Headline

Pendulum: A Special Birthday Gift for John Mahama at 60

Published

6 years ago

November 30, 2018

Eric

By Dele Momodu

Fellow Africans, if you had access to this column last week, you must have seen, or read, the special tribute I penned for one of Africa’s greatest leaders of the 21^st century, the former President of the Republic of Ghana, Dr John Dramani Mahama.

The question I have had to answer, countless times, before and after, is that if Mahama was that brilliant, visionary and efficacious, why did he lose the Presidential election? My candid answer always is that the most brilliant students can fail exams for reasons other than intellect and brilliance. I can say with all emphasis at my disposal that Mahama did not lose the 2016 Presidential election in Ghana because he did not perform. He lost for some other known and unknown reasons that history will ultimately reveal.

Let me also add, very quickly, that there is this uncanny similarity between Nigeria and Ghana, in many facets of our political trajectory. The history of our two countries have shown how we are like Siamese twins, joined together in many parts than one organ. Whenever there has been a coup d’etat in Nigeria, Ghana’s was going to follow soon, or vice versa. We seem to share a common destiny. Once President Goodluck Jonathan lost his election in 2015, it was almost surreally certain that President John Dramani Mahama was going to follow a similar path of catastrophe in Ghana given the similarity in the manner in which both had been elevated to the Presidency. The Opposition, led by President Buhari, was able to win in Nigeria because of a blistering campaign of calumny against Jonathan. He was given uncharitable monikers and sobriquets, some not undeserved, like clueless, incompetent, corrupt, ditherer and so on. The Opposition also painted a capacity for possessing magical powers to turn Nigeria into an Eldorado overnight. I would have been surprised if the Ghanaian opposition did not borrow a leaf from the Nigerian experiment which saw the collapse of the PDP behemoth after ruling Nigeria for 16 years.

One sure banker for any African opposition is to successfully label the ruling party as blatantly corrupt. Every poor man sees a corrupt politician as the source of his abysmal poverty and failure in life. In Nigeria, many would swear today that Jonathan suffered, and was severely punished, for the sins of his reckless, profligate and thieving subordinates and acolytes. It is certain that Mahama suffered the same fate in Ghana. I was close enough to him and knew Mahama had not amassed the kind of personal wealth and resources ascribed to him. I was stunned during his campaign to see how he panicked about his inability to fund many of his activities. This often generated arguments between me and some of my Ghanaian friends who could not believe my personal observations. They based their lack of faith on the circumstantial evidence that some of his cronies lived larger than life. It was the same story in Jonathan’s Nigeria.

Jonathan also lost the Presidential election due largely to the war of attrition that ravaged his party. Mahama faced a similar rebellion in his own NDC party, where a lot of relevant and influential members felt sidelined and waited for the opportune moment to retaliate in a most devastating manner. The campaign that there was monumental corruption and looting in the Jonathan government resonated with the foreign powers based on damning reports filed by their local representatives. They were sold on the belief that those who would take power were men and women of impeccable pedigree and integrity. The same was the case in Ghana. Some damaging reports circulated on the eve of Ghanaian elections purportedly linked Mahama and members of his family to concrete plans to militarise the country and cause maximum mayhem in order to win the election, by fire and by force. But this story was nothing other than a hoax. As a matter of fact, anyone who knows Mahama well would know he can never, deliberately, hurt a fly. Mahama did not enjoy the appurtenances of power to the extent that he would get so addicted and become a sit-tight ruler. As President, he lived in a very modest home and shunned the ostentations and trappings of the more ceremonial bpState Houses. His official car was a simple Toyota Avalon, and a few jeeps only followed in tow. Sometimes, he rode his power bike on the streets escorted by undercover agents. On occasions, we went out together in the evening to have dinner at the popular Urban Grill and he would sit alone in the car with his younger brother, Energy, as his driver, and no security in sight. He participated in a family farm of poultry, cattle and grains on some vast land in Akosombo area. I learnt so much from his exceptional humility. He was not a perfect human being, like all mortals, but he worked assiduously to place Ghana on the path of economic buoyancy via infrastructural revolution, the reason his fans called him Kwame Nkrumah II.

