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Opinion: Okorocha, Madumere and the Unfolding Drama in Imo House of Assembly
Published
7 years agoon
By
Eric
By Nkannebe Raymond
Governor Rochas Anayo Okorocha, the Supreme Leader of Imo State, is once again at his infamous best. In his sworn ambition to install his son in-law as his successor, he has found in the rubber stamp House of Assembly of the state, a veritable instrument to carry out his latest ignoble act of democratic rascality.
Ever since the embattled deputy governor of the state, Prince Eze Madumere, indicated his intention to run for the seat of the executive governor of the state in the forthcoming general election, in a bid to benefit from the zoning principle which favours his Owerri zone, the relationship that subsisted between him and his boss, Okorocha who at some point described the man as a “son in whom I am well pleased”, has hit the rocks.
Okorocha, it was reported, had tried to talk Madumere into shelving his gubernatorial ambition as he had reserved that position for his son in-law, and current Chief of Staff, Chief Uche Nwosu whom he described as the only person with the capacity to carry on with his policies for the state. As a way of pacifying Madumere, he had advised the latter to vie for the senatorial seat of his Owerri East senatorial district. An offer which as it turned out, did not sit well with his deputy. And thus in order to punish him for his obduracy, Governor Rochas Okorocha, has since written a script which is currently been dramatized by the majority members of the House of Assembly. A House, described by many followers of events in the state, as the worst the state has witnessed in a long time.
The problem however, is not the decision of the House of Assembly to impeach or rather remove the deputy governor of the state. Those powers are well invested in them going by the unmistakable provisions of the 1999 Constitution as amended. But these powers as has been refrained by the Supreme Court of Nigeria in quite a number of landmark decisions, are to be invoked with circumspection, so they do not become a weapon in the hands of an unscrupulous parliament to change the face of government in their respective states, or at the federal level, at their whims and caprices.
In the popular case of Inakoju v Adeleke (2007) 4 NWLR (pt. 1025) P. 423, a full panel of the Supreme Court in a leading Judgment delivered by the late Hon. Justice Niki Tobi (May God bless him), left no one in any doubt as to how a House of Assembly of a state should exercise its power of removal of a governor. Subsequently in the case of Dapialong & Ors v Dariye & Anor (2007) 8 NWLR (Pt. 1026) 332 the same Court, relying in its previous decision in Inakoju v Adeleke reiterated its position on the manner and mannerisms of impeachment/removal of the executive governor of a state. In the two landmark decisions, the governors of Oyo and Plateau states respectively were returned and their purported impeachments by the respective Houses of Assembly were declared as null and void. These judgments on the strength of the near novelty of what they decided, and the erudition that was brought to bear by the apex Court in deciding same, have since become what lawyers refer to as locus classicus in that area of our adjectival jurisprudence.
Whereas the practice in the past until the decisions in Inakoju and Adeleke(supra) was for the Courts not to meddle in the procedure or outcome of the exercise of the State House of Assembly of the powers invested in it under section 188 of the Constitution. The powers of the court was said to be ousted by the provisions of section 188(10) of the Constitution which provides as follows: No proceedings or determination of the panel or of the House of Assembly or any matter relating to such proceedings or determination shall be entertained or questioned in ANY court (Emphasis supplied). This provision which appeared to be at large in the earlier controversial case of Chief Enyi Abaribe v Abia State House of Assembly & Ors (2002) 14 NWLR (pt. 738) p.466, and thus leading to the impeachment of the then deputy governor, was however cut to size in the subsequent case of Inakoju v Adeleke (supra), where the apex Court in one fantastic burst of judicial activism set the limits of the ousting of the powers of the court vis-à-vis section 188 of the 1999 Constitution.
The foregoing background is instructive for two reasons namely: to allow the reader an entry into the attitude of Nigerian Courts to the exercise of the power of impeachment by both state and federal legislature, and also to gauge the constitutionality or otherwise of the actions of the Acho Ihim led Imo House of Assembly vis-à-vis the hastily procured petition served on the deputy governor the other day, when construed against the provisions of the 1999 constitution.
