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Opinion: Okorocha, Madumere and the Unfolding Drama in Imo House of Assembly

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By Nkannebe Raymond

Governor Rochas Anayo Okorocha, the Supreme Leader of Imo State, is once again at his infamous best. In his sworn ambition to install his son in-law as his successor, he has found in the rubber stamp House of Assembly of the state, a veritable instrument to carry out his latest ignoble act of democratic rascality.

Ever since the embattled deputy governor of the state, Prince Eze Madumere, indicated his intention to run for the seat of the executive governor of the state in the forthcoming general election, in a bid to benefit from the zoning principle which favours his Owerri zone, the relationship that subsisted between him and his boss, Okorocha who at some point described the man as a “son in whom I am well pleased”, has hit the rocks.

Okorocha, it was reported, had tried to talk Madumere into shelving his gubernatorial ambition as he had reserved that position for his son in-law, and current Chief of Staff, Chief Uche Nwosu whom he described as the only person with the capacity to carry on with his policies for the state. As a way of pacifying Madumere, he had advised the latter to vie for the senatorial seat of his Owerri East senatorial district. An offer which as it turned out, did not sit well with his deputy. And thus in order to punish him for his obduracy, Governor Rochas Okorocha, has since written a script which is currently been dramatized by the majority members of the House of Assembly. A House, described by many followers of events in the state, as the worst the state has witnessed in a long time.

The problem however, is not the decision of the House of Assembly to impeach or rather remove the deputy governor of the state. Those powers are well invested in them going by the unmistakable provisions of the 1999 Constitution as amended. But these powers as has been refrained by the Supreme Court of Nigeria in quite a number of landmark decisions, are to be invoked with circumspection, so they do not become a weapon in the hands of an unscrupulous parliament to change the face of government in their respective states, or at the federal level, at their whims and caprices.

In the popular case of Inakoju v Adeleke (2007) 4 NWLR (pt. 1025) P. 423, a full panel of the Supreme Court in a leading Judgment delivered by the late Hon. Justice Niki Tobi (May God bless him), left no one in any doubt as to how a House of Assembly of a state should exercise its power of removal of a governor. Subsequently in the case of Dapialong & Ors v Dariye & Anor (2007) 8 NWLR (Pt. 1026) 332 the same Court, relying in its previous decision in Inakoju v Adeleke reiterated its position on the manner and mannerisms of impeachment/removal of the executive governor of a state. In the two landmark decisions, the governors of Oyo and Plateau states respectively were returned and their purported impeachments by the respective Houses of Assembly were declared as null and void. These judgments on the strength of the near novelty of what they decided, and the erudition that was brought to bear by the apex Court in deciding same, have since become what lawyers refer to as locus classicus in that area of our adjectival jurisprudence.

Whereas the practice in the past until the decisions in Inakoju and Adeleke(supra) was for the Courts not to meddle in the procedure or outcome of the exercise of the State House of Assembly of the powers invested in it under section 188 of the Constitution. The powers of the court was said to be ousted by the provisions of section 188(10) of the Constitution which provides as follows: No proceedings or determination of the panel or of the House of Assembly or any matter relating to such proceedings or determination shall be entertained or questioned in ANY court (Emphasis supplied). This provision which appeared to be at large in the earlier controversial case of Chief Enyi Abaribe v Abia State House of Assembly & Ors (2002) 14 NWLR (pt. 738) p.466, and thus leading to the impeachment of the then deputy governor, was however cut to size in the subsequent case of Inakoju v Adeleke (supra), where the apex Court in one fantastic burst of judicial activism set the limits of the ousting of the powers of the court vis-à-vis section 188 of the 1999 Constitution.

The foregoing background is instructive for two reasons namely: to allow the reader an entry into the attitude of Nigerian Courts to the exercise of the power of impeachment by both state and federal legislature, and also to gauge the constitutionality or otherwise of the actions of the Acho Ihim led Imo House of Assembly vis-à-vis the hastily procured petition served on the deputy governor the other day, when construed against the provisions of the 1999 constitution.