I will not belabour you with many of his phenomenal achievements. Not even the most vociferous of his critics would accuse him of not working for the greatness of Ghana. His biggest albatross was that he took too many bold steps and risked everything in the process. He told Ghanaians the uncommon truth about the state of things and didn’t know how to pretend that all was well when it wasn’t. He told Ghanaians they would have to pay for every convenience they enjoyed and there would be no freebies. He paid dearly for his unusual courage, especially for blatantly refusing to being your typical run-of-the-mill politician with sugar-coated tongue.

Two years after losing that election, Mahama seems to be enjoying a bounce and resurgence. Many who had criticised him for all manner of malfeasance are beginning to eat and swallow their own words. Some are even apologising for hurting him so much in the past. The best of such apologies went viral during the week. I won’t tantalise you, but will publish the open letter to Mahama, for your reading delight. Let me say that I do not know the author, but whosoever wrote this piece did so from the heart. Nigerians have a lot to learn from the Ghanaian saga as we head to the polls again in less than three months. It teaches us to be wary of slanderous campaigns without any iota of proof of misdemeanour. We must weigh our options clearly and not just rely on the aberrant behaviour of a few to hang the multitude. In Nigeria, this goes both ways. Please enjoy…

MR MAHAMA, STOP CAMPAIGNING AND FORM YOUR GOVERNMENT – “WE ARE SORRY ”

Dear Mr Mahama,

May I please, respectfully, send my sincerest apologies to yourself and your government.

I have now realised that statements I made in the press, posted on my social media platforms were disruptive and ill-informed. I sincerely regret having made any disrespectful comments and I herein unreservedly apologise in this regard to yourself and your government.

With my fake change lenses off, I can now see much more clearly how much good your government brought to the country and the infrastructural development it bequeathed to the land.

Mr Mahama, I apologise unreservedly and without condition for any distress I may have caused as a result of my ignorance of governance issues. If there is anything I can do to remedy my mistake, please let me know as I only want the best for you and Ghana. I have written officially to all the radio stations I lambasted you on, the newspapers that published my articles against your government, my church members who grouped to listen to my lies and falsehood every Sunday, the thousands who follow me on social media platforms and the websites. I will state few of the many reasons why I am rendering this apology but before I do that, I thank you in advance for your indulgence and understanding of an uniformed Ghanaian.

When Kweku Kyen forwarded videos of you campaigning in the Ashanti Region, I asked him “why you wasting resources on the campaign”. You should be thinking about how you going to continue your governance magic after the 2020 election. Ghanaians today are going through deep pains inflicted on them by this government and no amount of manipulation of the citizenry, the electoral commission and other state institutions can make Ghanaians change their resolve to vote out the Npp government in 2020.

Mr Mahama, I campaigned against you in 2012 and did same in 2016. I am a registered member of the Npp and have supported the party in many ways and at different levels. I took it upon myself to make you and your government unpopular because of what I was told about you, your wife, Ibrahim and some of your appointees. We were told you own hotels in Dubai and other places, we were told you have a gold refinery shop in South Africa, your wife owns (sic) shops in South Africa and Equatorial Guinea. We contracted a company in Belgium to investigate these allegations and the results we got were negative. Those who made these allegations during the election and vigorously defended them on Radio in Europe and the United (sic) States, have suddenly gone quiet and will not respond to calls and messages for further and better particulars on the allegations. I and those who supported candidate Akufo Addo and the Npp cannot take the blame for the shocking state we find ourselves.

As an editor of powerful newspaper and online radio station, I worked with a group of brilliant minds to counter whatever (sic) rumour or policy was put out by your government. I doubt the President got the LinkedIn (sic) page that I set for him. As one of Nana’s ardent supporters, this was all unpaid brought from a place of conviction. Nothing was asked for, nothing was received. Just to keep Mahama out for the man I thought was incorruptible with the magic wand to take over. I didn’t know I (sic) was preparing a suicide rope for myself and family.

