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Pendulum: A Special Birthday Gift for John Mahama at 60
Published
7 years agoon
By
Eric
By Dele Momodu
Fellow Africans, if you had access to this column last week, you must have seen, or read, the special tribute I penned for one of Africa’s greatest leaders of the 21st century, the former President of the Republic of Ghana, Dr John Dramani Mahama.
The question I have had to answer, countless times, before and after, is that if Mahama was that brilliant, visionary and efficacious, why did he lose the Presidential election? My candid answer always is that the most brilliant students can fail exams for reasons other than intellect and brilliance. I can say with all emphasis at my disposal that Mahama did not lose the 2016 Presidential election in Ghana because he did not perform. He lost for some other known and unknown reasons that history will ultimately reveal.
Let me also add, very quickly, that there is this uncanny similarity between Nigeria and Ghana, in many facets of our political trajectory. The history of our two countries have shown how we are like Siamese twins, joined together in many parts than one organ. Whenever there has been a coup d’etat in Nigeria, Ghana’s was going to follow soon, or vice versa. We seem to share a common destiny. Once President Goodluck Jonathan lost his election in 2015, it was almost surreally certain that President John Dramani Mahama was going to follow a similar path of catastrophe in Ghana given the similarity in the manner in which both had been elevated to the Presidency. The Opposition, led by President Buhari, was able to win in Nigeria because of a blistering campaign of calumny against Jonathan. He was given uncharitable monikers and sobriquets, some not undeserved, like clueless, incompetent, corrupt, ditherer and so on. The Opposition also painted a capacity for possessing magical powers to turn Nigeria into an Eldorado overnight. I would have been surprised if the Ghanaian opposition did not borrow a leaf from the Nigerian experiment which saw the collapse of the PDP behemoth after ruling Nigeria for 16 years.
One sure banker for any African opposition is to successfully label the ruling party as blatantly corrupt. Every poor man sees a corrupt politician as the source of his abysmal poverty and failure in life. In Nigeria, many would swear today that Jonathan suffered, and was severely punished, for the sins of his reckless, profligate and thieving subordinates and acolytes. It is certain that Mahama suffered the same fate in Ghana. I was close enough to him and knew Mahama had not amassed the kind of personal wealth and resources ascribed to him. I was stunned during his campaign to see how he panicked about his inability to fund many of his activities. This often generated arguments between me and some of my Ghanaian friends who could not believe my personal observations. They based their lack of faith on the circumstantial evidence that some of his cronies lived larger than life. It was the same story in Jonathan’s Nigeria.
Jonathan also lost the Presidential election due largely to the war of attrition that ravaged his party. Mahama faced a similar rebellion in his own NDC party, where a lot of relevant and influential members felt sidelined and waited for the opportune moment to retaliate in a most devastating manner. The campaign that there was monumental corruption and looting in the Jonathan government resonated with the foreign powers based on damning reports filed by their local representatives. They were sold on the belief that those who would take power were men and women of impeccable pedigree and integrity. The same was the case in Ghana. Some damaging reports circulated on the eve of Ghanaian elections purportedly linked Mahama and members of his family to concrete plans to militarise the country and cause maximum mayhem in order to win the election, by fire and by force. But this story was nothing other than a hoax. As a matter of fact, anyone who knows Mahama well would know he can never, deliberately, hurt a fly. Mahama did not enjoy the appurtenances of power to the extent that he would get so addicted and become a sit-tight ruler. As President, he lived in a very modest home and shunned the ostentations and trappings of the more ceremonial bpState Houses. His official car was a simple Toyota Avalon, and a few jeeps only followed in tow. Sometimes, he rode his power bike on the streets escorted by undercover agents. On occasions, we went out together in the evening to have dinner at the popular Urban Grill and he would sit alone in the car with his younger brother, Energy, as his driver, and no security in sight. He participated in a family farm of poultry, cattle and grains on some vast land in Akosombo area. I learnt so much from his exceptional humility. He was not a perfect human being, like all mortals, but he worked assiduously to place Ghana on the path of economic buoyancy via infrastructural revolution, the reason his fans called him Kwame Nkrumah II.
