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The Pen is Still Mightier Than the Sword by Tunde Bakare

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Over the centuries, the phrase “the pen is mightier than the sword” has come to define the power of the written word in statecraft. Those words have since stepped out of the pages of Edward Bulwer-Lytton’s The Conspiracy, a play written in 1839, to become words on marble.

At the heart of this notion of the might of the pen is the idea that the course of a nation or people can be determined at the stroke of a pen. Nations can be built, and nations can be ruined; generations can be made great, and generations can be rendered wasted; civilizations can be birthed, and civilizations can be buried – at the stroke of a pen!

At the stroke of a pen, millions of Africans were “legally” transported across the Atlantic and Mediterranean and became the property of slave owners. At the stroke of a pen, the slave trade was abolished centuries later and emancipation was proclaimed to former slaves, thus formally criminalising an immoral enterprise. At the stroke of a pen, the kingdoms and city states of Africa were partitioned and transformed into the estates of European monarchs. At the stroke of a pen, cultures were dismembered, nations were balkanised, and territories were amalgamated into colonies and protectorates. Decades later, colonies and protectorates became independent states – at the stroke of a pen.

We have seen frameworks become supreme law and proposals become policies that make or break nations; we have seen elections validated or annulled; we have seen presidents sworn in, some by convention, others by the doctrine of necessity – all at the stroke of a pen. Families are consolidated or dissolved, enterprises are incorporated or liquidated, convictions are obtained or upturned, and life and death could hang on a simple but weighty sentence, held in the balance by a pen waiting to be wielded, particularly when the ink that runs through the pen is propelled by the force of the state.

We have also seen world changers who, when the pages of history parted for them to emerge, proceeded on their journeys without the backing of the state and forcefully turned the wheel of civilisation at the stroke of a pen. At the stroke of a pen, the doctrinal chains that held the church and the nations in a stranglehold were dismantled when a German professor of theology, Martin Luther, reminded the world that the just shall live by faith. Here, I am referring to the “Ninety-Five Theses” he nailed to the door of the Wittenberg Cathedral in 1517.

At the stroke of a pen, the people of Great Britain began their journey to freedom from the tyranny of monarchy to parliamentary democracy – history calls it the Magna Carta. At the stroke of a pen, the people of the United States declared their independence from the colonising power of the British Crown – they called it the Declaration of Independence. At the stroke of a pen, the people of France broke the spell of an oppressive monarchy and took control of government – history records it as the Declaration of the Rights of the Man and of the Citizen. At the stroke of a pen, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels sparked the flame of revolution among the proletariat of Russia and Eastern Europe – they called it the Communist Manifesto.

The likes of Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, Kwame Nkrumah, and Chief Obafemi Awolowo, armed with no other weapon, mobilised the Queen’s language in the struggle for independence from the Queen. They fought their battles through such media as West African Pilot, Accra Evening News and The Tribune. Decades after independence, when free, fair and credible elections were annulled, and a tyrannical dictatorship held sway, the Nigerian press took up the baton and contended against the sword of oppression by deploying the armoury of vocabulary. I am so glad that the labours of these pen warriors and all others who fought for the democracy we enjoy today have not been in vain after all.

From now on, any time the name Bashorun M.K.O. Abiola GCFR – Grand Commander of the Order of the Federal Republic – is mentioned with full honours, it is an honour first to the man who paid the supreme price to pave the way for Nigeria’s democracy, and then to the heroes and heroines who stood up behind him, including those in the Fourth Estate of the Realm who marshalled the written and spoken word against tyranny. Indeed, the members of the press who fought for the June 12 mandate were fighting not just for democracy but in defence of one their own, for, amongst his many endeavours, Bashorun M.K.O. Abiola was a media entrepreneur and founder of the African Concord, where Dele Momodu, the man at whose behest we are gathered here today, cut his teeth as a journalist.

I totally agree with Ralph Waldo Emerson that “talent alone cannot make a writer: there must be a man behind the book.” Bashorun Dele Momodu and his ilk have proved themselves over the years to be real men. In addition, by deploying their skill against tyranny, the members of the press have aligned themselves with a biblical truth that recognises authorship as an instrument of battle, because the same God who is militarily presented in Psalm 18:2 as “the horn of salvation” is revealed in Hebrews 5:9 as the “author of salvation.”

My reference to the Bible at this juncture reminds me of Dele Momodu’s desire to be a pastor, which I first heard him express in the course of my 60th birthday celebrations. Pastor Dele, I believe that, even without the benefit of a conventional pulpit, you have already shepherded the nation with the flow of wisdom from your pen. Over the years, I have read your writings and I have seen you not only advising presidents on appropriate courses of action at crucial junctures in our national trajectory, but also warning them on the consequences of inappropriate responses to our national dilemmas. This is the manner of prophets such as the biblical Amos, a “herdsman and a dresser of sycamore figs” , whose distinguishing feature, it must be said, was not that he possessed an AK-47. Instead, he was a man to whom the word of God for his nation was revealed when that nation was being misled by a corrupt governmental order.