Mr Mahama, once again I say sorry. Why campaigning? Ghanaians have seen the truth and describing as they’ve become, are calmly waiting for 2020 to come for the Npp to tell them where your hotels are situated, why you’ve not been prosecuted, why they are (sic) commissioning and recommissioning cost inflated projects. Ghanaians will ask them to explain why they borrowed more than your government when we told them we have all the monies needed for our projects here. They will demand to know the projects implemented from the loans. They will ask why Transparency International downgraded Ghana under our government, why teachers are going to do national service, why the 100 year bond, why the double track system the associated problems. They will demand explanation why the President has appointed over 40 members of his family into his administration, why the cedi broke jail, why the weekly fuel price increase. While demanding for answers, Ghanaians will be looking at your projects in their communities and those whose projects were abandoned after 2016 will continue to pray and fast for the clock to run faster. (sic)

This time round, I should be consistent and honorable enough to tell my President as it is and apologise to you for what I said, wrote and preached about you.

Thank you Sir. (sic)

(Eugene Nana Poku ).

The content of that letter remains that of the writer and does not necessarily mirror the total reality in Ghana today. Like the case in Nigeria, many supporters of the ruling government in Ghana still believe the current President has delivered on his promises. It is always the job of the opposition to disagree and throw sand in the garri of the incumbent. What is clear in all this is that no government can please everyone and also that there is serious danger in over-promising before taking power. You may end up blaming the past government not only for their much publicised ills, but also for failing to do virtually everything you promised while in opposition.

Meanwhile, the clock of governance is clicking and ticking away at supersonic speed…

Headline

Rivers Crisis: The Taming of Sim Fubara

Published

2 days ago

May 13, 2025

Eric

By Eric Elezuo

Listening to the suspended Governor of Rivers State, Sir Siminalayi Fubara, on matters arising over his suspension and possible reinstatement, one is bound to conclude that the embattled governor, who fell under the hammer of executive emergency declaration, either buckled to pressure from high places, or have compromised his hard stand as a no-nonsense people-oriented governor. In all, it is believed that Fubara has been categorically tamed; a situation profoundly compared to William Shakespeare’s ‘The Taming of the Shrew’.

The Rivers State scenario typically adapted the characterisation of the Shakespeare’s classic, where the character, Christopher Sly, was roundly pranked by a mischievous nobleman to mistakenly believe that he too was of nobility. Alas, it was a ploy to tame his ego, distract him from what he cherished most.

Fubara, at the service of songs held in Port Harcourt, Rivers state capital, in honour of late Edwin Clark, elder statesman and the leader of the Pan Niger Delta Forum (PANDEF), not only disclosed that his heart is no longer in the governorship job from which he was suspended almost two months ago, but lambasted his supporters and followers for adopting the ‘oshogbe’ approach in fighting for his cause.

Fubara, in a tone, that betrayed his earlier tough stand, said he is not desperate to return to office nearly two months after President Bola Tinubu declared emergency rule in the state.

“Have you asked yourself, do you think I’m interested in going back there? I want to ask you—don’t you see how much better I’m doing?” Fubara asked the audience at the service of songs.

“Do you think I’m interested in going back there? If I had my way, I would say this is it. This is the will of God. I don’t wish to go back there. My spirit has left that place,” he added, much to the surprise of a divided in opinion audience.

Fubara was not only basking in the euphoria of a deceived commoner, but also wore the garb of Katherina, the unwilling participant, who was tamed by his would-be groom with various psychological torments, including refusing food and drink until she becomes an obedient, desirable and compliant bride.

This typifies the beginning of the relationship between Fubara and his erstwhile benefactor, Wike, who went the whole yard, proving the not available nobility of the then chief accountant, denying him the appurtenaces of the office of Governor till he can become what they want of him. And like Katherina to Petruchio in Shakespeare’s classic, the Rivers governor has completely turned around, jettisoned his supposed shrewness to become a loyalist, who is now at the beck and call of the master. If his masters say a man is a woman, or the sun is the moon, the tamed subject will willingly agree, and without rancour. His actions and utterances have to a great extent proved his tamed status.

Fubara’s remark was in response to several tributes by members of the Rivers Elders Forum, who referred to him as “governor” and condemned his suspension.

Unlike the Fubara before the March 18 suspension by President Bola Tinubu, the governor dissociated himself from those statements, describing them as personal views not aligned with his approach.

He said such comments were unlikely to support peace in the state.

The governor also expressed concerns that actions taken by some of his backers had, in fact, worsened the crisis.

He asked the audience to focus their reflections on Clark’s life and legacy, rather than turning the event into a political protest.