And so what are the proximate facts giving rise to the needless controversy? On Tuesday, 10th of July, 2018, 13 members of the House, led by the Deputy Speaker, Ugonna Ozuruigbo of Nwangele constituency, submitted a petition with six charges accusing Madumere of gross misconduct in office which misconducts were given out as follows: “Failure to perform any of the constitutional functions of his office; being absent from his office for three months without official reason or permission; failure to attend constitutionally mandated proceedings of the State Executive Council and proceedings of the State Security Council; refusal to attend and meet with the State Governor and Commissioners of the state made compulsory by section 193(2) of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, as amended”. There was also the allegation of what was described as “concealment of felonious conduct affecting the presentation of self as an eligible candidate of office of deputy governor, Imo State having been convicted and imprisoned for theft in the United States of America”. While the question whether these alleged conducts constitute “gross misconduct” in the peculiar context of section 188(11) of the 1999 Constitution remains arguable, as was given vent in the case of Inakoju v Adeleke, the subterranean acts that followed the submission of the Notice of Allegation to the Speaker of the House however, has raised more suspicions, thus confirming the fears of critics that the whole procedure was a manuscript perfected in the Owerri government house.

Whereas the communal provision of sections 188(2), (3) and (4) of the Constitution mandates the Speaker of the House by way of motion supported by at least 2/3 members of the House to decide whether to investigate the petition or not, before swinging the Chief judge of the state into action pursuant to subsection (5), what followed rather was a procedure unknown to the spirit and letters of the 1999 Constitution. Upon the submission of the allegations to the Speaker, a kangaroo committee chaired by one Kennedy Ibeh was inaugurated against the run of play. The task of this committee unknown to the constitution was ostensibly to look into the substance of the allegations. They were given some seven (7) days to be done with their troubles.

You would expect that part of the modus operandi of this make-shift committee would be to invite representations from the embattled deputy governor in keeping faith with the audi alterem partem principle that is writ large in the law of the land, before coming to a decision one way or the other. But you would be disappointed if you had expected that. In a never-seen-before fashion of overzealousness, the tokunboh committee turned in its report the following day. That was less than 24 hours after it was illegally saddled with the preliminary responsibility to determine the fate of the second citizen of the state. In other words, this committee assumed the position of the entire Imo State House of Assembly, whose bounden duty it was, to decide whether to investigate the allegation or not.

While turning in its report, in a classic case of acting prosecutor, judge, jury and executioner, the committee, as reported by the Guardian Newspaper of 15th July, 2018, urged the House to ask the Chief Judge of the State to raise a judicial panel to investigate Madumere in view of the allegations against him. The Clerk of the House, Chris Duru, was then directed to procure the signature of 19 members of the House in support of the decision of the illegal committee. This, obviously was a futile attempt to meet the requirement of the constitution as per the number of lawmakers whose votes should cause the Speaker to swing the Chief Judge of the state into action as provided by section 188(4) of the Constitution. It was a deft attempt at conferring legality on a most atrocious illegality. A sharp practice that the late justice Niki Tobi feared in the lead judgment in the Inakoju v Adeleke case when the eminent jurist enthused as follows: “…it is merely stating the obvious that the Chief Judge can only invoke his constitutional powers under section 188(5) if the provisions of section 188(2), (3) and (4) are complied with. Putting the position in a negative language, the Chief Judge will not invoke his constitutional powers under section 188(5) if the provisions of section 188(2), (3) and (4) are not complied with. This, in my humble view, is the intendment of the makers of the Constitution…”.

Before now, certain members of the House whose support for the hatchet job could not be vouched were suspended in controversial circumstances over what their colleagues referred to as ‘un-parliamentary conduct’. The suspended members included Dr. Uche Oguwuike (Ikeduru Constituency); Nkenna Nzeruo (Oru East); Collins Chiji (Isiala Mbano) and Ifeanyi Nnataronye (Mbaitoli Constituency). The motion for their suspension on the 27th of June, 2018 was moved by the Assembly’s Majority Leader, Lugard Osuji and supported by Mr. Lawman Duruji. This suspension no doubt, was to clear the way by the House for what was to come. It was a legislature that could only compare to those in ancient Rome that conspired against Caesar. Only that this time, we are not in Rome, and the subject of the conspiracy, not Caesar.