And so what are the proximate facts giving rise to the needless controversy? On Tuesday, 10th of July, 2018, 13 members of the House, led by the Deputy Speaker, Ugonna Ozuruigbo of Nwangele constituency, submitted a petition with six charges accusing Madumere of gross misconduct in office which misconducts were given out as follows: “Failure to perform any of the constitutional functions of his office; being absent from his office for three months without official reason or permission; failure to attend constitutionally mandated proceedings of the State Executive Council and proceedings of the State Security Council; refusal to attend and meet with the State Governor and Commissioners of the state made compulsory by section 193(2) of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, as amended”. There was also the allegation of what was described as “concealment of felonious conduct affecting the presentation of self as an eligible candidate of office of deputy governor, Imo State having been convicted and imprisoned for theft in the United States of America”. While the question whether these alleged conducts constitute “gross misconduct” in the peculiar context of section 188(11) of the 1999 Constitution remains arguable, as was given vent in the case of Inakoju v Adeleke, the subterranean acts that followed the submission of the Notice of Allegation to the Speaker of the House however, has raised more suspicions, thus confirming the fears of critics that the whole procedure was a manuscript perfected in the Owerri government house.
Whereas the communal provision of sections 188(2), (3) and (4) of the Constitution mandates the Speaker of the House by way of motion supported by at least 2/3 members of the House to decide whether to investigate the petition or not, before swinging the Chief judge of the state into action pursuant to subsection (5), what followed rather was a procedure unknown to the spirit and letters of the 1999 Constitution. Upon the submission of the allegations to the Speaker, a kangaroo committee chaired by one Kennedy Ibeh was inaugurated against the run of play. The task of this committee unknown to the constitution was ostensibly to look into the substance of the allegations. They were given some seven (7) days to be done with their troubles.
You would expect that part of the modus operandi of this make-shift committee would be to invite representations from the embattled deputy governor in keeping faith with the audi alterem partem principle that is writ large in the law of the land, before coming to a decision one way or the other. But you would be disappointed if you had expected that. In a never-seen-before fashion of overzealousness, the tokunboh committee turned in its report the following day. That was less than 24 hours after it was illegally saddled with the preliminary responsibility to determine the fate of the second citizen of the state. In other words, this committee assumed the position of the entire Imo State House of Assembly, whose bounden duty it was, to decide whether to investigate the allegation or not.
While turning in its report, in a classic case of acting prosecutor, judge, jury and executioner, the committee, as reported by the Guardian Newspaper of 15th July, 2018, urged the House to ask the Chief Judge of the State to raise a judicial panel to investigate Madumere in view of the allegations against him. The Clerk of the House, Chris Duru, was then directed to procure the signature of 19 members of the House in support of the decision of the illegal committee. This, obviously was a futile attempt to meet the requirement of the constitution as per the number of lawmakers whose votes should cause the Speaker to swing the Chief Judge of the state into action as provided by section 188(4) of the Constitution. It was a deft attempt at conferring legality on a most atrocious illegality. A sharp practice that the late justice Niki Tobi feared in the lead judgment in the Inakoju v Adeleke case when the eminent jurist enthused as follows: “…it is merely stating the obvious that the Chief Judge can only invoke his constitutional powers under section 188(5) if the provisions of section 188(2), (3) and (4) are complied with. Putting the position in a negative language, the Chief Judge will not invoke his constitutional powers under section 188(5) if the provisions of section 188(2), (3) and (4) are not complied with. This, in my humble view, is the intendment of the makers of the Constitution…”.
Before now, certain members of the House whose support for the hatchet job could not be vouched were suspended in controversial circumstances over what their colleagues referred to as ‘un-parliamentary conduct’. The suspended members included Dr. Uche Oguwuike (Ikeduru Constituency); Nkenna Nzeruo (Oru East); Collins Chiji (Isiala Mbano) and Ifeanyi Nnataronye (Mbaitoli Constituency). The motion for their suspension on the 27th of June, 2018 was moved by the Assembly’s Majority Leader, Lugard Osuji and supported by Mr. Lawman Duruji. This suspension no doubt, was to clear the way by the House for what was to come. It was a legislature that could only compare to those in ancient Rome that conspired against Caesar. Only that this time, we are not in Rome, and the subject of the conspiracy, not Caesar.
When one factors the surreptitious manner the House has gone about in exercising its powers against the clear provisions of the Constitution; the timing of this impeachment and the trumped up charges on which it is founded, what is likely to be seen is what is often described as the voice of Jacob, and hand of Esau. Four years ago, a former Deputy Governor of Enugu State, Pastor Sunday Onyebuchi was equally impeached in similar fashion by the Enugu House of Assembly in what would later become known as the “Enugu Chicken impeachment”. Part of the reasons adduced by the Enugu House of Assembly for impeaching the then deputy governor, was his running a poultry farm within the premises of the famous Lion Building government house; as well as not attending official functions on behalf of the then governor, Barr. Sullivan Chime. The embattled deputy governor would challenge his impeachment in Court. And in well considered judgment of the Enugu State High Court, Coram R.O. Odugu, the purported impeachment was declared as null and void.
