the invalid warrant on Feb. 19 resulted in an unlawful invasion of his client’s premises, constituting violations of the rights to dignity (Section 34), personal liberty (Section 35), fair hearing (Section 36), and privacy (Section 37) of the Constitution.

He further argued that the search was conducted without legal justification and in a manner that inflicted humiliation and distress.

Evidence obtained without a valid warrant is unlawful and inadmissible, as established in judicial precedents such as C.O.P. v. Omoh (1969) NCLR 137, where the court ruled that evidence procured through improper means contravenes fundamental rights and must be excluded,” he said.

In the affidavit in support of the application, Mohammed Shaba, a Principal Secretary to the former governor, averred that on Feb. 19 at about 2p.m., officers from the ICPC and Nigeria Police Force invaded the residence under a purported search warrant issued on or about Feb. 4.

According to him, the said warrant is invalid due to its lack of specificity, errors, and other defects as outlined in the grounds of this application.

He said the “search warrant did not specify the properties or items being searched for.”

Shaba stated that the officers failed to submit themselves for search as provided by the law before proceeding with the search.

“That the Magistrate did not specify the magisterial district wherein he sits.

“That during the invasion, the officers searched the applicant’s premises without lawful authority, seized personal items including documents and electronic devices, and caused the applicant undue humiliation, psychological trauma, and distress.

“Now shown to me and marked as ‘EXHIBIT B’ Is the list of the items carted away.

“That no items seized have been returned, and the respondents continue to rely on the unlawful evidence.

“That the applicant suffered violations of his constitutional rights as a result, and this application is brought in good faith to enforce same,” Shaba said.

Source: Naijanews.com

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