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Pendulum: A Special Birthday Gift for John Mahama at 60

Published

7 years ago

November 30, 2018

Eric

By Dele Momodu

Fellow Africans, if you had access to this column last week, you must have seen, or read, the special tribute I penned for one of Africa’s greatest leaders of the 21^st century, the former President of the Republic of Ghana, Dr John Dramani Mahama.

The question I have had to answer, countless times, before and after, is that if Mahama was that brilliant, visionary and efficacious, why did he lose the Presidential election? My candid answer always is that the most brilliant students can fail exams for reasons other than intellect and brilliance. I can say with all emphasis at my disposal that Mahama did not lose the 2016 Presidential election in Ghana because he did not perform. He lost for some other known and unknown reasons that history will ultimately reveal.

Let me also add, very quickly, that there is this uncanny similarity between Nigeria and Ghana, in many facets of our political trajectory. The history of our two countries have shown how we are like Siamese twins, joined together in many parts than one organ. Whenever there has been a coup d’etat in Nigeria, Ghana’s was going to follow soon, or vice versa. We seem to share a common destiny. Once President Goodluck Jonathan lost his election in 2015, it was almost surreally certain that President John Dramani Mahama was going to follow a similar path of catastrophe in Ghana given the similarity in the manner in which both had been elevated to the Presidency. The Opposition, led by President Buhari, was able to win in Nigeria because of a blistering campaign of calumny against Jonathan. He was given uncharitable monikers and sobriquets, some not undeserved, like clueless, incompetent, corrupt, ditherer and so on. The Opposition also painted a capacity for possessing magical powers to turn Nigeria into an Eldorado overnight. I would have been surprised if the Ghanaian opposition did not borrow a leaf from the Nigerian experiment which saw the collapse of the PDP behemoth after ruling Nigeria for 16 years.

One sure banker for any African opposition is to successfully label the ruling party as blatantly corrupt. Every poor man sees a corrupt politician as the source of his abysmal poverty and failure in life. In Nigeria, many would swear today that Jonathan suffered, and was severely punished, for the sins of his reckless, profligate and thieving subordinates and acolytes. It is certain that Mahama suffered the same fate in Ghana. I was close enough to him and knew Mahama had not amassed the kind of personal wealth and resources ascribed to him. I was stunned during his campaign to see how he panicked about his inability to fund many of his activities. This often generated arguments between me and some of my Ghanaian friends who could not believe my personal observations. They based their lack of faith on the circumstantial evidence that some of his cronies lived larger than life. It was the same story in Jonathan’s Nigeria.

Jonathan also lost the Presidential election due largely to the war of attrition that ravaged his party. Mahama faced a similar rebellion in his own NDC party, where a lot of relevant and influential members felt sidelined and waited for the opportune moment to retaliate in a most devastating manner. The campaign that there was monumental corruption and looting in the Jonathan government resonated with the foreign powers based on damning reports filed by their local representatives. They were sold on the belief that those who would take power were men and women of impeccable pedigree and integrity. The same was the case in Ghana. Some damaging reports circulated on the eve of Ghanaian elections purportedly linked Mahama and members of his family to concrete plans to militarise the country and cause maximum mayhem in order to win the election, by fire and by force. But this story was nothing other than a hoax. As a matter of fact, anyone who knows Mahama well would know he can never, deliberately, hurt a fly. Mahama did not enjoy the appurtenances of power to the extent that he would get so addicted and become a sit-tight ruler. As President, he lived in a very modest home and shunned the ostentations and trappings of the more ceremonial bpState Houses. His official car was a simple Toyota Avalon, and a few jeeps only followed in tow. Sometimes, he rode his power bike on the streets escorted by undercover agents. On occasions, we went out together in the evening to have dinner at the popular Urban Grill and he would sit alone in the car with his younger brother, Energy, as his driver, and no security in sight. He participated in a family farm of poultry, cattle and grains on some vast land in Akosombo area. I learnt so much from his exceptional humility. He was not a perfect human being, like all mortals, but he worked assiduously to place Ghana on the path of economic buoyancy via infrastructural revolution, the reason his fans called him Kwame Nkrumah II.

I will not belabour you with many of his phenomenal achievements. Not even the most vociferous of his critics would accuse him of not working for the greatness of Ghana. His biggest albatross was that he took too many bold steps and risked everything in the process. He told Ghanaians the uncommon truth about the state of things and didn’t know how to pretend that all was well when it wasn’t. He told Ghanaians they would have to pay for every convenience they enjoyed and there would be no freebies. He paid dearly for his unusual courage, especially for blatantly refusing to being your typical run-of-the-mill politician with sugar-coated tongue.