Even though this judgment came way after the tenure of that administration had lapsed, it nonetheless vindicated the then deputy governor who also had all his entitlements restored to him courtesy of the judgment of the Court. I understand that that judgment is the subject of an appeal now pending at the Enugu division of the Court. It is expected that when that Court finally makes a pronouncement on the appeal, it would not run against the precedent set in the Inakoju v Adeleke line of cases.
That said, the action of the Imo House of Assembly once again puts in focus some of the pitfalls of our democracy. When the head of the executive arm government conspire with the legislature which should play oversight role on the activities of the former, then the whole essence of checks and balances written into our Constitution is abused and bastardized to the detriment of deepening democratic norms. It is on this score that we must commend the decision of the embattled deputy governor to challenge the decision of the House of Assembly in Court, where he is seeking declaratory and injunctive reliefs to stay further actions of the House to the extent that they offend sacrosanct provisions of the constitution. Good enough, he has all the goodwill of the people of the state to contest that. God forbid that a day would come when the people look with trepidation while the cherished values and ideals of a hardly fought democracy is desecrated by rabid state executives working in concern with other anti-democratic forces.
Before rounding off on this Column, it bears pointing out that in Rochas Okorocha, we have another example of how not to be a democrat. He affords us another justification of Lord Acton’s famous admonition that power corrupts, and absolute power corrupts absolutely. Lord Acton must have had his ilk in mind when he gave the civilized world that very illustrative epithet of the abuse of power. Five years ago, he was at the centre of the impeachment of his former deputy, Chief Jude Agbaso, in very controversial circumstances; here again he is once again superintending the removal of his former friend turned foe.
If he got away with it five years ago, it is unlikely that he would this time. With all the forces against him led by the Coalition of Allied Force in the state APC, which has political heavyweights such as Senator Ifeanyi Ararume, Ben Uwajimogu and Osita Izunaso, just to name a few, in its membership, as well as the disaffection on the part of many indigenes of the state, testament of which is found in the thousands that filtered into the streets of the state last week, protesting the contrived impeachment of the deputy governor, it is clear that the man, like the tragic character in Chinua Achebe’s Arrow of God─Ezeulu, may all too soon meet his political waterloo. As things stand, he is already in a hole. He must learn not to dig further.
Raymond Nkannebe, legal practitioner and public interest commentator, wrote in from Lagos. Comments and reactions to raymondnkannebe@gmail.com.
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Tinubu’s 2026 Budget Bad Omen for Nigerians – PDP
Published
2 days agoon
December 21, 2025By
Eric
By Eric Elezuo
The 2026 Appropriation Bill presented by President Bola Tinubu before a joint session of the National Assembly has been rated below par, and described as a bad omen for Nigerians, by the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).
The Tanimu Turaki-led Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) said on Friday that President Bola Tinubu’s 2026 budget would add to the sufferings of Nigeria rather than giving them any renewed hope or consolidation of economic reforms.
The party noted that there would be no renewed hope in an environment where hunger, insecurity and other forms of deprivation were the lot of Nigerians.
It cited the 2025 World Bank Poverty & Equity Brief, which placed more than 30.9% of Nigerians below the international extreme poverty line.
“This shows that there is growth without prosperity for our citizens, meaning that despite GDP growth, poverty remains endemic”, the National Publicity Secretary, Comrade Ini Ememobong, stated on Friday soon after Tinubu presented the 2026 Appropriation Bill of N58.18trillion to a joint session of the Senate and the House of Representatives in Abuja.
Ememobong noted: “The budget, which is themed ‘Budget of Consolidation, Renewed Resilience and Shared Prosperity’, claims that the economy is stabilising and promises shared prosperity.
“In response, we see it rather as a budget of consolidated renewed sufferings, because what Nigerians have witnessed since the birth of this administration is nothing but unmitigated hardship on the people, while the governing class relishes in affluence.
“Nigerians have suffered greatly from many economic woes under this administration.
“President Tinubu cited a 3.98% GDP growth rate as evidence of economic stabilisation under his administration.