Dele Momodu, a publisher by profession, who understands that a picture is worth a thousand words, has become a pen prophet by vocation, and a consistent conduit of wise counsel to the leadership of our nation. I am glad to see his writings compiled for the present and posterity in two of the books being launched today. And like Winston Churchill who said “half my life time I have earned my living by selling words, and I hope thoughts”, may Bashorun Momodu prosper by his words and thoughts.

In 2011, when the leaders of our nation failed to heed his counsel and warnings, Dele Momodu could not fold his arms and watch the nation go down the drain. He momentarily dropped his pen and jumped into the fray. As a man irrevocably committed to the people, Dele Momodu pitched his tent with a political party that had been instituted by a defender of the people; a man upon whom the people had already conferred an award no government award could ever match. Dele Momodu aligned himself with the political apparatus instituted by my late boss and mentor, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Senior Advocate of the Masses, later Senior Advocate of Nigeria, and now Grand Commander of the Order of the Niger (GCON). While Dele Momodu lost the 2011 presidential election, he didn’t lose the lessons and I am pleased that his experience has been chronicled in the third book being launched today, Fighting Lions: The Untold Story of Dele Momodu’s Presidential Campaign, written by his Campaign Director, Ohimai Godwin Amaize.

I understand that Fighting Lions captures Dele Momodu’s disappointment at the lack of support from his own constituency, the media and entertainment industries, in the 2011 elections. I am pleased to let you know that I am not a brother who is not touched by the feelings of your infirmity, for I also faced the same temptation you did, and so did my friend, Fola Adeola, but the grace of God saw us through.

It is no news that I participated in the same election as running mate to our current president, Muhammadu Buhari. With the negative image associated with the then General Buhari, especially the allegations of religious fundamentalism, being his running mate as a pastor was not an easy task at all. Need I tell you that my strongest critics were from my constituency? To most leaders in the church, aligning with a man they considered an opponent of Christianity against another they considered a Christian was sacrilegious, to say the least. To them, I was a traitor, undeserving of support. Therefore, I understand Dele Momodu’s disappointment. Our experience mirrors that of Joseph who was sold by his brothers because of the dream he had.

However, I do not think that the effort was in vain. Instead, I thank God that I took up the challenge and became a barrier breaker. Four years later, when the mantra became “Anything but Jonathan”, the same church leaders who had said it was inconceivable for a pastor to participate in politics, especially in alignment with a perceived Islamic fundamentalist, ate their words and threw their weight behind the same Muhammadu Buhari, with my brother, Professor Yemi Osinbajo, a pastor at the Redeemed Christian Church of God, as running mate.

I am also aware that, in 2015, the press, represented by the likes of Dele Momodu, played a role in redefining the narrative and presenting to the Nigerian public a Buhari they could relate to. That year, in addition to other things I did in the background to ensure that the will of the people counted irrespective of the outcome, I recall telling the nation of “The Buhari I Know” just to ensure he was given a fair chance untainted by a negative brand image.

Now, three years later, it appears, once again, that the people are experiencing buyer’s remorse. Interestingly, the likes of Dele Momodu and I are being blamed for allegedly packaging the current dispensation. It is, however, necessary to remind the nation that there were warnings. We had warned then that plunging headlong into another election cycle without addressing what I called the fundamentals was tantamount to putting the cart before the horse; but when the nation was adamant and wanted its way, like the prophet Samuel did when Israel demanded a king against divine counsel, we played our part to ensure that the interest of Nigeria was kept paramount.

I am glad that neither the disappointments of the 2011 elections, nor the stiff-necked response of those in power to his propositions and warnings, have been strong enough to deter Dele Momodu in his steadfast service to the nation from his power slot as a media icon. Instead, he has intensified his contributions just so Nigeria can rise to her potential as a great nation regardless of who is in government. It is that dogged belief in the Nigerian dream that has brought us here today, at a time when the countdown clock to elections reads 219 days but the Nigerian dream is yet asleep and her structural defects glaringly acute.

At this critical moment in our national life, the words of the French emperor and warrior, Napoleon Bonaparte, are worthy of mention. He said, and I quote: “A journalist is a grumbler, a censurer, a giver of advice, a regent of sovereigns, a tutor of nations. Four hostile newspapers are more to be feared than a thousand bayonets.” I sincerely pray that all the stakeholders, especially the press and the intelligentsia, will play a pivotal role in setting the agenda for the polity in 2019.

The writings of Dele Momodu have, over the years, addressed some of the fundamental issues facing our nation. I am confident that he, as well as other opinion moulders, will intensify efforts to ensure that the welfare and security of our people, as well as the overall development of our nation, become the main discourse at this pivotal moment. This is the purpose of any government worthy of the name.

Finally, to a nation in the throes of violent agitations, to the people of our nation who want their fair share, and to young people running out of patience, the lesson from Dele Momodu is very clear and simple: spill the ink, not the blood; paint an indelible picture of the nation you desire, and work tirelessly to ensure its realisation, knowing that the greatness of our nation depends on it. If we follow that counsel passionately, we shall, by God’s grace, see a nation that works in our lifetime.