Two years after losing that election, Mahama seems to be enjoying a bounce and resurgence. Many who had criticised him for all manner of malfeasance are beginning to eat and swallow their own words. Some are even apologising for hurting him so much in the past. The best of such apologies went viral during the week. I won’t tantalise you, but will publish the open letter to Mahama, for your reading delight. Let me say that I do not know the author, but whosoever wrote this piece did so from the heart. Nigerians have a lot to learn from the Ghanaian saga as we head to the polls again in less than three months. It teaches us to be wary of slanderous campaigns without any iota of proof of misdemeanour. We must weigh our options clearly and not just rely on the aberrant behaviour of a few to hang the multitude. In Nigeria, this goes both ways. Please enjoy…

MR MAHAMA, STOP CAMPAIGNING AND FORM YOUR GOVERNMENT – “WE ARE SORRY ”

Dear Mr Mahama,

May I please, respectfully, send my sincerest apologies to yourself and your government.

I have now realised that statements I made in the press, posted on my social media platforms were disruptive and ill-informed. I sincerely regret having made any disrespectful comments and I herein unreservedly apologise in this regard to yourself and your government.

With my fake change lenses off, I can now see much more clearly how much good your government brought to the country and the infrastructural development it bequeathed to the land.

Mr Mahama, I apologise unreservedly and without condition for any distress I may have caused as a result of my ignorance of governance issues. If there is anything I can do to remedy my mistake, please let me know as I only want the best for you and Ghana. I have written officially to all the radio stations I lambasted you on, the newspapers that published my articles against your government, my church members who grouped to listen to my lies and falsehood every Sunday, the thousands who follow me on social media platforms and the websites. I will state few of the many reasons why I am rendering this apology but before I do that, I thank you in advance for your indulgence and understanding of an uniformed Ghanaian.

When Kweku Kyen forwarded videos of you campaigning in the Ashanti Region, I asked him “why you wasting resources on the campaign”. You should be thinking about how you going to continue your governance magic after the 2020 election. Ghanaians today are going through deep pains inflicted on them by this government and no amount of manipulation of the citizenry, the electoral commission and other state institutions can make Ghanaians change their resolve to vote out the Npp government in 2020.

Mr Mahama, I campaigned against you in 2012 and did same in 2016. I am a registered member of the Npp and have supported the party in many ways and at different levels. I took it upon myself to make you and your government unpopular because of what I was told about you, your wife, Ibrahim and some of your appointees. We were told you own hotels in Dubai and other places, we were told you have a gold refinery shop in South Africa, your wife owns (sic) shops in South Africa and Equatorial Guinea. We contracted a company in Belgium to investigate these allegations and the results we got were negative. Those who made these allegations during the election and vigorously defended them on Radio in Europe and the United (sic) States, have suddenly gone quiet and will not respond to calls and messages for further and better particulars on the allegations. I and those who supported candidate Akufo Addo and the Npp cannot take the blame for the shocking state we find ourselves.

As an editor of powerful newspaper and online radio station, I worked with a group of brilliant minds to counter whatever (sic) rumour or policy was put out by your government. I doubt the President got the LinkedIn (sic) page that I set for him. As one of Nana’s ardent supporters, this was all unpaid brought from a place of conviction. Nothing was asked for, nothing was received. Just to keep Mahama out for the man I thought was incorruptible with the magic wand to take over. I didn’t know I (sic) was preparing a suicide rope for myself and family.

Mr Mahama, once again I say sorry. Why campaigning? Ghanaians have seen the truth and describing as they’ve become, are calmly waiting for 2020 to come for the Npp to tell them where your hotels are situated, why you’ve not been prosecuted, why they are (sic) commissioning and recommissioning cost inflated projects. Ghanaians will ask them to explain why they borrowed more than your government when we told them we have all the monies needed for our projects here. They will demand to know the projects implemented from the loans. They will ask why Transparency International downgraded Ghana under our government, why teachers are going to do national service, why the 100 year bond, why the double track system the associated problems. They will demand explanation why the President has appointed over 40 members of his family into his administration, why the cedi broke jail, why the weekly fuel price increase. While demanding for answers, Ghanaians will be looking at your projects in their communities and those whose projects were abandoned after 2016 will continue to pray and fast for the clock to run faster. (sic)

This time round, I should be consistent and honorable enough to tell my President as it is and apologise to you for what I said, wrote and preached about you.