When one factors the surreptitious manner the House has gone about in exercising its powers against the clear provisions of the Constitution; the timing of this impeachment and the trumped up charges on which it is founded, what is likely to be seen is what is often described as the voice of Jacob, and hand of Esau. Four years ago, a former Deputy Governor of Enugu State, Pastor Sunday Onyebuchi was equally impeached in similar fashion by the Enugu House of Assembly in what would later become known as the “Enugu Chicken impeachment”. Part of the reasons adduced by the Enugu House of Assembly for impeaching the then deputy governor, was his running a poultry farm within the premises of the famous Lion Building government house; as well as not attending official functions on behalf of the then governor, Barr. Sullivan Chime. The embattled deputy governor would challenge his impeachment in Court. And in well considered judgment of the Enugu State High Court, Coram R.O. Odugu, the purported impeachment was declared as null and void.

Even though this judgment came way after the tenure of that administration had lapsed, it nonetheless vindicated the then deputy governor who also had all his entitlements restored to him courtesy of the judgment of the Court. I understand that that judgment is the subject of an appeal now pending at the Enugu division of the Court. It is expected that when that Court finally makes a pronouncement on the appeal, it would not run against the precedent set in the Inakoju v Adeleke line of cases.

That said, the action of the Imo House of Assembly once again puts in focus some of the pitfalls of our democracy. When the head of the executive arm government conspire with the legislature which should play oversight role on the activities of the former, then the whole essence of checks and balances written into our Constitution is abused and bastardized to the detriment of deepening democratic norms. It is on this score that we must commend the decision of the embattled deputy governor to challenge the decision of the House of Assembly in Court, where he is seeking declaratory and injunctive reliefs to stay further actions of the House to the extent that they offend sacrosanct provisions of the constitution. Good enough, he has all the goodwill of the people of the state to contest that. God forbid that a day would come when the people look with trepidation while the cherished values and ideals of a hardly fought democracy is desecrated by rabid state executives working in concern with other anti-democratic forces.

Before rounding off on this Column, it bears pointing out that in Rochas Okorocha, we have another example of how not to be a democrat. He affords us another justification of Lord Acton’s famous admonition that power corrupts, and absolute power corrupts absolutely. Lord Acton must have had his ilk in mind when he gave the civilized world that very illustrative epithet of the abuse of power. Five years ago, he was at the centre of the impeachment of his former deputy, Chief Jude Agbaso, in very controversial circumstances; here again he is once again superintending the removal of his former friend turned foe.

If he got away with it five years ago, it is unlikely that he would this time. With all the forces  against him led by the Coalition of Allied Force in the state APC, which has political heavyweights such as Senator Ifeanyi Ararume, Ben Uwajimogu and Osita Izunaso, just to name a few, in its membership, as well as the disaffection on the part of many indigenes of the state, testament of which is found in the thousands that filtered into the streets of the state last week, protesting the contrived impeachment of the deputy governor, it is clear that the man, like the tragic character  in Chinua Achebe’s Arrow of God─Ezeulu, may all too soon meet his political waterloo. As things stand, he is already in a hole. He must learn not to dig further.

Raymond Nkannebe, legal practitioner and public interest commentator, wrote in from Lagos. Comments and reactions to raymondnkannebe@gmail.com.

 

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Presidential Ambition: Is Donald Duke a Spoiler?

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By Eric Elezuo

With the collective intention of most political parties coming together to wrestle power from President Bola Tinubu-led All Progressives Congress (APC) at the centre, the defection of most political leaders from the coalition umbrella, the African Democratic Congress (ADC), has been viewed as a betrayal of the original course.

First, it was the presidential candidate of the Labour Party in the 2023 election, Mr. Peter Obi, and the presidential candidate of the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP), Senator Rabiu Kwankwaso defecting to the Nigerian Democratic Congress (NDC), and now following in their footsteps, is the former Governor of Cross River State, Mr. Donald Duke, who has found an awaiting presidential ticket with the Peoples Redemption Party (PRP).

According to reports, former governor Duke has officially joined Nigeria’s 2027 presidential race, becoming one of the latest politicians to declare interest ahead of the general elections.

Duke emerged as one of three cleared presidential aspirants of the Peoples Redemption Party ahead of the party’s primaries scheduled for 25th May in Abuja.

The party said the former governor agreed to submit his ambition to the decision of party members during the nationwide exercise.