It would be recalled that Fubara’s alleged change of heart in the heated crises that have seen him become estranged with his political godfather and immediate past governor of Rivers State, who is presently the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike, became visible after his supposed meeting with Tinubu in London. Though the outcome of the meeting is yet unknown, recent actions and utterances of the governor tends to prove that a sort of compromise, which may seem detrimental to his political future, was arrived at. He was quoted shortly after arriving Nigeria from London, as saying that Tinubu should be supported.

Wike, with whom he has been at loggerheads over leadership of party structure in the state for over 18 months, confirmed during a media chat on Monday, that the embattled governor visited his Abuja residence, with two other governors, to plea for peace and understanding.

Recall also that Fubara and Wike have been locked in a bitter political standoff since late 2023. This created a dichotomy in the leadership loyalty with Wike controlling the members of the House of Assembly, except for four of them, while Fubara controlled the executive. Both arms of government have not been able to see eye to eye until the eventual emergency rule declaration. While the Assembly sought to impeach the governor, the governor and his team were bent on kicking the Assembly members out, leaning on their well celebrated decamping to the All Progressives Congress (APC). The members later denied defecting.

On Friday, February 28, 2025, the Supreme Court made landmark pronouncements that placed Governor Fubara on the receiving end, and giving Wike and his supporters victory in what seem to be a foreclosure in the game of throne that paralysed the political and administrative existence of the state since inauguration in 2023.

Not only did the court nullified all the structures that sustained Fubara’s administration, it lambasted the governor, thoroughly reducing him to a laughing stock among Wike and his followers, berating him for breaking down the Rivers State House of Assembly building as a way to stop the defected 27 lawmakers from sitting, thereby forcing them to sit outside to carry out their lawful activities.

The justices said it is a regular occurrence for those in executive power who feel threatened that their seat is being taken or is about to be impeached to resort to actions like demolishing buildings and other acts of bigamy.

THE ROAD TO PEACE

Fubara, seeming to have lost following the Supreme Court judgment, started exploring every option to ensure peace so that his impeachment is never put on the table. As a result, putting aside the disgrace of being locked out of the assembly quarters, the governor promised to re-present the budget in fulfillment of the Supreme Court order, choosing Wednesday March 19, 2025, or any other date in March, the lawmakers might choose. But the President preempted the move with an emergency rule.

Rivers State has been at the centre of a deepening political feud between Fubara and his predecessor and political godfather, Nyesom Wike.

Following the political situation in the state, President Bola Tinubu intervened in December 2023, brokering a peace deal between both sides.

However, on March 18, Tinubu declared a state of emergency in Rivers and suspended Fubara, his deputy, Ngozi Odu, and all the state lawmakers, temporarily bringing the tension in the state to an end

The President also appointed a retired naval chief, Ibok-Ete Ibas, as the sole administrator of the oil-rich state.

The move effectively dissolved the existing government structure, placing the state under federal control.

The 11 Peoples Democratic Party governors had filed a suit at the Supreme Court in protest, to challenge the President’s action; a move the National Assembly challenged, urging the court to dismiss the suit filed by the PDP governors.

The National Assembly also contended that the suit was procedurally flawed and lacked merit, while further arguing that the court lacked the jurisdiction to entertain the suit and should award N1 billion in costs against the plaintiffs for filing what it termed a frivolous and speculative suit.

The suit is yet to be determined.

Fubara remains in limbo, but seems to have chosen the path that would give him a soft political landing. Every finger points to the fact that he may have compromised his mandate, pushing his fighting supporters to stop the criticisms against Tinubu and Wike as well as insinuating that he was fed with the governorship mandate.

It has also been alleged that even if Fubara is restored to complete his term, he may not be allowed to seek another term. This could be the premise on which the suspended governor is speaking from the other side of the mouth.

When Shakespeare wrote The Taming of the Shrew many centuries ago, exactly between 1590 – 1592, the Wike/Fubara was not in the equation, but today, the plot typifies the present day Rivers State where the incumbent governor has been tamed to speak everything good of his tormentors.

It is still not known, however, if Fubara will make good his threat not to return to office, but it has become obvious that he is now willing to dance to the tune of he that pays the piper.

Headline

Behold the First Ever American Pope, Robert Francis Prevost

Published

6 days ago

May 9, 2025

Eric

Robert Francis Prevost, the first pope from the United States, has a history of missionary work in Peru but also a keen grasp of the inner workings of the Church.