Thank you Sir. (sic)

(Eugene Nana Poku ).

The content of that letter remains that of the writer and does not necessarily mirror the total reality in Ghana today. Like the case in Nigeria, many supporters of the ruling government in Ghana still believe the current President has delivered on his promises. It is always the job of the opposition to disagree and throw sand in the garri of the incumbent. What is clear in all this is that no government can please everyone and also that there is serious danger in over-promising before taking power. You may end up blaming the past government not only for their much publicised ills, but also for failing to do virtually everything you promised while in opposition.

Meanwhile, the clock of governance is clicking and ticking away at supersonic speed…

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Opposition Parties Reject 2026 Electoral Act, Demand Fresh Amendment

Published

9 hours ago

February 26, 2026

Eric

Opposition political parties have rejected the 2026 Electoral Act recently passed by the National Assembly, which President Bola Tinubu swiftly signed into law.

The parties called on the National Assembly to immediately begin a fresh amendment process to remove what they described as “all obnoxious provisions” in the law.

Their position was made known at a press briefing themed “Urgent Call to Save Nigeria’s Democracy,” held at the Transcorp Hilton Hotel in Abuja on Thursday.

In a communiqué read by the Chairman of the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) Ahmed Ajuji, the opposition leaders stated:

“We demand that the National Assembly immediately commence a fresh amendment to the Electoral Act 2026, to remove all obnoxious provisions and ensure that the Act reflects only the will and aspiration of Nigerians for free, fair, transparent and credible electoral process in our country. Nothing short of this will be acceptable to Nigerians.”

Some of the opposition leaders present in at the event include former Senate President David Mark; former Governor of Osun State, Rauf Aregbesola; former Vice President Atiku Abubakar; former Governor of Rivers State, Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi; and former Governor of Anambra State, Peter Obi, all from the African Democratic Congress (ADC).

The National Chairman of the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP), Ahmed Ajuji, and other prominent members of the NNPP, notably Buba Galadima, were also in attendance.

The coalition said the amended law, signed by Bola Tinubu, contains “anti-democratic” clauses, which they argue may weaken electoral transparency and public confidence in the voting system.

At the centre of the opposition’s concerns is the amendment to Section 60(3), which allows presiding officers to rely on manual transmission of election results where there is communication failure.

According to the coalition, the provision weakens the mandatory electronic transmission of results and could create loopholes for manipulation.

They argued that Nigeria’s electoral technology infrastructure is sufficient to support nationwide electronic transmission, citing previous assurances by officials of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).

The parties also rejected the amendment to Section 84, which restricts political parties to direct primaries and consensus methods for candidate selection.

They described the change as an unconstitutional intrusion into the internal affairs of parties, insisting that indirect primaries remain a legitimate democratic option.

The opposition cited alleged irregularities in the recent Federal Capital Territory local government elections as evidence of what they described as a broader pattern of electoral compromise.

They characterised the polls as a “complete fraud” and said the outcome has deepened their lack of confidence in the ability of the electoral system to deliver credible elections in 2027.

The coalition also condemned reported attacks on leaders of the African Democratic Congress in Edo State, describing the incidents as a serious threat to democratic participation and political tolerance.

They warned that increasing violence against opposition figures could destabilise the political environment if not urgently addressed.

In their joint statement, the opposition parties pledged to pursue “every constitutional means” to challenge the Electoral Act 2026 and safeguard voters’ rights.

“We will not be intimidated,” the leaders said, urging civil society organisations and citizens to support efforts aimed at protecting Nigeria’s democratic system.

On February 18, 2026, President Bola Tinubu signed the Electoral Act (Amendment) 2026 into law following its passage by the National Assembly. The Act introduced several reforms, including statutory recognition of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System and revised election timelines.

However, opposition figures such as Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi have also called for further amendments, particularly over the manual transmission fallback clause, which critics say leaves room for manipulation.

The president said the law will strengthen democracy and prevent voter disenfranchisement.

Tinubu defended manual collation of results, questioned Nigeria’s readiness for full real-time electronic transmission, and warned against technical glitches and hacking.

The Electoral Act sparked intense debate in the National Assembly over how election results should be transmitted ahead of the 2027 general elections.

Civil society groups under the “Occupy NASS” campaign demanded real-time transmission to curb manipulation.

In the Senate, lawmakers clashed during consideration of Clause 60, which allows manual transmission of results if electronic transmission fails.