“However, it is well established that economic growth alone does not and cannot guarantee improved living standards for citizens.
“According to the 2025 World Bank Poverty & Equity Brief, more than 30.9% of Nigerians live below the international extreme poverty line. This shows that there is growth without prosperity for our citizens, meaning that despite GDP growth, poverty remains endemic.
“This clearly indicates that whatever economic gains exist are not reaching the majority of Nigerians.”
The PDP rejected the President’s figures on economic progress, saying rather that Nigeria has been on rever gear.
“The President stated that the economy under his watch grew by 3.98% without stating the sectors that stimulated the growth or identifying those who benefitted from it. This figure reflects the economic decline the nation has suffered under the leadership of the APC-led Federal government when compared to the growth rate of 6.87% recorded in 2013(same period under the last PDP administration), which was driven largely by non-oil sectors such as agriculture and trade.
“Today, the President celebrates a 3.98% growth rate, whereas a reality check reveals excruciating hunger, a high cost of living, and other indices of economic hardship, which Nigerians are currently facing.
“While we acknowledge the security allocation in the 2026 budget, we must remind the government and Nigerians that allocation alone is insufficient.”
The party added, “We therefore, demand effective and transparent execution to ensure that security funding translates into tangible improvements -modern equipment, adequate ammunition, improved intelligence capabilities, and better welfare for security personnel who are currently engaged in different theatres of armed conflict, where criminal non-state actors are alleged to possess superior arms compared to our security forces.
“Overall, we are deeply concerned about the unapologetic admission by the President that the execution of the 2024 capital budget had been extended to December 2025, while the 2025 budget is still in force.
“This confirms the long-standing rumours of the concurrent operation of multiple budgets.
“This cannot be described as best practice, as every budget has a defined period of operation and no two budgets should operate concurrently. The operation of different budgets at the same time undermines fiscal discipline, transparency, and accountability. These multiple budgetary regimes show yet another unprecedented negative feat by this APC Bola Tinubu-led administration.
“We hereby call for increased transparency and accountability in the administration of the finances of our country, as these have been conspicuously absent so far under this administration.
“Financial accountability and transparency are critical to public trust-building and effective public administration.”
The budget with the theme, “Budget of consolidation, Renewed Resilience and Shared Prosperity”, is N3.19trillion higher than the N54.99trillion approved for 2025.
The key aggregates of the budget are expected revenue of N34.33trillion; debt servicing of N15.52trillion; recurrent (non‑debt) expenditure of N15.25trillion; capital expenditure of N26.08trillion; a deficit of N23.85trillion representing 4.28% of GDP.
In addition, the budget will be benchmarked at $64.85 per barrel of crude oil, daily oil production of 1.8million barrels and a dollar/naira exchange.
Below is the full presentation of Tinubu’s 2026 Budget:
FULL SPEECH BY PRESIDENT BOLA AHMED TINUBU AT THE PRESENTATION OF THE 2026 NATIONAL BUDGET
“Budget of Consolidation, Renewed Resilience and Shared Prosperity”
Distinguished Senate President,
Rt. Honourable Speaker and Honourable Members of the House of Representatives,
Distinguished Senators and Honourable Members of the National Assembly,
Fellow Nigerians,,
1. I am here today to fulfil an essential constitutional obligation by presenting the 2026 Appropriation Bill to this esteemed Joint Session of the National Assembly for your consideration.
2. This budget represents a defining moment in our national journey of reform and transformation. Over the last two and a half years, my government has methodically confronted long‑standing structural weaknesses, stabilised our economy, rebuilt confidence, and laid a durable foundation for the construction of a more resilient, inclusive, and dynamic Nigeria.
3. Though necessary, the reforms have not been painless. Families and businesses have faced pressure; established systems have been disrupted; and budget execution has been tested. I acknowledge these difficulties plainly. Yet, I am here, today, to assure Nigerians that their sacrifices are not in vain. The path of reform is seldom smooth, but it is the surest route to lasting stability and shared prosperity.
4. Today, I present a Budget that consolidates our gains, strengthens our resilience, and takes this country from out of the dark tunnel of hopelessness, from survival to growth.
5. The 2026 Budget is themed: “Budget of Consolidation, Renewed Resilience and Shared Prosperity”. It reflects our determination to lock in macroeconomic stability, deepen competitiveness, and ensure that growth translates into decent jobs, rising incomes, and a better quality of life across for every Nigerian.