In a statement issued by PRP National Publicity Secretary, Muhammed Ishaq, the party described the aspirants as committed to “democratic ideals and internal party unity.”

Duke, who governed Cross River State from 1999 to 2007, is widely known for promoting tourism and urban renewal projects, including the Tinapa Business Resort and the annual Calabar Carnival.

The former governor previously contested for president in 2019 under the Social Democratic Party, where he criticised both the ruling APC and the PDP.

At the time, he said the PDP had “lost its values and became a shadow of itself.”

The PRP says it remains committed to “credible, transparent and free primaries” as preparations continue for the 2027 elections.

Nigeria’s political space has already become increasingly active ahead of 2027, with more aspirants expected to declare interest in the coming months.

The statement quoted Duke, alongside Nnaoke Ufere from Abia State and Yakubu Kingsley from Edo State, are the candidates, who have unanimously agreed to submit their aspirations to the decision of party members during the nationwide primaries.

The party said the aspirants demonstrated commitment to democratic ideals and internal party unity by agreeing to abide by the outcome of the exercise.

“The PRP takes pride in the calibre of its aspirants, whose dedication to democratic principles and commitment to teamwork have further strengthened our party,” the statement said.

Duke, who was Cross River governor between 1999 and 2007, appears the only strong candidate among the three aspirants, and is likely to pick the ticket after the primaries. But the major concern is not in his decision to contest or stand for election, but the intention behind his decision to choose a different to test his presidential aspirations.

Across the political space, stakeholders, observers and analysts alike have said that given the consensus agreement built around and towards ending the administration of Bola Tinubu, the coalition ADC remains the viable option to all aspirants to test their strength and popularity, after which anyone who emerges as the candidate should be supported by all. They have argued that those leaving the coalition may have much more than presidential ambition behind their minds. And so the question, is Donald Duke a spoiler? Is he in the race to decimate the votes of the opposition?

Meanwhile, Duke, who was part of the coalition at the initial stage, have taken a bow out of the group, principally coordinated by former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, and chaired by a former Senate President, David Mark. He did not give reasons for his exit from the ADC though observers have insinuated that his exit, like Peter Obi, is hinged on the premise that the ADC allegedly has a hidden bias for Atiku, and so the presidential might be handed over to the former Vice President on the platter. The ADC has since denied the allegation with former two terms governor of Rivers State, Rotimi Chibuike Amaechi and Hayatudeen still in the race.

With the entrance of Duke in the presidential race, the number of southern aspirants, especially those sure to pick the tickets of their parties have swollen up. Others include include Peter Obi of the NDC, Rotimi Amaechi if he wins the ADC primaries ongoing across the nation, Oyo State Governor, Seyi Makinde representing the PDP and APM coalition among others.

Now, that almost all the political bigwigs are separately pursuing their political aspirations devoid of a collective platform, many have said that Tinubu is no longer fighting a coalition of likeminds, but against presidentially ambitious individuals, pursuing a different agenda. Many have also said that since Tinubu already has a political structure he can rely on, he is making sure all the fragmented giants did not come together to form an indivisible body capable of challenging his reelection in 2027.

“And that explains why he continually instigate both individuals and institutions to revolt against themselves thereby creating factions and very weak political centre to challenge his ambition,” an analyst told The Boss.

Meanwhile, whether there are intentions to be a spoiler or not; whether any institution or individual have been coerced into turning itself to a vessel of destruction on behalf of the ruling, ir us only the people that would decide who becomes in 2027.

Not Tinubu, not the APC, not any of the political bigwigs, not any of the presidential aspirants or candidates, but the Nigerian people in their totality.

The election is just eight months away.

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Insecurity: Why Tinubu Must Wake Up

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By Eric Elezuo

The common refrain and slogan across the nation is ‘Nigeria is bleeding’, and as the days turn into weeks and months, the wound gets larger. Then from bleeding, the blood is now flowing.

Across all strata of endeavours, all the regions and not a few communities, insecurity of the highest order has enveloped on a very large scale, a nation that once thrive in brotherliness, interstate movements without fear, and camaraderie. The fear of the unknown has completely eclipsed social life, excursions, traveling within the country, and funnily enough staying in your own house. In the Nigeria of today, nowhere is safe anymore; not event the comfort of one’s home; not even the sacredness of holy places; not even the respected academic environment. Terrorists and bandits attack anywhere and from anywhere. And with impunity.