Senator Enyinnaya Abaribe (ADC, Abia South) demanded a formal vote to remove the proviso permitting manual transmission, arguing against weakening real-time electronic reporting.

The move led to a heated exchange on the floor, with Senate President Godswill Akpabio initially suggesting the demand had been withdrawn.

After procedural disputes and a brief confrontation among senators, a division was conducted. Fifteen opposition senators voted against retaining the manual transmission proviso, while 55 supported it, allowing the clause to stand.

Earlier proceedings had briefly stalled during clause-by-clause review, prompting consultations and a closed-door session.

In the House of Representatives, a similar disagreement came up over a motion to rescind an earlier decision that mandated compulsory real-time electronic transmission of results to IReV.

Although the “nays” were louder during a voice vote, Speaker Tajudeen Abbas ruled in favour of rescinding the decision, triggering protests and an executive session.

Headline

AFP: How Tinubu’s Govt Paid Boko Haram ‘Huge’ Ransom, Released Two Terrorists for Kidnapped Saint Mary’s Pupils

Published

3 days ago

February 24, 2026

Eric

The Nigerian government paid Boko Haram militants a “huge” ransom of millions of dollars to free up to 230 children and staff the jihadists abducted from a Catholic school in November, an AFP investigation revealed Monday.

Two Boko Haram commanders were also freed as part of the deal, which goes against the country’s own law banning payments to kidnappers. The money was delivered by helicopter to Boko Haram’s Gwoza stronghold in northeastern Borno state on the border with Cameroon, intelligence sources told AFP.

The decision to pay the militants is likely to irritate US President Donald Trump, who ordered air strikes on jihadists in northern Nigeria on Christmas Day and has been sent military trainers to help support Nigerian forces.

Nigerian government officials deny any ransom was paid to the armed gang that snatched close to 300 schoolchildren and staff from St. Mary’s boarding school in Papiri in central Niger state on November 21. At least 50 later managed to escape their captors.

Boko Haram has not been previously linked to the kidnapping, but sources told AFP one of its most feared commanders was behind the mass abduction: the notorious jihadist known as Sadiku.

He infamously held up a train from the capital in 2022 and netted hefty ransoms for the release of government officials and other well-off passengers.

Boko Haram, which has waged a bloody insurgency since 2009, is strongest in northeast Nigeria.

But a cell in central Niger state operates under Sadiku’s leadership. The St. Mary’s pupils and staff were freed after two weeks of negotiations led by Nuhu Ribadu, Nigeria’s National Security Adviser, with the government insisting no ransom was paid. Nigeria’s State Security Service flatly denied paying any money, saying “government agents don’t pay ransoms”.

However, four intelligence sources familiar with the talks told AFP the government paid a “huge” ransom to get the pupils back. One source put it at 40 million naira per head – around $7 million in total.

Another put the figure lower at two billion naira overall. The money was delivered by chopper to Ali Ngulde, a Boko Haram commander in the northeast, three sources told AFP.

Due to the lack of communications cover in the remote area, Ngulde had to cross into Cameroon to confirm delivery of the ransom before the first group of 100 children were released.

Nigeria has long been plagued by mass abductions, with criminals and jihadist groups sometimes working together to extort millions from hostages’ families, and authorities seemingly powerless to stop them.

Source: Africanews

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Unlawful Invasion: El-Rufai Drags ICPC, IGP, Others to Court, Demands N1bn Damages

Published

4 days ago

February 23, 2026

Eric

Former Governor of Kaduna State, Nasir El-Rufai, has slammed a ₦1 billion fundamental rights enforcement suit against the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) for what he claimed was an unlawful invasion of his Abuja residence.

El-Rufai, in a suit filed at the Federal High Court in Abuja, also listed the Chief Magistrate, Magistrate’s Court of the FCT, Abuja Magisterial District; Inspector-General of Police, and the Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF) as 2nd to 4th respondents respectively.

According to the suit filed through his lawyers, led by Oluwole Iyamu, El-Rufai prayed the court to declare that the search warrant issued on February 4 by the Chief Magistrate, Magistrate’s Court of the FCT (2nd respondent), authorising the search and seizure at his residence as invalid, null and void.

Security operatives had stormed and searched the former Governor’s residence in the ongoing investigations against him.

However, he argued in the case marked: FHC/ABJ/CS/345/2026, that the search was in violation of Section 37 of the Constitution, and urged the court to declare that the search warrant was “null and void for lack of particularity, material drafting errors, ambiguity in execution parameters, overbreadth, and absence of probable cause thereby constituting an unlawful and unreasonable search.”