Thank you for listening, God bless you, and God bless our nation, Nigeria.

• Being keynote address by Pastor Tunde Bakare at the public presentation and launch of Pendulum 1, Pendulum 2 and Fighting Lions by Dele Momodu. Bakare is Serving Overseer, The Latter Rain Assembly (LRA) and Convener, Save Nigeria Group (SNG).

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Class, Glamour As Global Statesman, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo Celebrates 89th Birthday

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By Ruth Akpan

The historic city of Abeokuta, the capital of Ogun State, played host to an extraordinary gathering of statesmen, diplomats, scholars, traditional rulers and business leaders, who converged at the iconic Olusegun Obasanjo Presidential Library to celebrate the 89th birthday of Nigeria’s former President and globally respected elder statesman, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo.

The remarkable occasion, marked by a high-profile commemorative lecture, transcended the boundaries of a mere birthday celebration. Instead, it blossomed into a national intellectual convocation reflecting the towering stature of the former Nigerian leader whose enduring influence continues to shape political thought, diplomacy, and continental discourse across Africa and beyond.

The atmosphere at the majestic venue was one of intellectual engagement and dignified celebration as eminent personalities gathered to honour the remarkable life and enduring legacy of Olusegun Obasanjo. Gracefully by his side throughout the memorable gathering was his wife, Mrs. Bola Obasanjo, while members of the Obasanjo family, led by his daughter Iyabo Obasanjo, joined well-wishers in celebrating the patriarch whose decades of service have left an indelible mark on Nigeria and the African continent.

Organised by the Centre for Human Security and Dialogue, the event featured a distinguished lecture titled “The Global Africa Enlightenment: From Chains to Renaissance,” a thought-provoking theme that resonated profoundly with Africa’s historical journey—from centuries of enslavement and colonial subjugation to a future defined by unity, knowledge, and purposeful leadership.

The lecture provided a powerful moment of reflection on Africa’s past struggles while inspiring renewed commitment toward building societies anchored in justice, innovation, and institutional strength. The discourse also emphasized that Africa’s progress ultimately depends on strengthening democratic institutions, nurturing visionary leadership, and cultivating societies that uphold fairness, creativity, and collective advancement.

In his keynote address on the lecture’s theme, His Excellency Jean-Robert Pillard, Haitian Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to the Republic of South Africa, observed that history binds people together while culture reminds humanity of its shared identity. He noted that culture should not be viewed merely as nostalgic memory but as compelling evidence that the separation among African peoples was largely political rather than spiritual.

According to the ambassador, the concept of the Global Africa Enlightenment is not a newly invented philosophy but rather a reunion of peoples who share common ancestry, history, and heritage. While history preserves memory, he stressed, destiny demands action.

He further noted that the call for a Global Africa Enlightenment by Olusegun Obasanjo represents far more than poetic expression; rather, it is a clear policy direction and intellectual blueprint for the renewal and revitalisation of African civilisation.

The intellectual depth of the gathering was further enriched by scholarly responses delivered by Professor Oyedunni Arulogun, Vice-Chancellor of Chrisland University, and Professor Eyitope Ogunbodede, former Vice-Chancellor of Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife. Their reflections expanded on the lecture’s themes, examining Africa’s role in global intellectual discourse and the imperative for visionary leadership, innovation, and education.

Additional contributions came from student representative Rehinat Ololude, the Alake and Paramount Ruler of Egbaland, Oba Adedotun Aremu Gbadebo, and Dr. Eke Agbai, whose remarks added intergenerational perspectives to the profound discussions of the day.

One of the significant highlights of the event was the presentation of two scholarly works authored by the celebrant himself. With characteristic intellectual passion, Chief Obasanjo formally presented his books titled “Lest We Forget: Slavery, Slave Trade, Emancipation, and Reparation” and “Nigeria: Past and the Future.”

The books, which delve into the complex historical realities of slavery and Africa’s political evolution, reflect Obasanjo’s enduring commitment to documenting history while offering profound insights into Nigeria’s developmental trajectory and the continent’s future. 

In a stirring tribute, the Governor of Ogun State, Prince Dapo Abiodun described the celebrant as “an enduring study in leadership,” noting that his influence extends far beyond Nigeria to the wider African and international community. Reflecting on Obasanjo’s remarkable diplomatic engagements, the governor highlighted his numerous interventions in regional conflicts, particularly in countries such as Liberia, Ethiopia, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, where he served as mediator and peace envoy.

“Beyond Nigeria, Baba, your influence has extended across Africa and the wider international community, particularly in the area of conflict resolution and diplomacy.

“Through the African Union, the United Nations, and various global initiatives, you have consistently promoted dialogue as a pathway to peace and stability.”

Governor Abiodun further emphasised the importance of studying exemplary leaders such as Obasanjo, especially for younger generations across Africa.

“Young Africans must study figures like Baba, not merely to celebrate their achievements but to understand the principles that guide their decisions. They must learn how leadership, when driven by purpose and service, can influence the direction of a nation and even a continent,” he added.