6. Mr. Chairman, Leaders of the National Assembly, while the global outlook continues to improve, this Budget aims to further strengthen our Nigerian economy to benefit all our citizens.
7. I am encouraged that our reform efforts are already yielding measurable results:
1) Our economy grew by 3.98 per cent in Q3 2025, up from 3.86 per cent in Q3 2024.
2) Inflation has moderated for eight consecutive months, with headline inflation declining to 14.45 per cent in November 2025, from 24.23 per cent in March 2025. With stabilising food and energy prices, tighter monetary conditions, and improving supply responses, we expect the deflationary trend to persist over the 2026 horizon, barring major supply shocks.
3) Oil production has improved, supported by enhanced security, technology deployment, and sector reforms.
4) Non‑oil revenues have expanded significantly through better tax administration.
5) Investor confidence is returning, reflected in capital inflows, renewed project financing, and stronger private‑sector participation.
6) Our external reserves rose to a 7‑year high of about US47 billion dollars as of last month, providing over 10 months of import cover and a more substantial buffer against shocks.
8. These outcomes are not accidental or lucky. They are the consequence of our difficult policy choices. Our next objective is to deepen our gains in pursuit of enduring and inclusive prosperity.
9. Mr. Chairman, Distinguished Members, our 2025 budget implementation faced the realities of transition and competing execution demands. As of Q3 2025, we recorded:
• 18.6 trillion naira in revenue — representing 61% of our target; and
• 24.66 trillion naira in expenditure — representing 60% of our target.
10. Following the extension of the 2024 capital budget execution to December 2025, a total of 2.23 trillion naira was released for the implementation of 2024 capital projects as of June 2025.
11. While fiscal challenges persisted, the government met its key obligations. However, only 3.10 trillion naira — about 17.7% of the 2025 capital budget — was released as of Q3, reflecting the emphasis on completing priority 2024 capital projects during the transition period.
12. Let me be clear: 2026 will be a year of stronger discipline in budget execution. I have issued directives to the Honourable Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy, the Honourable Minister of Budget and Economic Planning, the Accountant‑General of the Federation, and the Director‑General of the Budget Office of the Federation to ensure that the 2026 Budget is implemented strictly in line with the appropriated details and timelines.
13. We expect improved revenue performance through the new National Tax Acts and the ongoing reforms in the oil and gas sector — reforms designed not merely to raise revenue, but to drive transparency, efficiency, fairness, and long‑term value in our fiscal architecture.
14. I have also provided clear and direct guidance regarding Government‑Owned Enterprises. Heads of all agencies have been directed to meet their assigned revenue targets. To support this, we will deploy end‑to‑end digitisation of revenue mobilisation — standardised e‑collections, interoperable payment rails, automated reconciliation, data‑driven risk profiling, and real‑time performance dashboards — so leakages are sealed, compliance is verifiable, and remittances are prompt. These targets will form core components of performance evaluations and institutional scorecards. Nigeria can no longer afford leakages, inefficiencies, or underperformance in strategic agencies. Every institution must play its part.
15. Mr Chairman and fellow Nigerians, the 2026 Budget is guided by four clear objectives:
1) Consolidate macroeconomic stability;
2) Improve the business and investment environment;
3) Promote job‑rich growth and reduce poverty; and
4) Strengthen human capital development while protecting the vulnerable.
16. In short: we will spend with purpose, manage debt with discipline, and pursue broad-based, sustainable growth.
17. Distinguished Members, the 2026 Federal Budget is anchored on realism, prudence, and growth.
18. The key aggregates are as follows:
1) Expected total revenue is 34.33 trillion naira.
2) Projected total expenditure is 58.18 trillion naira, including 15.52 trillion naira for debt servicing.
3) Recurrent (non‑debt) expenditure is 15.25 trillion naira.
4) Capital expenditure will be 26.08 trillion.
5) The Budget deficit is expected to be 23.85 trillion naira, representing 4.28% of GDP.
19. These numbers are not mere accounting lines. They are a statement of national priorities. We remain firmly committed to fiscal sustainability, debt transparency, and value‑for‑money spending.
20. The 2026–2028 Medium‑Term Expenditure Framework and Fiscal Strategy Paper sets the parameters for this Budget. Our projections are based on:
1) a conservative crude oil benchmark of US64.85 dollars per barrel;
2) crude oil production of 1.84 million barrels per day; and
3) an average exchange rate of 1,400 naira to the US Dollar for the 2026 fiscal year.