In the suit dated and filed February 20 by Iyamu, ex-governor, who is currently under detention, sought seven reliefs.

He prayed the court to declare that the invasion and search of his residence at House 12, Mambilla Street, Aso Drive, Abuja, on Feb. 19 at about 2pm and executed by agents of ICPC and I-G, “under the aforesaid invalid warrant, amounts to a gross violation of the applicant’s fundamental rights to dignity of the human person, personal liberty, fair hearing, and privacy under Sections 34, 35, 36, and 37 of the Constitution.”

He urged the court to declare that “any evidence obtained pursuant to the aforesaid invalid warrant and unlawful search is inadmissible in any proceedings against the applicant, as it was procured in breach of constitutional safeguards.”

El-Rufai, therefore, sought an order of injunction restraining the respondents and their agents from further relying on, using, or tendering any evidence or items seized during the unlawful search in any investigation, prosecution, or proceedings involving him.

“An order directing the Ist and 3rd respondents (ICPC and I-G) to forthwith return all items seized from the applicant’s premises during the unlawful search, together with a detailed inventory thereof.

“An order awarding the sum of N1,000,000,000.00 (One Billion Naira) as general, exemplary, and aggravated damages against the respondents jointly and severally for the violations of the applicant’s fundamental rights, including trespass, unlawful seizure, and the resultant psychological trauma, humiliation, distress, infringement of privacy, and reputational harm.”

The breakdown of the ₦1 billion in damages includes “a N300 million as compensatory damages for psychological trauma, emotional distress, and loss of personal security;

“A ₦400 million as exemplary damages to deter future misconduct by law enforcement agencies and vindicate the applicant’s rights.

“A ₦300 million as aggravated damages for the malicious, high-handed and oppressive nature of the respondents’ actions, including the use of a patently defective warrant procured through misleading representations.”

He equally sought ₦100 million as the cost of filing the suit, including legal fees and associated expenses.

Iyamu argued that the search warrant was fundamentally defective, lacking specificity in the description of items to be seized, containing material typographical errors, ambiguous execution terms, overbroad directives, and no verifiable probable cause.

He added that the warrant violated Sections 143-148 of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act (ACJA), 2015; Section 36 of the Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences (ICPC) Act, 2000, and constitutional protections against arbitrary intrusions and several other constitutional provisions.

“Section 146 stipulates that the warrant must be in the prescribed form, free from defects that could mislead, but the document is riddled with errors in the address, date, and district designation;

“Section 147 allows direction to specified persons, but the warrant’s indiscriminate addressing to “all officers is overbroad and unaccountable.

“Section 148 permits execution at reasonable times, but the contradictory language creates ambiguity, undermining procedural clarity,” he submitted.

Iyamu stated that the execution of the invalid warrant on Feb. 19 resulted in an unlawful invasion of his client’s premises, constituting violations of the rights to dignity (Section 34), personal liberty (Section 35), fair hearing (Section 36), and privacy (Section 37) of the Constitution.

He further argued that the search was conducted without legal justification and in a manner that inflicted humiliation and distress.

“Evidence obtained without a valid warrant is unlawful and inadmissible, as established in judicial precedents such as C.O.P. v. Omoh (1969) NCLR 137, where the court ruled that evidence procured through improper means contravenes fundamental rights and must be excluded,” he said.

In the affidavit in support of the application, Mohammed Shaba, a Principal Secretary to the former governor, averred that on Feb. 19 at about 2p.m., officers from the ICPC and Nigeria Police Force invaded the residence under a purported search warrant issued on or about Feb. 4.

According to him, the said warrant is invalid due to its lack of specificity, errors, and other defects as outlined in the grounds of this application.

He said the “search warrant did not specify the properties or items being searched for.”

Shaba stated that the officers failed to submit themselves for search as provided by the law before proceeding with the search.

“That the Magistrate did not specify the magisterial district wherein he sits.

“That during the invasion, the officers searched the applicant’s premises without lawful authority, seized personal items including documents and electronic devices, and caused the applicant undue humiliation, psychological trauma, and distress.

“Now shown to me and marked as ‘EXHIBIT B’ Is the list of the items carted away.

“That no items seized have been returned, and the respondents continue to rely on the unlawful evidence.

“That the applicant suffered violations of his constitutional rights as a result, and this application is brought in good faith to enforce same,” Shaba said.

Source: Naijanews.com