The new Leo XIV, a Chicago native, was entrusted by his predecessor Francis, to head the powerful Dicastery for Bishops, charged with advising the pontiff on new bishop appointments.

The sign of confidence from Francis speaks to Prevost’s commitment as a missionary in Peru to the “peripheries” – overlooked areas far from Rome prioritised by Francis – and his reputation as a bridge-builder and moderate within the Curia.

The 69-year-old Archbishop-Bishop emeritus of Chiclayo, Peru, was made a cardinal by Francis in 2023 after being named Prefect of the Dicastery, one of the Vatican’s most important departments — and a post that introduced him to all key players in the Church.

Vatican watchers had given Prevost the highest chances among the group of US cardinals of being pope, given his pastoral bent, global view and ability to navigate the central bureaucracy.

Italian newspaper, La Repubblica, called him “the least American of the Americans” for his soft-spoken touch.

His strong grounding in canon law has also been seen as reassuring to more conservative cardinals seeking a greater focus on Theology.

Following Francis’s death, Prevost said there was “still so much to do” in the work of the Church.

“We can’t stop, we can’t turn back. We have to see how the Holy Spirit wants the Church to be today and tomorrow, because today’s world, in which the Church lives, is not the same as the world of ten or 20 years ago,” he told Vatican News last month.

“The message is always the same: proclaim Jesus Christ, proclaim the Gospel, but the way to reach today’s people, young people, the poor, politicians, is different,” he said.

Born on September 14, 1955, in Chicago, Prevost attended a Minor Seminary of the Order of St Augustine in St Louis as a novice before graduating from Philadelphia’s Villanova University, an Augustinian institution, with a degree in Mathematics.

After receiving a masters degree in divinity from Chicago’s Catholic Theological Union in 1982, and a doctorate decree in canon law in Rome, the polyglot joined the Augustinians in Peru in 1985 for the first of his decade-long missions in that country.

Returning to Chicago in 1999, he was made provincial prior of the Augustinians in the US Midwest and later the prior general of the order throughout the world.

But he returned to Peru in 2014 when Francis appointed him as apostolic administrator of the Diocese of Chiclayo in the country’s north.

Nearly a decade later, Prevost’s appointment in 2023 as head of the Dicastery came after Canadian Cardinal Marc Ouellet was accused of sexually assaulting a woman and resigned for age reasons.

The Vatican later dropped the case against Ouellet for insufficient evidence.

Prevost also serves as president of the Pontifical Commission for Latin America.

Headline

Remembering Ife’s 50th Ooni, Oba Sijuwade Okunade

Published

1 week ago

May 6, 2025

Eric

By Eric Elezuo

10 years after the death of one of the most cosmopolitan monarchs Nigeria has produced, His Imperial Majesty Oba Okunade Sijuwade, Olubuse II CFR, family, friends and the traditional institutions are gearing up for a mother of all remembrance and memorial ceremony. Oba Okunade Sijuwade is the 50th Oni of Ife.

On Tuesday, at the elaborate Civic Centre, in the heart of Victoria Island, stakeholders and people of interest, gathered to inform the public through the media, veritable steps being taken to honour the progeny of Oduduwa and until his death in 2015, the prime custodian of the Yoruba tradition.

According to the invitation to the media briefing, organizers noted that the events are being held in conjunction with the National Council of Traditional Rulers under the Chairmanship of His Imperial Majesty, Oba Adeyeye Ogunwusi, Ojaja II, Ooni of Ife CFR and His Eminence Sultan Sa’ad Abubakar, the Sultan of Sokoto CFR.

In his address, the Curator and Consultant for the 10th year Memorial Celebration of His Imperial Majesty, Oba Okunade Sijuwade, Olubuse II, Dr. Oludamola Adebowale, described the event as a decade of legacy, while noting as follows:

“A Decade of Legacy: 10th Year Memorial Celebration of His Imperial Majesty, Oba Okunade Sijuwade, Olubuse II.