The governor also reflected on Obasanjo’s historical role as Nigeria’s military Head of State, recalling how the nation firmly opposed apartheid and colonial rule under his leadership. According to him, Obasanjo strongly believed that the freedom of one African nation was intrinsically linked to the freedom of all African peoples.

Goodwill messages also poured in from across Nigeria and the international community.
Former President Goodluck Jonathan and President of the African Development Bank, Akinwumi Adesina sent congratulatory messages praising Obasanjo as an “apostle of peace” whose commitment to dialogue and stability has helped shape Africa’s diplomatic landscape.

The ceremonial cutting of the beautiful birthday cake was coordinated by respected business leader and former minister, Nike Akande as the celebrant, flanked by family members and friends marked the joyous moment.

Also present at the occasion were the Governor of Ogun State, Prince Dapo Abiodun, Deputy Governor of Ogun State, Noimot Salako-Oyedele, members of the Ogun State Executive Council, former Governors of Ogun State Gbenga Daniel and Ibikunle Amosun, former Governor of Osun State, Olagunsoye Oyinlola, former Governor of Kano State, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, renowned political economist Pat Utomi and former presidential candidate Peter Obi.

Adding regal splendour to the occasion was the presence of eminent traditional rulers including the Olubadan of Ibadanland, His Imperial Majesty Rasidi Adewolu Ladoja; the Alake of Egbaland, Oba Adedotun Aremu Gbadebo; and the Olowu of Owu Kingdom, His Royal Majesty Saka Adelola Matemilola.

Following the intellectually stimulating lecture, guests proceeded to a lavish reception held at the OOPL Marquee where the atmosphere transformed into one of celebration, camaraderie and conviviality.

Serving as Chairman of the occasion, the former Governor of Osun State, Olagunsoye Oyinlola delivered warm and reflective opening remarks that set the tone for the event, describing Chief Obasanjo as a visionary leader whose contributions to Nigeria, Africa, and the global community remain immeasurable.
Equally moving was the glowing tribute delivered by Erelu Abiola Dosunmu, who paid heartfelt homage to the celebrant, describing him as a courageous leader, visionary statesman, and tireless advocate for peace and African unity.

The event was attended by distinguished personalities including former Commonwealth Secretary-General Emeka Anyaoku; the elegant society matriarch, Erelu Abiola Dosunmu; respected entrepreneur and founder of Chisco Motors, Chidi Anyaegbu; and the ever-gracious former senator Florence Ita‑Giwa, among numerous other eminent personalities.

The evening was enlivened by captivating musical entertainment from legendary juju maestro Ebenezer Obey, whose timeless melodies filled the air with nostalgia and elegance.

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2027: APC Afraid of Competition, Jittery – Dele Momodu

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By Eric Elezuo

To further prove the opposition’s ability to contest and wrest power from the President Bola Tinubu-led All Progressives Congress (APC) national government, a chieftain of the African Democratic Congress (ADC), who is the Chairman, Ovation Media Group, Chief Dele Momodu, has made convincing arguments, stressing why Tinubu may not return to power in 2027.

Speaking during an interview on Channels television during the week, Momodu reiterated that though Tinubu has succeeded in muscling opposition through coercion and intimidation, a new force of the people will ensure that the APC and Tinubu are sent packing in 2027. He reiterated that the ruling party is jittery, and is afraid of competition. And that explains why opposition forces are being coerced to join the APC.

The following are excerpts from the no-holds-barred interview:

I can almost guess one of your answers to some of the questions we’ll ask you, but let me start by asking: some activity has kicked off in different political parties. But you know how it is—people want to see some opposition, a major opposition that challenges the ruling party, so people can have a proper alternative. Because what is a democracy without opposition in the first place? So, what’s going on with the ADC?

Okay. Let me start by saying that you are not being fair to the ADC.

How so?

I’ll prove it in a moment. The reason you are saying this is because the APC was already comfortably seated. They “jagabaned” as many people as possible from the other parties into their own party. They have all the resources in the world. They have all the security in the world. They even have control of INEC. When I say control of INEC, I mean that INEC is appointed by the government.

And they have jumped the gun. They started campaigning more than a year ago. You cannot say you are not aware that, recklessly, even a minister left his job and travelled to his home state. I’m sure for a week or two weeks, he was running a campaign as if the election would be next month.

So how then do you expect an opposition to operate when they have virtually shut down most of the opposition parties—either forcefully or even frontally? They are not hiding it.

Today, for the first time, we have a leader who controls two parties and is approved by the President of Nigeria. He says, “Yes, he is the leader of my party, APC,” and he is also a leader in the PDP. Is that democracy?

So the president cannot speak about the PDP, while the minister cannot speak about the APC, because it does not technically belong to the APC. But just because of the ongoing rascality in Nigeria, anything goes, and everything goes.

So when you blame the opposition, of course, the opposition is gathering momentum. You can see that even the government is jittery. Forget about their propagandists; they can import or export whoever they want to use for their propaganda. It is obvious that the ruling party is jittery, and that is why they are going all out, frantically, trying to showcase and pretend that all is well.

If you read the news today, you will see that the APC is indeed a house of commotion. From Benue to Zamfara to so many other places, you will see them fighting themselves like babies fighting for lollipops. And it is just starting.