I will not belabour you with many of his phenomenal achievements. Not even the most vociferous of his critics would accuse him of not working for the greatness of Ghana. His biggest albatross was that he took too many bold steps and risked everything in the process. He told Ghanaians the uncommon truth about the state of things and didn’t know how to pretend that all was well when it wasn’t. He told Ghanaians they would have to pay for every convenience they enjoyed and there would be no freebies. He paid dearly for his unusual courage, especially for blatantly refusing to being your typical run-of-the-mill politician with sugar-coated tongue.
Two years after losing that election, Mahama seems to be enjoying a bounce and resurgence. Many who had criticised him for all manner of malfeasance are beginning to eat and swallow their own words. Some are even apologising for hurting him so much in the past. The best of such apologies went viral during the week. I won’t tantalise you, but will publish the open letter to Mahama, for your reading delight. Let me say that I do not know the author, but whosoever wrote this piece did so from the heart. Nigerians have a lot to learn from the Ghanaian saga as we head to the polls again in less than three months. It teaches us to be wary of slanderous campaigns without any iota of proof of misdemeanour. We must weigh our options clearly and not just rely on the aberrant behaviour of a few to hang the multitude. In Nigeria, this goes both ways. Please enjoy…
MR MAHAMA, STOP CAMPAIGNING AND FORM YOUR GOVERNMENT – “WE ARE SORRY ”
Dear Mr Mahama,
May I please, respectfully, send my sincerest apologies to yourself and your government.
I have now realised that statements I made in the press, posted on my social media platforms were disruptive and ill-informed. I sincerely regret having made any disrespectful comments and I herein unreservedly apologise in this regard to yourself and your government.
With my fake change lenses off, I can now see much more clearly how much good your government brought to the country and the infrastructural development it bequeathed to the land.
Mr Mahama, I apologise unreservedly and without condition for any distress I may have caused as a result of my ignorance of governance issues. If there is anything I can do to remedy my mistake, please let me know as I only want the best for you and Ghana. I have written officially to all the radio stations I lambasted you on, the newspapers that published my articles against your government, my church members who grouped to listen to my lies and falsehood every Sunday, the thousands who follow me on social media platforms and the websites. I will state few of the many reasons why I am rendering this apology but before I do that, I thank you in advance for your indulgence and understanding of an uniformed Ghanaian.
When Kweku Kyen forwarded videos of you campaigning in the Ashanti Region, I asked him “why you wasting resources on the campaign”. You should be thinking about how you going to continue your governance magic after the 2020 election. Ghanaians today are going through deep pains inflicted on them by this government and no amount of manipulation of the citizenry, the electoral commission and other state institutions can make Ghanaians change their resolve to vote out the Npp government in 2020.
Mr Mahama, I campaigned against you in 2012 and did same in 2016. I am a registered member of the Npp and have supported the party in many ways and at different levels. I took it upon myself to make you and your government unpopular because of what I was told about you, your wife, Ibrahim and some of your appointees. We were told you own hotels in Dubai and other places, we were told you have a gold refinery shop in South Africa, your wife owns (sic) shops in South Africa and Equatorial Guinea. We contracted a company in Belgium to investigate these allegations and the results we got were negative. Those who made these allegations during the election and vigorously defended them on Radio in Europe and the United (sic) States, have suddenly gone quiet and will not respond to calls and messages for further and better particulars on the allegations. I and those who supported candidate Akufo Addo and the Npp cannot take the blame for the shocking state we find ourselves.
As an editor of powerful newspaper and online radio station, I worked with a group of brilliant minds to counter whatever (sic) rumour or policy was put out by your government. I doubt the President got the LinkedIn (sic) page that I set for him. As one of Nana’s ardent supporters, this was all unpaid brought from a place of conviction. Nothing was asked for, nothing was received. Just to keep Mahama out for the man I thought was incorruptible with the magic wand to take over. I didn’t know I (sic) was preparing a suicide rope for myself and family.