“At a press briefing held at the Civic Centre in Victoria Island, Lagos, the family of the late Ooni of ile-Ife, His Imperial Majesty Oba Okunade Sijuwade, Olubuse II, unveiled a series of cultural, intellectual, and commemorative events marking the 10th anniversary of the revered monarch’s passing. The Programme is a tribute to his enduring legacy as a custodian of culture, a bridge-builder across Nigeria, and a global advocate for African heritage.

“Organized in partnership with the National Council of Traditional Rulers of Nigeria, the memorial activities are spearheaded by the Co-chairmen of the Council, Ooni of Ife, His Imperial Majesty Oba Adeyeye Enitan Ogunwusi, CFR, Ojaja II, alongside His Eminence, Alhaji Muhammadu Sa’ad Abubakar, CFR, the Sultan of Sokoto.

“A key highlight is a Three-State Inter-School Debate Tour featuring students from King’s College, Lagos; Abeokuta Grammar School; Oba Sijuwade’s alma mater; and Oduduwa College, Ile-Ife. The theme, “Traditional Governance vs. Modern Democracy: Which Best Preserves Cultural Heritage?’ invites students to explore the relevance of indigenous leadership in today’s world. The final debate presentation will be held on July 25, 2025.

“Another major feature is the Grand Memorial Exhibition, showcasing rare photographs, personal items, and archival materials from Oba Sijuwade’s life and reign—many being displayed publicly for the first time. The exhibition features collections from the National Archives of Nigeria, the UK National Archives, Horniman Museum & Gardens (UK), and the African American Research Library and Cultural Center (Florida), home of the Dr. Niara Sudarkasa Collection and also the Sijuwade Personal Collection.

“The exhibition is curated by renowned cultural historian and archivist Dr. Oludamola ADEBOWALE.

“A national symposium titled “Unifying and Securing Nigeria’s Future Through Traditional Institutions” will gather traditional rulers, scholars, and policymakers to examine the evolving role of indigenous leadership in peacebuilding, national identity, and governance.

“The grand finale of the memorial will take place in Ile-Ife, the cradle of Yoruba civilization. It includes a church thanksgiving service and solemn prayers at the late Ooni’s mausoleum—concluding the memorial in dignity and grandeur.

“Looking ahead, the Sijuwade family announced a series of legacy projects, including:

– A Nubian Jak Blue Plaque at his former London residence, recognizing his global impact in cultural diplomacy.

– The launch of a commemorative book detailing his life, leadership, and international engagements.

– The development of the Oba Okunade Sijuwade Memorial Hall and Museum in Ile-Ife to preserve his legacy and Yoruba heritage.

“This far-reaching initiative reflects the far-sighted vision of Oba Okunade Sijuwade—an imperial figure whose reign was defined by grace, wisdom, and an unwavering commitment to cultural excellence. These legacy projects are not only tributes to his memory but enduring pillars that will continue to inspire future generations in Nigeria, across Africa, and throughout the global diaspora. Through them, the timeless values he embodied—dignity, unity, heritage, and leadership—will live on, shaping a future deeply rooted in the strength of tradition and the promise of progress.

OBA OKUNADE SIJUWADE (1930 – 2015)

According to accounts obtained from Wikipedia, the life and times of Oba Sijuwade is captured as follows:

Born January 1, 1930, Alayeluwa Oba Okunade Sijuwade CFR, was the 50th traditional ruler (or Ooni) of Ife from December 6, 1980 to his death on July 28, 2015. He reigned for 35 influential years, taking the regnal name Olubuse II. His installation ceremony was attended by the Emir of Kano, Oba of Benin, Amayanabo of Opobo and Olu of Warri, as well as by representatives of the Queen of the United Kingdom.

Sijuwade was born to the ruling House of Sijuwade which is a fraction of the Ogboru ruling house, Ilare, Ile-Ife. His paternal grandfather was Ooni Adelekan Sijuwade – Olubuse I the 46th Ooni of Ife who ruled from 1884 – 1910. While his father was Omo-Oba Adereti Sijuade (1895 – 11 May 1949) and his mother was, Yeyeolori Emilia Ifasesin Sijuwade (nee Osukoti Adugbolu), from the town of Akure. He was a Christian and in November 2009 he attended the annual general meeting of the Foursquare Gospel Church in Nigeria accompanied by 17 other traditional rulers. He declared that he was a full member of the church and said all the monarchs who accompanied him would now become members. At his birthday celebration two months later, the Primate of the Anglican Communion described Sijuwade as “a humble monarch, who has the fear of God at heart”.