21. We will continue to reduce waste, strengthen controls, and ensure that every naira borrowed or spent delivers measurable public value.
22. Our allocations reflect the Renewed Hope Agenda and the practical needs of Nigerians. Key sectoral provisions include:
1) Defence and security: 5.41 trillion naira
2) Infrastructure: 3.56 trillion naira
3) Education: 3.52 trillion naira
4) Health: 2.48 trillion naira
23. These priorities are interlinked. Without security, investment will not thrive. Without educated and healthy citizens, productivity will not rise. Without infrastructure, jobs and enterprises will not scale. This Budget is, therefore, designed to provide a single, coherent programme of national renewal.
A. National Security and Peacebuilding
24. National Security remains the foundation of development. The 2026 Budget strengthens support for:
• modernisation of the Armed Forces;
• intelligence‑driven policing and joint operations;
• border security and technology‑enabled surveillance; and
• community‑based peacebuilding and conflict prevention.
25. We will invest in security with clear accountability for outcomes — because security spending must deliver results. To secure our country, our priority will remain on increasing the fighting capability of our armed forces and other security agencies and boosting the effectiveness of our fighting forces with cutting-edge equipment and other hardware.
26. We will usher in a new era of criminal justice. We will show no mercy to those who commit or support acts of terrorism, banditry, kidnapping for ransom and other violent crimes.
27. Our administration is resetting the national security architecture and establishing a new national counterterrorism doctrine — a holistic redesign anchored on unified command, intelligence gathering, community stability, and counter – insurgency. This new doctrine will fundamentally change how we confront terrorism and other violent crimes.
28. Under this new architecture, any armed group or gun-wielding non-state actors operating outside state authority will be regarded as terrorists.
29. Bandits, militias, armed gangs, armed robbers, violent cults, forest-based armed groups and foreign-linked mercenaries will all be targeted. We will go after all those who perpetrate violence for political or sectarian ends, along with those who finance and facilitate their evil schemes.
B. Human Capital Development: Education and Health
30. No nation can grow beyond the quality of its people. The 2026 Budget strengthens investments in education, skills, healthcare, and social protection.
31. In education, we are expanding access to higher education through the Nigerian Education Loan Fund. Over seven hundred and eighty eight thousand students have been supported, in partnership with two hundred and twenty nine tertiary institutions nationwide.
32. In healthcare, I am pleased to highlight that investment in healthcare is 6 per cent of the total budget size, net of liabilities.
33. We also appreciate the support of international partners. Recent high‑level engagements with the Government of the United States have opened the door to over 500 million United States dollars for health interventions across Nigeria. We welcome this partnership and assure Nigerians that these resources will be deployed transparently and effectively.
C. Infrastructure and Economic Productivity
34. Across the nation, projects of all shapes and sizes are moving from vision to reality. These include transport and energy infrastructure, port modernisation, agricultural reforms, and strategic investments to unlock private capital.
35. We will take decisive steps to strengthen agricultural markets. Food security shall remain a national priority. The 2026 Budget focuses on input financing and mechanisation; irrigation and climate‑resilient agriculture; storage and processing; and agro‑value chains.
36. These measures will reduce post‑harvest losses, improve incomes for small holders, deepen agro‑industrialisation, and build a more resilient, diversified economy.
37. In 2026, the Bank of Agriculture plans to plant confidence back into our soil; mechanising through seven regional hubs, protecting harvests with fair prices and substantial reserves, providing affordable finance to millions of small holders and growing export value. Under the plan, Nigerian farmers will cultivate one million hectares, create hundreds of thousands of jobs, and prove that prosperity can rise through better use of our God given land.
D. Procurement
38. Starting in November last year, the government has embarked upon a comprehensive framework of procurement reforms. These reforms have enhanced efficiency and generated significant cost savings for the government, resulting in resulting in reduced processing times for Government contracts and better enforcement procedures directed against erring contractors and government officials.
39. Our Nigeria First Policy has been established to encourage self-sufficiency and sustainable growth within Nigeria by promoting domestic products and businesses. By mandating that all Ministries, Departments, and Agencies (MDAs) consider Nigerian-made goods and local companies as their primary option, the policy aims to support local industries, create job opportunities, and reduce dependency on imported items. This bold new approach is expected to enhance the competitiveness of Nigerian enterprises, foster innovation, and ultimately contribute to the country’s overall economic development.