Mr Mahama, once again I say sorry. Why campaigning? Ghanaians have seen the truth and describing as they’ve become, are calmly waiting for 2020 to come for the Npp to tell them where your hotels are situated, why you’ve not been prosecuted, why they are (sic) commissioning and recommissioning cost inflated projects. Ghanaians will ask them to explain why they borrowed more than your government when we told them we have all the monies needed for our projects here. They will demand to know the projects implemented from the loans. They will ask why Transparency International downgraded Ghana under our government, why teachers are going to do national service, why the 100 year bond, why the double track system the associated problems. They will demand explanation why the President has appointed over 40 members of his family into his administration, why the cedi broke jail, why the weekly fuel price increase. While demanding for answers, Ghanaians will be looking at your projects in their communities and those whose projects were abandoned after 2016 will continue to pray and fast for the clock to run faster. (sic)
This time round, I should be consistent and honorable enough to tell my President as it is and apologise to you for what I said, wrote and preached about you.
Thank you Sir. (sic)
(Eugene Nana Poku ).
The content of that letter remains that of the writer and does not necessarily mirror the total reality in Ghana today. Like the case in Nigeria, many supporters of the ruling government in Ghana still believe the current President has delivered on his promises. It is always the job of the opposition to disagree and throw sand in the garri of the incumbent. What is clear in all this is that no government can please everyone and also that there is serious danger in over-promising before taking power. You may end up blaming the past government not only for their much publicised ills, but also for failing to do virtually everything you promised while in opposition.
Meanwhile, the clock of governance is clicking and ticking away at supersonic speed…
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Wike Remains Undisputed Rivers APC, PDP Leader, Tinubu Rules
Published
17 hours agoon
February 3, 2026By
Eric
President Bola Tinubu has, again, intervened to halt the escalating feud between Rivers State Governor, Siminalayi Fubara, and his predecessor and estranged godfather, Nyesom Wike.
The peace deal came after months of failed settlements that had pushed the state to the brink of governorship impeachment, legislative paralysis, and prolonged instability.
The president had previously intervened in the rift between Fubara and Wike in December 2023, when he brokered a fragile peace, which broke down soon after, leading the declaration of a six-month emergency rule in the state on March 18, 2025 by Tinubu and suspension of the governor.
However, in the fresh push to defuse one of the country’s most combustible political disagreements in recent times, Tinubu ordered an immediate suspension of any impeachment moves against Fubara, but with very strict conditions.
Multiple highly placed sources familiar with the issue told THISDAY that Tinubu, who acted just before departing for an official trip to Türkiye on January 26, laid down the political terms aimed at restoring peace between the two key political actors in Rivers State, a state seen as critical to the president’s re-election in 2027.
Tinubu’s intervention came with a blunt message to Fubara: Wike remains the undisputed political leader of the party, whether APC or Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in Rivers State, and he must be respected in that regard.
THISDAY was told that the president, visibly displeased by the depth of the rift, despite his efforts in the past, warned that continued hostilities would undermine governance in the state and lead to instability, a situation Tinubu said he was not ready to condone.
Tinubu was said to have clearly told Wike to back off any impeachment plots against Fubara and allow governance in the state.
Fubara and his predecessor, Wike, have had a cat and mouse relationship just within months of the governor’s swearing into office in May 2023. What is now out in the open is that Wike, who personally engineered Fubara’semergence as his successor, has sought to control the levers of power from Abuja, while the governor has resisted what many see as the FCT minister’s chokehold on him.
The relationship began to fracture within months of Fubara’s inauguration, as the governor quietly sought to assert his independence, with political actors in the state immediately taking sides. Notably, in the ongoing fight, almost all the state lawmakers align with Wike.