For us, we have to be more technical. We have to be more sober.

The APC is able to fund its activities. Everybody that goes there right now is going there for various reasons. One, if you are a governor, you are afraid for your second term. If you are a governor, you are afraid of the EFCC. If you are a governor, you are afraid of the ICPC. If you are a governor, you are afraid of so many things—including your own shadow.

So a governor will voluntarily go into slavery and servitude because they know that the leadership they are dealing with is not a regular leadership. It is not a Goodluck Jonathan.

You understand? So you have a very tough leadership at the moment. There is this palpable fear across the nation, and so the opposition is trying to put its act together. We cannot, at this stage, behave recklessly.
If you want to play Brazil in football, you must play a different style. We cannot play their style because we don’t have what they have—the apparatus of power and so on and so forth.

But the most important thing is that we are ready to ask the electorate: is your life better today than it was when Buhari was in power? Now, the APC is supposed to be an offshoot of the Buhari administration. Yet every day it is the APC itself that is blaming Buhari and blaming the APC.

So when you see a situation like that, you will wonder if these people are serious at all.

Now they are saying, “Oh yes, they stabilized the exchange rate against the dollar.” I laugh. They forget to tell us where the dollar was when they took power.
They tell us today they are running budgets in trillions, but they forget to tell us what they have done with the trillions and whether they have been able to balance the budget.

They tell you that there is no government ever like the government of President Bola Tinubu. No problem. Maybe it’s reverse psychology so that people can believe that this government actually is not doing what it is supposed to be doing.

So when they talk about everything, you removed fuel subsidy from Day 1, you have not been able to tell us how it has affected Nigeria positively.

All the people are feeling is the negative effect of the subsidy. You have taken more loans than all the governments of Nigeria combined, yet we have not seen the effect of those loans.

So a lot is going on that Nigerians cannot understand. But there is a preponderance of propagandists who are willing to delete their brains and sell their souls for peanuts. That is why you see this cacophony of excuses on radio, on television, and in the newspapers.

So for me, the ADC does not have to do much. We will meet them, insha’Allah—by God’s grace—point by point, and we will demand answers to those issues.

Okay. So, in terms of what the electorate wants to see—organization, for instance. The last time the ADC came forward and spoke about the Electoral Act, many people wondered why those concerns did not come earlier, when the window was open, rather than after it had already been signed and then asking for it to be looked into again.

People thought, “Okay, does the ADC have some sort of plan that the public is not aware of?” Because even smaller opposition parties—well, let me not say smaller because they might get angry, but it’s a statement of fact. APP, for example, has also dissolved its executives and is electing new ones.

So those kinds of activities are what people expect to see. Because the media only reports what happens; if it doesn’t happen, they cannot report or fabricate it.
So those are the kinds of things we are asking about in terms of organization and preparedness, to be sure that the timeframe is met. Now that the presidential election is in January, these actions ought to have kicked in so that candidates—or aspirants—can know that, “Okay, I think I can pitch my tent here.”

My dear brother, there is nothing to worry about. There is nothing to worry about.
Strategy is strategy. I said it earlier—we cannot use Tinubu’s strategy. We cannot use his methodology. He has his own way of getting his results. So we now have to factor in how we are going to navigate and meander around his own strategy to get him out of the seat. That is the job of the opposition. That is what he did when he was in opposition. So there is no reason why others should not be allowed to do the same.
One thing is clear to us in opposition—I’ve said it before—the APC is jittery. Number two, the APC does not want competition, especially at the presidential level. That is very clear. They don’t want any form of competition. And if possible—and that is why they are sowing seeds of discord from party to party—it is clear. That is why they will hold some people and they will not hold others. It doesn’t matter.

You see, I am always spiritual in my life. I was born in Aladura church in Ile-Ife, and all my life I have always believed that it is God who gives power. No matter how powerful you are, God has a way. In Nigeria, when you talk about God, people say it means you are helpless. Don’t worry—I have seen miracles in my life. So those miracles will happen in Nigeria.

I am a good student of history, and I can see clearly that all the shenanigans going on right now around the APC, trying to infiltrate every political party—I know that their mission and ambition now, if possible, is to have all 36 governors. It doesn’t matter. Let them take all the governors.

But when you look back to 2023, you will see that we had the G5 governors led by Nyesome Wike. Out of those five governors, three of them contested to be senators, supervised by governors in their own states. Yet all three of them lost their senatorial seats.

It tells you something: there is no guarantee that even if they carry all the governors, those governors can deliver for Asiwaju. So when people panic and say they cannot see preparations, don’t worry. Be patient. Slow and steady wins the race. We know what we are doing. And to say that we have not been campaigning or doing anything—I don’t know anybody who has worked better than Mallam Bolaji Abdullahi. I watch him every day. I see all the activities. We respond to all the radicality and so on and so forth.

But like I said, of course, the will of the state is very strong. All we are trying to do is chip away at it slowly but steadily, and then effectively. It will happen.

