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JUNE 12: The Heroes, The Villains

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By Eric Elezuo

June 12 has become an official national day, after many years of the agitation to recognize it. It was the day that Nigerians set aside tribal and religious sentiment to vote massively for MKO Abiola and his running mate, Babagana Kingibe in an election everyone described as the freest and fairest.

But the presumed winner never took office because nidway into the release of the results, the then President, Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida annulled the process, and there began a crisis.

While many agitated for the restoration of Abiola’s mandate, many sold out, and joined the Babangida, Shonekan and Abacha oppressors.

Below is an abridged list of those in support and against the June 12 mandate. You can add more names if there are:

MKO Abiola

The story of Chief Moshood Kasimawo Olawale Abiola is better compared to the beautiful bride, so beloved and cherished all because of how she distinguished herself. MKO, as he is popularly called, was the candidate of the Social Democratic Party in the disputed June 12 1993 Presidential election – an election acclaimed by not a few persons as the freest and fairest the country has ever had. The Ogun state born billionaire entrepreneur was leading handsomely when the Babangida junta suddenly annulled the election.

Abiola will not easily let go of his mandate, and with the people solidly behind him, he fought the Babangida and later Abacha junta to a standstill, and finally paid the supreme price when he died in detention on July 7, 1998, a day he was supposedly to be released, in the presence of notable world leaders. His death was a great blow to democratic and June 12 struggle.

One striking thing about Abiola’s democratic struggle was the fact that he didn’t actually need it. He was stupendously rich, and could have let go but he didn’t. He died fighting for the masses. He died a selfless democrat at 60.

Gani Fawehinmi

One of Nigeria’s finest lawyers, late Abdul-Ganiyu Fawehinmi was a human rights activist, who defended the masses without equivocation. He was fearless in his approach to matters so long as it provides succor to a citizen. Before he was recognised and awarded the coveted Senior Advocate of Nigeria, his followers had ‘honoured’ him with the ‘Senior Advocate of the Masses.’

Late Fawehinmi reported that he was arrested, detained and incarcerated a total of 32 times by successive military regimes, including those of Gen. Yakubu Gowon (six times), Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo (three times), Gen. Ibrahim Babangida (17 times) and Gen. Sani Abacha (six times).

Babangida said of him, “I appreciate you that you have a strong conviction and fight for it consistently. This is the context in which I see Gani.” He added that the arrest of Gani is ‘all in a day’s work. It’s just part of the job description’. Today, the administration of President Muhammadu Buhari has posthumously honoured him with the GCON award.

Frank Kokori

As the Secretary-General of the Nigeria Union of Petroleum and Natural Gas Workers (NUPENG) at the time, Kokori singlehandedly paralysed the country’s economy by calling out workers in the petroleum sector to go on strike. The mass action significantly paralysed the economy, and gave the government a wake up call.

He allegedly refused carrots dangled by the Abacha regime all because of the democratic struggle.

Wole Soyinka

An intellectual of repute, Nobel Laureate, Prof. Wole Soyinka, was not left out in post-June 12 struggle. It is on record that the literary icon used his international connection to draw the attention of the international community to events in Nigeria.

He was one of the brains and voices behind the much talked about Radio Kudirat, which was set up at a time when the military had their foot on media organisations and journalists. He was also a strong pillar of the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO) made up of pro-democracy fighters.

Kudirat Abiola

She was the second wife of MKO Abiola, who stood stoutly behind her husband. While Abiola was in detention, Kudirat took up the mantle, and was in the forefront of the fight for his release. Joining forces with other activists and civil rights giants, she became a painful thorn to the Abacha led regime.

Her fearless journey was cut short when she was brutally murdered at the Oregun area of Lagos on June 4, 1996. She was only 44.

A partaker in her assassination, Mr. Mohammed Abdul, aka Katako, in 2007, confessed that Kudirat’s murder was state sponsored.

He said: “On the day of the attack, we followed Kudirat Abiola’s white Mercedez Benz from Ikeja to Allen Avenue and then to the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway. When we got to the Toll Gate area, (Sgt. Barnabas) Rogers asked me to get close to the Benz and I did. Then, he (Rogers) leaned out of the window and started spraying the victim with bullets with the P90 rifle. After that, we immediately drove to Dodan Barracks.”

Anthony Enahoro

Also a leader of NADECO, Enahoro led the coalition in the Diaspora while on exile. He was the Chairman of NADECO; the Chairman of the Movement for National Reformation and was the leader of Pro-National Conference Organisation (PRONACO).

The statesman, known for moving a motion for Nigeria’s self-rule, never relented in his call for the recognition of the June 12, 1993, presidential election won by Abiola.