Subsequently, attempts to impeach Fubara emerged from the pro-Wike group in the House of Assembly. Although the governor has tried to wriggle out of the situation several times, the shadows of impeachment continue to haunt him every time there is a disagreement with the minister.
Several efforts have been made to resolve the crisis, all of which failed to produce lasting peace. The failure of one of the peace meetings eventually led to the declaration of a state of emergency in the oil-rich state, which lasted six months.
While Wike’s camp continues to accuse Fubara of betrayal and political ingratitude, the governor’s allies argue that Rivers State cannot be run from outside the state by a former governor now serving as the FCT minister.
Still on the latest attempt to seek an end to the prolonged imbroglio, one insider recounted the president’s thinking, drawing a parallel with Lagos State, where Sanwo-Olu is the leader of the party.
Tinubu was said to have stated, “Is Babajide Sanwo-Olu my leader in Lagos, or was Babatunde Fashola my leader when he was governor?”, according to a source.
The president was equally said to have stated that Fubara should respect elders, saying Wike is an elder statesman in Rivers politics and should be regarded as such. Tinubu, one of the sources added, made it clear that political seniority could not be wished away because of personal disagreements.
As part of the peace deal, the president directed Wike and his camp to immediately halt all impeachment-related actions against Fubara, citing his overriding concern about stability in Rivers State.
In return, Fubara was instructed to make significant concessions. Chief among them was the formal recognition of Wike as the “political leader” in Rivers State, with final authority on party matters.
Sources said Tinubu stressed that all internal party disputes in the state must ultimately defer to Wike.
However, the complexity of Wike’s case is that he is not a card-carrying member of APC in Rivers State. Officially, he remains a member of the struggling opposition PDP, although he is a top minister under the ruling APC government – A position he has used to weaken his party, the PDP.
Besides, the understanding covered the upcoming state House of Assembly bye-elections in Rivers State. Tinubu directed that candidates loyal to Wike should be recognised by the APC leadership for the two vacant assembly seats. “It was explicitly stated that Wike has two candidates for the by-elections and that those candidates are to be recognised by the APC party structure,” one source said.
Already, Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has fixed February 21, 2026 for the contentious by-elections into Ahoada East II and Khana II State Constituencies of the state.
THISDAY learnt that while the Ahoada-East II seat became vacant following the resignation of its former occupant, Edison Ehie, who was appointed Chief of Staff (CoS) to Governor Fubara, the Khana II seat was vacant since the death of its lawmaker, Dinebari Loolo, in September 2023.
Notably, the sensitive issue of Fubara’s second term ambition also came up for deliberation, the source said, but was deliberately side-lined, with the president alleged to have said such discussions were too early for now. One source said Tinubu described any talk about the 2027 governorship in the state as still premature.
ThisDay/Arise News
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Otunba Adekunle Ojora: Farewell to a Good Man
Published
3 days agoon
February 1, 2026By
Eric
By Eric Elezuo
The curtain dropped on the elitist life of prominent Lagosian, traditional custodian, boardroom guru, refined journalist and elaborate philanthropist, Otunba Adekunle Ojora, on January 28, 2026, bringing to an over nine decades of spreading good tidings, prosperity, unity and humanity. He was 93 years.
His death was announced via a statement by his daughter, Mrs Toyin Ojora-Saraki, on behalf of the Ojora Family, saying he died early in the morning in full submission to the will of Almighty Allah (SWT)
“With total submission to the will of Almighty Allah (SWT), the Ojora family of Lagos hereby announces the passing of our beloved patriarch, Otunba Adekunle Ojora, the Otunba of Lagos and Lisa of Ife, who returned to his creator early this morning.
“We say Alhamdulilahi for a life well lived, and we comply with Allah’s words: ‘Surely, to Allah we belong, and to Him we will all return’ (Q2:156),” the statement reads.