Oba Okunade Sijuwade or Prince Okunade Sijuwade as he was then called started his elementary education at Igbedin School, Abeokuta from where he proceeded to Abeokuta Grammar School under the governance of the well-known educationalist Reverend I O Ransome-Kuti, who was the principal of the school. Upon leaving Abeokuta Grammar School, Oba Okunade Sijuwade transferred to Oduduwa College in Ile-Ife before attending Northampton Technical College in the United Kingdom to study business management.

He worked for three years in his father’s business, then for two years with the Nigerian Tribune, first as a reporter then a sales executive before going to university.

By the age of 30, he was a manager in A.G Leventis, a Greek-Nigerian conglomerate. In 1963 he became Sales Director of the state-owned National Motors in Lagos. After spotting a business opportunity during a 1964 visit to the Soviet Union, he formed WAATECO a company to distribute Soviet-built vehicles and equipment in Nigeria, which became the nucleus of a widespread business empire. He also invested in real estate in his hometown of Ile Ife. By the time Sijuwade was crowned Ooni in 1980 he was already a wealthy man.

Shortly after becoming the 50th Ooni of Ife, Oba Okunade Sijuwade founded Sijuwade Group, which he was the chairman of. The conglomerate operates in several sectors including oil and gas, infrastructure, real estate, industrials, and hospitality. The company holds partnerships with several multinational companies such as Centrica, Equinor (formerly Statoil), CCC, Eser and RCC (Reynolds Construction Company) and has executed over $2 billion worth of contracts and projects in Nigeria.

When Sijuwade became Ooni of Ife in December 1980, he inherited an ongoing dispute over supremacy between the obas of Yorubaland. In 1967 a crisis had been resolved when Chief Obafemi Awolowo was chosen as the leader of the Yoruba. In 1976 the Governor of Oyo State, General David Jemibewon, had decreed that the Ooni of Ife would be the permanent chairman of the State Council of Obas and Chiefs. Other Obas led by the Alaafin of Oyo, Oba Lamidi Adeyemi said the position should rotate. The dispute calmed down when Osun State was carved out of Oyo State in August 1991, but ill will persisted.

Towards the end of 2009 a more local dispute between the Ooni, the Awujale of Ijebuland and the Alake of Egbaland was finally resolved. Sijuwade traced the dispute back to a falling out between Obafemi Awolowo and Ladoke Akintola during the Nigerian First Republic, which had led to a division between the traditional rulers.

In February 2009, Sijuwade helped mediate in a dispute over land ownership between the communities of Ife and Modakeke, resolved in part through the elevation of the Ogunsua of Modakeke as an Oba. The new Oba, Francis Adedoyin, would be under the headship of Oba Okunade Sijuwade.

Oba Okunade Sijuwade had 4 wives and 20 children in total. His wives were:

Yeyeluwa Oyetunde Sijuwade, Oba Okunade Sijuwade’s first wife and the first Yeyeluwa of Ife. She was the mother to Prince Adetokunbo Sijuwade.
Olori Morisola Sijuwade, Oba Okunade Sijuwade’s second wife and the second Yeyeluwa of Ife from 1986 after Yeyeluwa Oyetunde Sijuwade’s death.
Olori Oladunni Sijuwade, Oba Okunade Sijuwade’s third wife and the daughter of the very popular politician Chief Adedamola Harold-Sodipo.
Olori Odunola Sijuwade, a princess of Ila-Orangun and the daughter of the revered Ila-Orangun, Oba William Ayeni.

According to Forbes Oba Okunade Sijuwade was the third Richest King in Africa. He also owned several residentials properties in Nigeria and the United Kingdom including Chester Terrace, Grosvenor Square, and a country home in Burnham, Buckinghamshire. In the 80’s, shortly after Oba Okunade Sijuwade became the Ooni of Ife, he visited President Rajiv Gandhi of India and King Fahd Al Saud of Saudi Arabia at the invitation of both countries to foster friendly relations between them and Nigeria. Few years later as Ooni, he visited Japan to meet Emperor Akihito along with Emir Ado Bayero of Kano.

Activities are expected to kick off in mid June 2025, and terminate late July, 2025.