You have to remember that I was there when the APC itself was formed. I wasn’t a member at that time, but we supported the government of Buhari. And this was the same way the PDP people were saying, “No, it’s not possible. You cannot defeat an incumbent.”

And people are arguing now, saying, “Oh, because Tinubu is next to God, he is an oracle in Lagos, he is everything on planet earth.” No problem.

But we all have brains. And that brain is what we are going to use.

Let me ask you this, because a number of people wonder—and it’s a question I have almost always asked. Look, how does the internal politics of one political party become so susceptible to the influence of an individual from another political party? But maybe that’s not an issue to respond to for now.

There is an issue in the Electoral Act, and I’m sure it is something that is also of concern to you. Oh, by the way, you may want to respond to that other issue.
It is about the digital register that is being sought. Is the ADC, in your opinion, ready? Because I don’t think we can give any excuse. The understanding we have for now—even in a statement put out by YIAGA Africa—is that any political party that does not have its digital register ready may not be able to present candidates during the elections.

So is the ADC ready? What are the inhibitions or hurdles that you think need to be crossed by the ADC in particular, in order to get it ready? Do you think it is something that the ADC, as a growing and substantive opposition, can achieve?

My dear brother, as a prominent media practitioner, I beg you—try to encourage democracy. Try to encourage opposition.
Look, all the APC has been doing is to manipulate the system, and every day, there are new laws that you must obey. There are requirements that you must fulfil. Is that democracy?

But they cannot hide behind one finger, as Chief MKO Abiola used to say. Let them continue to manipulate and meander, and we too will navigate around it.

Is there any law anywhere that says only party members will vote during the general election? The answer is no. So when it comes to picking candidates, there are different methods and ways by which a party can choose its candidate. It has nothing to do with digital registration.
The digital registration right now is ongoing everywhere in different political parties. At the appropriate time, the parties will determine how they will do it. They are not the ones who will tell us who to pick or how to pick that person.

So I don’t know why this panic exists. Go and check the APC that you say is ready. In almost every state right now, they are fighting. In Lagos State, the only reason nobody can fight openly is because they have always operated the “Baba’s sope” style of governance.

I apologize for cutting in, but the question I’m asking is actually about the preparedness of the ADC. Because whether we like it or not—just a second—whether we like it or not, it’s already a law. Political parties must present their digital register.

I’m saying that they are complying. The ADC will comply. Even when we disagree with some of the things they are throwing at us, the ADC is strong enough.

You have some of the biggest veterans of politics in the ADC, and they are ready. They know how to play the game. So I am telling you—we are not illiterate.

So how do you want to frustrate us or intimidate us with digitalization? It is something that everybody would like to participate in. But to now single out the ADC and say, “We don’t know what you guys are doing”—I have already said: be patient with us.

When was the ADC was formed, all manner of challenges were thrown at us, yet we were still standing. So don’t panic on our behalf. Let us do our job. Let us focus on what we need to do. And if we fail, then you can say anything.

We are hoping that no political party will fail, sincerely. Otherwise, there will be no democracy at all. Because we need to have a viable opposition—truly viable opposition.

How do you have a viable opposition when the ruling party is clearly dictatorial? How? That’s why I said you should be practical and support the opposition by asking relevant questions from the ruling government.

Is it not an admission on your part, Chief Momodu, that the ADC does not have what it takes to stand up against the APC?

Don’t say that. That is judgmental.

No, what you are saying is that the APC has muscled the opposition.

Yes, it has muscled the opposition. But wait for the response from the people. You always talk about opposition as if it is only about political parties. The biggest opposition in the world are the floaters. The floaters don’t have to belong to any party.

On the day of voting, you will see how they will pour out and vote massively against an oppressive government—and defend their vote.

You are saying it as if the APC has a monopoly on this thing. That’s why I’m saying our strategy cannot be open at this stage. In fact, we would be stupid to let the whole world know what we are planning. We can’t.

A lot of people did not even see the ADC coming, yet they had been meeting for over a year. And when they finally came together, the ruling party was scared. That is why they are running helter-skelter, sending their agents—“Go and file this case in court, go and file that case against the Labour Party, go against NNDP, go against this one.”
You will see the coalition.

I told you I was there in 2015. How many leaders came together in 2015 to make Buhari president? The number of people we have in the ADC today, and the calibre of men and women we have in the ADC today, will scare the daylights out of them.

They can spend all their resources—spend all the resources of Nigeria—trying to defeat the ADC, but the ADC will emerge victorious. I’m very sure about that.

So, as we wind down, you said we shouldn’t panic on your behalf—we’ll note that. But yesterday we had the Governor of Adamawa State on the program, and when we asked him the reasons why he moved and what that meant for the opposition—he was in the PDP and then moved to the APC—he said the North should forget about 2027.

According to him, there is an unwritten rule that, for things to move smoothly politically, the South has to finish its turn, and then it reverts to the North so that the unwritten agreement can continue smoothly. What do you think of that?

It is those who have nothing better to say who talk about North and South.