A distinguished businessman, people-oriented-person, the Olori Omo Oba of Lagos and the Lisa of Ife, Adekunle Ojora’s passing came with a much ancipated heartbreak, wailings and regrets, among his hugely extended family members, circle of friends, mentees, colleagues in and across business and traditional terrain, associates and the well impacted general public.
With the announcement of his death came the heavy traffic of personalities, dignitaries and nobles to his Ikoyi palatial home, where his adorable wife, Ojuolape Ojora, and one of his distinguished daughters, Mrs Toyin Saraki, who is the wife of the former Senate President, Bukola Saraki, played significant hosts.
President Bola Tinubu was one of the first mourners with a statement signed by his spokesperson, Bayo Onanuga, acknowledging the dimunitive personality of the deceased, noting how he had affected humanity in a positive light.
Tinubu commiserated with the government and people of Lagos State, as well as the Ojora and Adele royal families.
“The passing of Otunba Ojora is a significant loss to the country, the private and public sectors, and traditional institutions,” the President said, describing the late industrialist as a man whose life was defined by humility, perseverance, hard work and generosity. He further noted that his values shaped his long and distinguished career.
“He remained a towering figure whose counsel and experience benefited institutions at both national and subnational levels,” Tinubu added.
In his condolence message, former President Olusegun Obasanjo described Ojora’s death as painful, saying his absence would be difficult to fill, according to a statement released by his Special Assistant on Media, Kehinde Akinyemi.
The ex-president described Ojora as “an amiable and distinguished Nigerian who, during his lifetime, built a remarkable legacy of integrity, wisdom, and unwavering dedication.”
“By his death, the country has lost a notable captain of industry and commerce, but there is no doubt that his memory lingers on through his many landmark contributions to the development of the South-West zone in particular, and the country in general,” Obasanjo added.
He also stated that “He was a remarkable entrepreneur whose vision, determination, and resilience added value to the community and to hundreds of families who depended on his commercial activities. He was a role model and exemplar whose personal life and achievements inspired a generation of entrepreneurs, industrialists, and merchants. Over the years, with his wise counsel, unquestioned strength, and gentle guidance, Otunba Ojora commanded respect and reverence, and took particular pleasure in mentoring younger men and women to succeed in life.”
Also reacting, a former Minister of Communications, Major General Tajudeen Olanrewaju (Rtd) described Ojora as a “veteran journalist and boardroom titan”.
The former General Officer Commanding (GOC) 3 Division Nigerian Army noted that he made positive contributions to the industrial and entrepreneurial sectors of the economy, lightened up the social fabric of his time in Lagos, in particular, and across our nation.
Among dignitaries that called to the home of the Ojora’s to express heartfelt condolences were the Governor of Osun State, Senator Ademola Adeleke and his elder brother, Dr. Deji Adeleke; Africa’s richest man, Alhaji Aliko Dangote, Mr. Femi Otedola and former governor of Akwa Ibom State, Udom Emmanuel.
As a revered Muslim, versed in Islamic doctrines, the nonagenarian’s burial followed the very next day, drawing an avalanche of well wishers and mourners to the Central Mosque, on Lagos Island, where the funeral rites or the Janazah, led by the Chief Imam of Lagos, Sheikh Sulaiman Abou-Nolla, and assisted by other prominent Islamic clerics, were conducted, and finally to the Vaults and Garden, Ikoyi, where the remains were committed to mother-earth. The events were a meeting point of some sort, as they drew together prominent Islamic scholars, family members, political bigwigs and other distinguished guests.
A roll call of the elite callers at the events include the deceased’s wife, Erelu Ojuolape Ojora; his daughter, Toyin Ojora-Saraki, and her husband, former Senate President and Kwara State Governor, Bukola Saraki. Also in attendance were Lagos State Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu, former Ogun State Governor Ibikunle Amosun, former Speaker of the Kwara State House of Assembly Ali Ahmad, former PDP National Chairman Kawu Baraje, Mufti of Ilorin Sheikh Sulaiman Onikijipa, and National President of Ansar-Ud-Deen Society of Nigeria Prince Adeniji Kazeem.