In the Nigeria of today, everyone leaves in fear. No one knows who the next target is as terrorists, bandits, Fulani herdsmen and other miscreants have overran the nooks and crannies of the Nigerian existence, prompting the question, where’s Nigeria’s chief security officer? And the answer that he must wake up and face squarely the insecurity challenges that is fast tearing the nation to shreds.

With the 2027 election fast approaching, the Nigerian administrative apparatchnik led by President Bola Tinubu, appears to have completely lost focus of the security of the people. The country is been thoroughly run down by activities of terrorists, who are no longer hiding their nefarious and heinous activities as they boldly put on air the victims abducted and process of execution. This daring moves are a challenge to the government and security agencies, yet no criminal is in custody yet and victims are still unaccounted for with most of them cruelly deleted, and bodies mangled.

It is worthy of note that while the nation is still gambling with the rescue efforts for the teachers and pupils kidnapped from Oyo communities schools about 12 days ago, suspected bandits have reportedly struck again, invading the Yashikira community in Baruten Local Government Area of Kwara State, early on Monday morning, setting the Emir’s palace ablaze and abducting several residents, including women and children.

Reports gathered from Channels Television say that the attack occurred late at night when the heavily armed assailants stormed the community, firing sporadically.

The medium, quoting sources in the area, stressed that the gunmen attacked the palace during the invasion, setting parts of the royal residence on fire before whisking away multiple victims.

Residents said the attackers operated for hours without resistance, leaving behind destruction and fear in the border community.

Another local source described the incident as terrifying, noting that villagers were caught unaware as the gunmen invaded the town under the cover of darkness.

Sources say Security forces have launched immediate rescue operations to free victims of the Yashikira abduction, which occurred on Sunday night.

Military and police operatives have established a cordon in the area as part of the efforts to rescue about 10 persons who were reportedly taken from the community in an overnight attack on the palace of the Emir of Yashikira.

The attackers also sought to raid the local police stations but were reportedly repelled.

As at press time, the police were yet to issue an official statement on the incident.

The invasion is one development too many this 2026 alone, and has been a recurring decimal in the Tinubu-led administration.  This is taking for granted that the incident is following the heels of bandits, who on Saturday night invaded a prayer ground at Ori-Oke Ajaiye, on the outskirts of Ikiran village in Ekiti Local Government Area of the same Kwara State, killing three worshippers and abducting 15 others during a vigil.

The stories and tales of woe are inexhaustible. There’s no morning and no evening where Nigerians are not presented with gory narratives of one abduction and killing or another, creating fear and apprehension among the populace. The general notion is hinged on Tinubu’s control loss of the fabrics of the nation including the economy, power and every other mention-able sector.

It is worthy of note that like every other failure still staring Nigerians in the face, Tinubu also inherited insecurity. However, three years into his administration, and consequent upon available indices, the Nigerian leader seems to have tripled the effects of insecurity. This is counting the boldness with which the insurgents operate, the magnitude of each operation, the casualties involved, the deliberate bloodletting and the huge ransom paid in exchange. The circle has continually continued, and there seems to be no hiding place for Nigerians, especially the vulnerable masses.

On May 17, 2026, the world woke to the chilling news of the killing and beheading of the school teachers, abducted from Oyo communities. He was Michael Oyedokun.

Oyedokun was one of the teachers abducted from Community High School, Ahoro-Esinele in Oriire Local Council of Oyo State, a few days before his gruesome killing.

The killing threw residents of the area into mourning and heightened fears over worsening insecurity in the state, and the nation at large, which the government of President Bola Tinubu has found a herculean to handle.

In a video reportedly released by the captors on Sunday, May 17, 2026, the gunmen claimed responsibility for the killing of the Maths teacher, sparking panic across the community.

The incident followed a series of coordinated attacks launched by armed men on Friday, May 15, targeting multiple schools within the Ogbomoso axis, including Baptist Nursery and Primary School, Yawota; Community Grammar School; and L.A. Primary School, Esiele.

During the attacks, the assailants reportedly shot dead a classroom teacher and a commercial motorcyclist who resisted attempts to seize his motorcycle.