The Constitution of Nigeria is supreme, and the Constitution of Nigeria does not talk about zoning. Even if you want to talk about whether zoning has been fair to a particular region in the South or in the North, you will see that Nigeria has been fair to the South.
Obasanjo did eight years, after which Yar’Adua did about three years, and then Jonathan completed that tenure to about ten years. Jonathan then contested and won, giving him about five years plus the earlier eight years of Obasanjo—and he was still allowed to contest again, which, if he had won, would have made it about seventeen years out of twenty-four or thereabouts. So look, those who say these things—I don’t want to waste my time on that.

But let me respond to the Governor Fintiri, who joined the APC because he believes it is the turn of the South. Oh, how cheeky.

His people were chased out of their villages just in the last couple of days or weeks. So has he gone to the APC to thank them for securing his people? A lot of people who are going into the APC—why are they going?
Take Kwara State now, which is in the hands of the APC. Are they happy and joyous that their people are being killed by bandits?
In every part of the nation where you have the APC, it is a story of sorrow, tears, and blood.

So what exactly is the APC offering them that they are all running out of shelter and falling over themselves to praise a god of iron who must be obeyed?

It’s unfortunate.

But when tomorrow comes—we have seen it before.

I remember when a lot of people insisted they must join the Abacha government. Go and read the history and see what happened there afterward. Everybody was saying, “If you don’t join Abacha, other people will take the appointment.”

Is life only about power? The answer is, No.
The problem with Nigerian leaders is that they don’t read much, especially history. They don’t like history. If they liked history, they would know what happened to others in the past who tried to enslave their own people. They would read about it all over the world.

Some governors now believe the only way they can win a second term—by fire, by force—is if they go to the APC. This is what is going on. You are asking why the opposition cannot take them on. Take on who? Take on Tinubu? Why didn’t the opposition take them on in Lagos in the last 27 years? You know how this game is played.

The President of Nigeria is one of the most powerful presidents—until Donald Trump started whipping sense into us. The presidency can do anything. Now our president is begging America to come and help us. Who does that, when we were the ones helping other parts of Africa?
I was there in Sierra Lone, I was there in Congo. I was in Liberia. Our soldiers controlled ten out of fifteen counties in Liberia. So what has happened to our soldiers today that we have to beg America to come and take over our country? We’re not serious.

In case I might have missed it—do we have a date for the ADC congresses?

Everything will be announced, and of course, you know Channels will be one of the first to get it. We are operating in a very professional way. We are not going to play a rough game with the APC. It is not necessary.

The people we are targeting are the people. This is not about playing politics.

Most of us—when you see us now—we are veterans. There is nothing I am looking for in politics. I have always technically been in opposition, and I am happy that we are still standing firm.

The ADC is not the problem of Nigeria.

The APC is the problem.

So let’s all come together. Don’t discourage anybody. If you have suggestions, make them to whomever you wish.

But to say, “Oh, we are not ready. We can’t take them on with just one year to the election.” Are we still talking about that? Anything can happen in the next one month.
The APC is falling apart. They appointed ambassadors, and they can’t even post them. Some of them did thanksgiving in church. Some of them went to fashion designers to sew their dresses in advance.
Yet today they are not there. They are all mourning behind the scene.

Look, the majority of my friends are in the APC. Sometimes when I hear their pain, I feel it. They talk about the difficulties they are facing. They don’t know what is going on because everybody must wait for Abuja. They can’t do anything without Abuja.
So I’m very confident. I know what is going on behind the scenes. A lot of people are going there, but what they expect to find there, they are not finding easily.
Thank you.

So we’ll have to anchor at this point. We do thank you very much indeed for your time this morning. Many will be looking to see how those activities also kick off.
Chief, thank you for your time today.

Thank you, and have a nice day.

All right.

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Presidency Releases Postings of Ambassadors-designate

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President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has approved the postings of 31 career and 34 non-career ambassadors to various countries and the United Nations. The Senate confirmed the ambassadors-designate last December.