The burial ceremonies began with a recovery of the remains, which were borne by pallbearers for a burial procession before it was a motorcade bore it to the venue of the Janazah.
The long convoy of dignitaries that accompanied the body to the mosque spoke volumes of the personality of Adekunle Ojora. As the solenm approached, Imam Sulaiman Abou-Nolla led the congregation in prayers, asking for the repose of the siul of the deceased.
At the conclusion of the prayers, the body was conveyed to the Ikoyi Vault, where pallbearers and Muslim Ummah as well selected members of the family and notable dignitaries accompanied the remains, amid chants, to its final resting place.
THE MAN, OTUNBA ADEKUNLE OJORA
The highly principled businessman was born Isiaq Adekunle Ojora on June 13, 1932, into the distinguished Ojora Royal Family of Lagos, where he grew with a deeply-rooted tolerance for the history, culture and traditional governance of the Yoruba race and Lagos in particular.
His lineage placed him among the foremost royal families in the state, a heritage he upheld with dignity throughout his long life. Over several decades, he emerged as one of the most influential figures within Lagos’ traditional institutions, commanding respect across royal, cultural and civic circles.
Ojora was a member of the Ojora and Adele royal families of Lagos and was himself the holder of the chieftaincy of the Otunba of Lagos. He studied journalism at Regent Street Polytechnic, with the intention of developing a career in journalism. He started work as a staffer at the BBC where he rose to become an assistant editor.
In 1955, he switched his services to the Nigerian government as a reporter with the Nigerian Broadcasting Corporation. He was soon transferred to Ibadan as an information officer in the office of the regional premier. Ojora’s stint with NBC lasted until 1961 when he took up appointment as the public relations manager at United African Company.
Ojora soon developed interest in the commercial units of enterprises, he became an executive director of UAC in 1962. After a military coup truncated the first republic, Ojora was nominated as a member of Lagos City Council in 1966. A year later, he was given political appointments in two government agencies, in 1967, he was managing director of WEMABOD, a regional property and investment company and also in 1967, he succeeded Kola Balogun as chairman of Nigerian National Shipping Line.
After leaving WEMABOD, he became an investor in various firms including AGIP petroleum marketing and NCR Nigeria. He also founded the private firms Nigerlink Industries, Unital Builders and a holding company Lagos Investments. After the Nigerian Enterprise Promotion Act, he took equity interest in some foreign companies operating in Nigeria such as investments in the Nigerian operations of Bowring Group, Inchape, Schlumberger, Phoenix Assurance, UTC Nigeria, Evans Brothers and Seven-Up. He married Erelu Ojuolape, and among their children is Toyin Saraki.
Beyond royalty, Otunba Ojora was widely regarded as a bridge between tradition and modern governance.
The Otunba Adekunle Ojora would be remembered as a quintessential gentleman, astute businessman, excellent in speech, dignified in conduct, and deeply respected across generations.
For as many as those who know him, Ojora has for decades, remained a familiar and revered presence in elite social and cultural spaces, where his highly sought-after counsel and calm disposition have proved relevant and needful.
He is also known for his refined lifestyle and strong family values, an embodiment of a “brand of old-school nobility that earned him admiration well beyond wealth or status. He was often described as a man of honour whose life reflected discipline, tradition, and unwavering integrity.
Otunba Adekunle Ojora is survived by his wife, Erelu Ojuolape Ojora, his children, grandchildren and great-grandchildren.
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Incumbency Factor Will Not Determine 2027 Election, Atiku, Obi, Others Talk Tough
Published
6 days agoon
January 29, 2026By
Eric
The 2027 general elections will not be determined by incumbency, control of State power or wave of political defections, opposition leaders have declared.
They argued that voter choice, opposition unity, and the integrity of the electoral process would ultimately decide the outcome.
The opposition leaders made the declaration at the public launch of “The Loyalist,’’ a memoir by National Publicity Secretary of the African Democratic Congress, ADC, Bolaji Abdullahi, in Abuja.