The attackers also abducted the school principal, vice-principal, another staff member, and an unspecified number of pupils before fleeing into the forest. Later reports put the number of abductors to 39.

Governor Seyi Makinde had earlier confirmed that seven students were abducted from Community Secondary School, while 18 pupils and seven teachers were kidnapped from First Baptist Primary and Nursery School.

He also confirmed that one person was killed during the attack, a school teacher, Joel Adesiyan. Further reports confirm that a bike rider was also killed, when he refused to let go of his motorcycle.

The incident triggered widespread panic in Ogbomoso and surrounding communities, with many parents rushing to schools to withdraw their children over fears of further attacks.

Some schools were also forced to shut down temporarily following rumours of bandits infiltrating the Ladoke Akintola University of Technology, an allegation the institution’s management later dismissed as false.

Reacting, the Amnesty International Nigeria accused the Federal Government of failing to adequately respond to Nigeria’s worsening wave of abductions targeting school children, rural communities and internally displaced persons, saying at least 1,100 people were kidnapped between January and April 2026.

The organisation made the allegation in a statement shared on its official X handle, amid renewed public concern over mass abductions in Oyo, Borno and other states, which left dozens of students, teachers and residents affected.

In the statement, Amnesty International said, “President Bola Tinubu and his government have failed to address the country’s shocking spate of abductions targeting school children, rural communities and internally displaced persons across the country.”

It added, “At least 1,100 people have been abducted – from January to April 2026,” describing the trend as a continuing failure of protection for vulnerable populations.

The group’s criticism comes days after gunmen abducted 39 students and seven teachers in an attack on schools in the Ahoro Esinele community in Oriire Local Government Area of Oyo State, an incident that also left teacher Michael Oyedokun reportedly beheaded.

Amnesty also referenced another attack in Borno State, where 42 students and pupils were abducted from Mussa Primary and Junior Secondary School in Askira/Uba Local Government Area during a Boko Haram assault.

Survivors of similar abductions, according to the rights group, have described being subjected to starvation and torture, including beatings, flogging and sexual violence, raising further concerns about the conditions victims face in captivity.

The organisation said the pattern of repeated school attacks shows a long-running crisis that authorities have yet to resolve, stressing that “over a decade is enough time for the Nigerian authorities to find a solution to this horrifying problem,” but insisting that “the reality shows the government has neither the will nor the commitment to end rampant abductions and attacks on children and their schools.”

It urged authorities to meet their obligations under both national and international law, particularly regarding the protection of children’s rights to education, safety, and protection from violence and ill-treatment.

The latest incidents have intensified national concern over school security, especially following the Oyo and Borno attacks, which occurred within the same period and involved the abduction of dozens of children and teachers.

Weeks earlier, there was a failed kidnapping attempt along the Ibadan-Ijebu road corridor, which reportedly left a traveller dead, raising fresh concerns over insecurity of great proportion hitting the southwest of the region.

According to Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect report, between 2014 and March 2026, ‘over 2,000 children have been abducted or kidnapped, largely in mass abductions targeting schools. Armed extremist groups, including Boko Haram and ISWAP, as well as local bandits, are implicated in many cases, often using kidnappings to generate ransom or to recruit children.

The report noted that in 2024 alone, at least 580 civilians, primarily women and girls, were kidnapped across several states, noting that the figures might be higher. Not only are most victims killed during these attacks or while in custody, survivors live the rest of their lives in poverty, trauma, stigma and utter abandonment.

The funniest part, according to a social analyst, who crave anonymity, so-called repentant terrorists and bandits are treated with kid gloves, ‘rehabitated’ in luxury and given huge financial lifeline as they are released back into the sane society while their victims are left to wallow in neglect. It would be recalled that the National Security Adviser, Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, described the terrorists as ‘our brothers’, who should not be killed just as the Chief of Defence Staff, General Oluyede equated the rerrorists to the biblical ‘prodigal son’, who should welcomed with warmth and affection. These two national officers have silent on the treatment for their traumatized victims and their bereaved loved ones.

The question on the lips of majority of Nigerians, has remained what President Tinubu is doing about the extreme insecurity in the country beyond offering condolences and suggesting a now known refrain of ‘It won’t happen again’ while it continues to happen over and over again.