40. Distinguished Members and fellow Nigerians, the most significant budget is not the one we announce. It is the one we deliver.
41. Therefore, 2026 will be guided by three practical commitments:
1) Better revenue mobilisation through efficiency, transparency, and compliance.
2) Better spending by prioritising projects that can be completed, measured, and felt by citizens.
3) Better accountability through strengthening of procurement discipline, monitoring, and reporting.
42. We will build trust by matching our words with results, and our allocations with outcomes.
43. Distinguished Members of the National Assembly, fellow Nigerians, the 2026 Budget is not a budget of promises; it is a Budget of consolidation, renewed resilience and shared prosperity. It builds on the reforms of the past two and a half years, addresses emerging challenges, and sets a clear path towards a more secure, more competitive, more equitable, and more hopeful Nigeria.
44. I commend the people of this country for their understanding and resilience. My administration remains committed to easing the burdens of the transition to a more stable and prosperous nation. We promise to make sure that the benefits of reform reach households and communities across the Federation.
45. In united purpose between the Executive and the Legislature; and with the resilience of the Nigerian people, we will deliver the full promise of the Renewed Hope Agenda.
46. It is, therefore, with great pleasure that I lay before this distinguished Joint Session of the National Assembly; the 2026 Appropriation Bill of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, titled: “Budget of Consolidation, Renewed Resilience and Shared Prosperity”. I seek your partnership in charting the nation’s fiscal course for the coming year.
47. May God bless the Federal Republic of Nigeria.
48. Thank you.
Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR
President, Commander-in-Chief of The Armed Forces,
Federal Republic of Nigeria
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Insecurity: Akpabio Begs Tinubu to Reinstate Police Orderlies for NASS Members
Published
2 days agoon
December 20, 2025By
Eric
Senate President, Godswill Akpabio, has appealed to President Bola Tinubu to reconsider the directive withdrawing police orderlies from members of the National Assembly, citing safety concerns.
Akpabio made the appeal during the presentation of the 2026 budget to a joint session of the National Assembly, by President Tinubu, warning that some lawmakers fear they might be unable to return home safely following the withdrawal.
His said: “As we direct the security agencies to withdraw policemen from critical areas, some of the National Assembly said I should let you know they may not be able to go home today.
“On that note, we plead with Mr. President for a review of the decision.”
President Tinubu, on November 23, ordered the withdrawal of police officers attached to Very Important Persons (VIPs), directing that they be redeployed to core policing duties across the country.
According to Bayo Onanuga, Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy, Tinubu issued the directive after a security meeting with Service Chiefs and the Director-General of the Department of State Services (DSS) following heightened security issues in the country.
Under the order, VIPs requiring security are to seek protection from the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps, as the Federal government seeks to boost police presence in communities, particularly in remote areas grappling with insecurity.
Tinubu later reaffirmed the directive on December 10, moments before presiding over the Federal Executive Council, expressing frustration over delays in implementation.
He instructed the Minister of Interior, Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo, to work with the Inspector-General of Police (IGP), Kayode Egbetokun, and the Civil Defence Corps to immediately replace withdrawn escorts to avoid exposing individuals to danger.
“I honestly believe in what I said…It should be effected. If you have any problem because of the nature of your assignment, contact the IGP and get my clearance,” Tinubu said.
“The minister of interior should liaise IG and the Civil Defence structure to replace those police officers who are on special security duties.
“So that you don’t leave people exposed,” he said.
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Defence Gulps Lion Share As Tinubu Presents N58.47trn 2026 Budget to NASS
Published
3 days agoon
December 19, 2025By
Eric
President Bola Tinubu has presented a budget of N58.47 trillion for the 2026 fiscal year to a joint session of the National Assembly, with capital recurrent (non‑debt) expenditure standing at N15.25 trillion.
Tinubu presented the budget on Friday, pegging the capital expenditure at N26.08 trillion and putting the crude oil benchmark at US$64.85 per barrel.
He said the expected total revenue is N34.33 trillion, projected total expenditure: N58.18 trillion, including N15.52 trillion for debt servicing. The budget is N23.85 trillion, representing 4.28% of GDP.
The budget was anchored on a crude oil production of 1.84 million barrels per day, and an exchange rate of N1,400 to the US Dollar for the 2026 fiscal year.
In terms of sectoral allocation, defence and security took the lion’s share with N 5.41 trillion, followed by infrastructure at N3.56 trillion.
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