POSTINGS OF NON-CAREER AMBASSADORS / HIGH COMMISSIONERS
S/N NAME MISSION APPROVED

1. SENATOR GRACE BENT: LOME-TOGO

2. SEN. ITA ENANG: SOUTH AFRICA

3. IKPEAZU VICTOR: SPAIN

4. NKECHI LINDA UFOCHUKWU: TEL-AVIV, ISRAEL

5. MAHMUD YAKUBU: QATAR

6. PAUL OGA ADIKWU: THE VATICAN CITY HOLY SEE

7. VICE ADMIRAL IBOK-ETE EKWE IBAS: THE PHILIPPINES

8. MR. RENO OMOKRI: MEXICO CITY, MEXICO

9. HON. (ENGR.) ABASI BRAIMAH (FMHR): BUDAPEST, HUNGARY

10. MRS. ERELU ANGELA ADEBAYO: PORTUGAL

11. BARR. OLUMILUA OLUWAYIMIKA AYOTUNWA: TOKYO, JAPAN

12. RT. HON. UGWUANYI IFEANYI LAWRENCE: ATHENS, GREECE

13. BARR. CHIOMA PRISCILLA OHAKIM: WARSAW, POLAND

14. AMINU DALHATU: UNITED KINGDOM, UK

15. LT. GEN ABDULRAHMAN BELLO DAMBAZAU: BEIJING, CHINA

16. HON. TASIU MUSA MAIGARI: GAMBIA

17. OLUFEMI PEDRO: AUSTRALIA

18. BARR. MUHAMMED UBANDOMA ALIYU: ARGENTINA

19. LATEEF KAYODE ARE: USA

20. AMB. JOSEPH SOLA IJI: RUSSIA

21. SEN. JIMOH IBRAHIM: UN PERMANENT REPRESENTATIVE

22. FEMI FANI KAYODE: GERMANY

23. PROF. ISAAK FOLORUNSO ADEWOLE: OTTAWA, CANADA

24. AJIMOBI FATIMA FLORENCE (F): AUSTRIA

25. MRS. LOLA AKANDE (F): SWEDEN

26. AYODELE OKE: FRANCE

27. YAKUBU N. GAMBO: SAUDI ARABIA

28. SENATOR PROF. NORA LADI DADUUT: SEOUL, SOUTH KOREA

29. BARR. ONUEZE CHUKWUJIKA JOE OKOCHA SAN: DUBLIN

30. DR. KULU HARUNA ABUBAKAR: TUNIS, TUNISIA

31. RT. HON. JERRY SAMUEL MANWE: PORT OF SPAIN, T&T

POSTINGS OF CAREER AMBASSADORS / HIGH COMMISSIONERS LIST
S/N NAME MISSION APPROVED

1. AMB. NWABIOLA EZENWA CHUKWUMEKA: COTE D’IV/OIRE

2. BESTO MAIMUNA IBRAHIM: NIAMEY-NIGER

3. MONICA OKWUCHUKWU ENEBECHI: SAO TOME, STP

4. AMB. MOHAMMED MAHMUD LELE: ALGIERS-ALGERIA

5. ENDONI SYNDOPH PAEBI: OUAGADOUGOU-BURKINA FASO

6. AHMED MOHAMMED MONGUNO: CAIRO EGYPT

7. AMB.JANE ADAMS (NEE OKON) MICHAEL (F): KINGSTON-JAMAICA

8. AMB. CLARK-OMERU ALEXANDRA (F): LUSAKA-ZAMBIA

9. CHIMA GEOGGREY LIOMA DAVID: BAMAKO-MALI

10. AMB. ODUMAH YVONNE EHINOSEN: MALABO –E/GUINEA

11. AMB WASA SEGUN IGE: BEIRUT, LEBANON

12. RUBEN ABIMBOLA SAMUEL (F): ROME, ITALY

13. AMB.ONAGA OGECHUKWU KINGSLEY: MAPUTO, MOZAMBIQUE

14. AMB.MAGAJI UMAR: KINSASHA, DR CONGO

15. AMB.MUHAMMAD SAIDU DAHIRU: NEW DELHI-INDIA

16. AMB. ABDUSSALAM HABU ZAYYAD: DAKAR-SENEGAL

17. AMB SHEHU ILU BARDE: ACCRA GHANA

18. AMB.AMINU NASIR: ETHIOPIA

19. ABUBAKAR MUSA MUSA: N’DJAMENA, CHAD

20. AMB. HAIDARA MOHAMMED IDRIS: THE HAGUE-NETHERLANDS

21. AMB.BAKO ADAMU UMAR: RABAT-MOROCCO

22. AMB. SULU GAMBARI OLATUNJI AHMED: MALAYSIA

23. AMB.ROMATA MOHAMMED OMOBOLANLE (F): TANZANIA

24. AMB. SHAGA JOHN SHAMAH: BOTSWANA

25. SALAU, HAMZA MOHAMMED: TEHRAN, IRAN

26. AMB.IBRAHIM DANLAMI: KENYA

27. IBRAHIM ADEOLA MOPELOLA (F): COTONOU-BENIN

28. AMB.AYENI ADEBAYO EMMANUEL: BRUSSELS, BELGIUM

29. AMB.AKANDE WAHAB ADEKOLA: BERNE-SWITZERLAND

30. AMB. AREWA (NEE ADEDOKUN) ESTHER (F): WINDHOEK-NAMIBIA

31. AMB.GERGADI JOSEPH JOHN: LIBREVILLE-GABON

32. AMB. LUTHER OGBOMODE AYO-KALATA (F): SIERRA LEONE

33. DANLADI YAKUBU NYAKU : KHARTOUM-SUDAN

34. BELLO DOGON-DAJI HALIRU: BANGKOK, THAILAND

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs has already received agrément from the United Kingdom for the High Commissioner-designate, Ambassador Aminu Dalhatu. Similarly, France has sent the agrément for Ambassador Ayo Oke.

The Ministry has also conveyed the nominations of the other 62 designated envoys to all the countries concerned, including a request for their agréments in line with standard diplomatic practice.

President Tinubu has directed that the Ministry of Foreign Affairs should immediately commence the induction programme for the ambassadors-designate and High Commissioners.

Bayo Onanuga,

Special Adviser to the President,

(Information and Strategy)

March 6, 2026.

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