On two known occasions, President Tinubu was expected to visit victims and sites of violent killings and abductions in Benue and Plateau states. On the two known occasions, Tinubu fell short in the advertised visitations. He never made it to the locations.

Following the June, 2025 killings in Yelwata, Benue State, Tinubu was programmed to have an extensive state visit to site of massacre and the government house where a townhall meeting was scheduled.

It was agreed that upon his arrival, the President will first proceed to Yelewata in Guma Local Government Area, the epicentre of the attack that claimed over 100 lives.

He was scheduled to meet with families of victims, displaced persons and community leaders directly impacted by the violence.

From Yelewata, the President was supposed to visit the hospital where several persons injured from the attack were recuperating, and then proceed to the Benue State Government House Banquet Hall in Makurdi, where he would preside over a town hall meeting with critical stakeholders.
Much as the Benue State government under Hyacinth Alia commandeered very young pupils to wait unprotected for the President under a heavy rain, the President never made it to Yelwata nor interfaced with the victims and bereaved families. His journey ended in the comfort of the government house. Analysts observed that the townhall was turned into political jamboree.
Tinubu had blamed heavy rains, flooding and impassable roads for his inability to visit the scene of the crisis in Yelewata. Over 3000 residents were displaced in addition to tens of deaths recorded.
Also, following the April 2 Palm Sunday attack in Plateau State, Tinubu scheduled a visitation to commiserate with the victims and bereaved families, but like the Benue visit, Tinubu did not even enter the town, he ended his visit at the Jos Airport.
Consoling a mourning mother, identified as Mrs Rhoda, at the airport Tinubu said, “I know the pain. I see in the video how you buried your loved ones and the pain and agony in your heart.

“But it’s only God who can give you joy and hope. No amount of money can pay all of you back. Yes, as a government, we will try our best to comfort you, to work with you,” he said while directing security chiefs present, including the Inspector-General of Police, Chief of Defence Staff, and Minister of Defence, to unearth and apprehend those responsible for the killings.

Defending the President, his aides noted that Tinubu couldn’t his visit beyond the airport because of tight schedule and absence of navigational equipment for night movements. A statement by Bayo Onanuga, said it was difficult to reschedule a pre-arranged meeting with the Chadian Leader. This is even as the President had canceled an earlier visit to Ogun State for the Plateau visit.
But with the President concentrating more on his reelection in 2027, Nigerians are calling on his administration to take a further cursory of the insecurity status of the nation to prevent more deaths and displacement, and more importantly prevent his being booted out of office by very fed-up Nigerians, whose means of livelihood and other social engagements have been unapologetically cut off.
Nigeria is bleeding and Nigerians are angry at its leadership. Tinubu just have to wake up to his responsibilities beyond condolence messages.

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Fubara Withdraws from Rivers APC Governorship Primary

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Rivers State Governor, Siminalayi Fubara, has announced his withdrawal from the All Progressives Congress governorship primary election in the state.

Fubara made this known in a statement personally signed on Wednesday, saying he would support whoever emerges as the party’s candidate, The Nations reported.

The governor said his decision followed extensive consultations with his family, friends, and political associates.

“After deep reflection and extensive consultations with my family, friends, and associates, I have taken the difficult but necessary decision to withdraw from the APC governorship primaries. I do so with a full heart and with a firm commitment to support whoever emerges as the candidate of our great party,” Fubara said.

The development comes amid ongoing political realignments ahead of the 2027 general elections in Rivers State.

Fubara said although the decision was difficult, he remained committed to supporting whoever would emerge as the APC governorship candidate.

According to him, leadership demands sacrifice and personal ambition must sometimes give way to the collective interest of the people.

“Rivers State is bigger than any individual, and at this critical moment, the peace, stability, and unity of our dear state must take precedence over every personal interest,” he said.

Meanwhile, the embattled governor expressed appreciation to his supporters for their loyalty, prayers and sacrifices throughout the political process, acknowledging that many would feel disappointed by his withdrawal.

He said his silence in recent weeks was “deliberate and strategic,” adding that it was guided by the higher interest of the state.

Tone Cole, APC chieftain and 2027 governorship aspirant in Rivers State, also announced his withdrawal from the race, saying his decision was, among other reasons, in the interest of the party’s unity.

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