The event drew a wide mix of opposition leaders, former public office holders, lawmakers, intellectuals and party stakeholders.
Speakers included former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar; former Anambra State governor, Peter Obi; former Minister of Interior and ADC National Secretary, Rauf Aregbesola; former Senate President and ADC National Chairman, David Mark, and veteran columnist and public intellectual, Hakeem Baba-Ahmed, who reviewed the book.
Although convened as a book presentation, the gathering quickly assumed a strong political tone, with speakers repeatedly returning to the issues of opposition unity, leadership responsibility, and the limits of incumbency power, ahead of the next general election.
Addressing what he described as a growing misconception in Nigerian politics, Aregbesola argued that governors and incumbents do not automatically determine election outcomes.
Drawing on the 2023 electoral results, he said the belief that political office guaranteed victory was not supported by evidence.
“The fact that certain governors are defecting to the APC shows that our unity is weakened, but the statistics do not support the belief that governors win elections,” Aregbesola said.
Using the South-West as an example, he said ruling party dominance at the state level had not translated into overwhelming electoral success.
“In the South-West, the APC controlled all the states except one, yet the maximum performance of the party was 55 per cent, with the other parties sharing the rest,” he said.
On his part, former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar, speaking as special guest of honour, linked the political moment to the theme of the book, describing loyalty as both a moral test and a personal burden in public life.
Atiku, who noted that his participation was informed by his own role in the political history examined in the memoir, said: “I am honoured to be part of this launch because I was also involved in the eventual inauguration of the Bukola Saraki administration, which this book deals with in very great detail.’’
He praised the author for taking on difficult questions about loyalty and conscience, saying “this is a work that dares to question loyalties, illuminate conscience, and broaden our public imagination.’’
Drawing a contrast between military discipline and political life, Atiku said loyalty in politics was rarely absolute and often exacted a heavy price.
“For those of us who come from the military and paramilitary professions, loyalty is non-negotiable; there is only absolute obedience. But in political life, loyalty is not as rigid, and it comes with consequences,” he said.
The former vice president also spoke candidly about his own experiences.
“Many of us have suffered because of loyalty. I have faced exile as a result of loyalty. I have survived assassination attempts as a result of loyalty,” he said.
Atiku warned that loyalty should never become blind allegiance, adding that “loyalty should strengthen the common goal, not narrow the circle of belonging.’’
Similarly, a former Governor of Anambra State, Peter Obi, who arrived late due to flight delays from Lagos, apologised for not observing traditional protocol before addressing the audience.
Obi also signalled political solidarity and regional commitment, saying: “I have been directed to represent the South-East, and I want to assure you that you will not be disappointed.’’
In one of the most direct political moments of the event, the author, Bolaji Abdullahi, appealed to opposition leaders to rise above rivalry and present a united front, ahead of 2027, adding that Nigerians were ready for change, though political leaders were not yet matching that urgency.
“For 2027, Nigerians are ready. But I don’t think we are ready. Nigerians look at us and see different enclaves and different entities. They see competition, rather than cooperation,” Abdullahi said.
Reviewing the book, Hakeem Baba-Ahmed said it initially provoked skepticism but ultimately impressed him.
“I brought to the book some prejudice and heightened curiosity. I expected the author to fall on his face somewhere. I was wrong,” he said.
He described the memoir as revealing and historically significant.
“This book is easily one of the most readable and revealing books I have read in a long while. It captures the essence of our contemporary social and political character,” Baba-Ahmed said.
Former Senate President, David Mark, described the task of rescuing Nigeria as a shared responsibility and praised Abdullahi’s character.
“He is a straightforward person. Even when I disagreed with him, his advice was always adopted,” Mark said.
He also clarified the long-standing controversy around the Doctrine of Necessity, saying “it was the sole responsibility of the Senate and had nothing to do with Kwara State or anyone from Kwara State.’’
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