On many occasions, he escaped assassination. He died on December 15, 2010, at 87.

Beko Ransome-Kuti

Beko formed what has been described as Nigeria’s first human rights organisation, the Campaign for Democracy, which was used to tackle Abacha’s dictatorship in the post-June 12 struggle. The CHDR is also Beko’s brainchild.

Under the regime, a military tribunal in 1995 sentenced Beko to life in prison for bringing the mock trial of Obasanjo to the attention of the world. His freedom came with the death of Abacha in 1998.

He died on February 10, 2006.

Ndubuisi Kanu

He is one of the few Igbo men who fought ceaseless for the restoration of the June 12-Abiola mandate.

After his retirement from the military, Kanu joined the pro-democracy movement and was one of the leaders of NADECO during the period; he later became chairman of the coalition in 2013.

Kanu also had his share of the bitter experiences like other pro-democracy activists like him. During the struggle, he reportedly escaped assassination by a stroke of luck

Alfred Rewane

Rewane was a successful businessman, a major financier of NADECO in the post-June 12 struggle. He used his means to support his compatriots in the opposition to the Abacha regime.

He was murdered on October 6, 1995, in his Ikeja residence, at the age of 78.

Abubakar Umar

Umar was another soldier, like Kanu who opposed to the annulment of the June 12, 1993 election.

He masterminded Abiola’s installation as president, and was caught, but was lucky to get away. He left the Nigerian Army in the heat of the struggle in 1993, and became a social critic and founded a political party called the Movement for Unity and Progress.

Ayo Opadokun

Chief Ayo Opadokun spent a sizable part of his life behind bars in the battle to actaulise June 12.

Alao Aka-Basorun

A former President of the Nigeria Bar Association, Aka-Basorun was one of the pioneers of legal activism. Fondly referred to as ‘The Lion of the Bar,’ he was said to be one of the earliest proponents of national conference and restructuring of Nigeria’s federation.

He was one of the leading lawyers who defended Abiola during his “treason” trial, aftermath of his ‘Epetedo Declaration.’

He suffered a memory failure at the assassination of Kudirat Abiola and never recovered.

Abraham Adesanya

Adesanya, as  the leader of the Afenifere and deputy leader of NADECO remained at home with the likes of the late Gani Fawehinmi, Femi Falana, Olisa Agbakoba and a host of others while many fled the country.

He mysteriously escaped the assassins’ bullets in 1997. It was during the trial of those suspected to have attacked him that revelations were made that he was marked for assassination for being a member of NADECO, a group already outlawed by the military regime.

Tunji Braithwaite

Braithwaite was one of the brains behind the ‘June 12 Coalition of Democratic Formations,’ another pro-democracy advocacy group. Unlike some of his contemporaries, he rejected offers by successive military juntas and remained in the country even as a good number of activists fled the country.

Olusegun Osoba

One of the finest journalists Nigeria has ever produced, Chief Olusegun Osoba, was the Editor and Managing Director of government-owned Daily Times Nigeria Ltd under Babangida’s regime. He had bitter experiences like his compatriots.

Osoba revealed that Babangida sacked him three times while Abacha made attempts on his life three times due to his alignment with NADECO.

Osoba said in parts, “I will call him by his name. Three times Babangida sacked me. Three times he re-instated me. At last, he converted my sack to resignation. Three times Abacha wanted to kill me. I was in hiding for one year,” he said.

Other notable activists in the June 12 struggle are Frederick Faseun, Ibrahim Tahir, Balarabe Musa, Bola Tinubu, Ebitu Ukiwe, Walter Carrington, Bolaji Akinyemi, Bola Ige, Femi Falana, Olisa Agbakoba, Yinka and Joe-Okei-Odumakin, Dele Momodu, late Chima Ubani, Debo Adeniran, Ebun-Olu Adegboruwa, Omoyele Sowore, Segun Maiyegun, Segun Okeowo, Femi Aborisade, Tokunboh Afikuyomi, Ademola Adeniji-Adele, Joe Igbokwe, Solanke Onasanya, Kayode Fayemi, Shehu Sani, among a host of many others.

 

The Villains

Ibrahim Babangida

Perhaps there is no greater villain of the June 12 struggle that Babangida. He will be remembered for his infamous annulment of the June 12, 1993 election. In fact, he started the imbroglio when on June 23, 1993, in a nationwide broadcast, he annulled the election.

Though he took full responsibility for the annulment of the election he claims it was a collective decision.

Sani Abacha

Abacha had the opportunity to right the wrongs of IBB, but failed to do so, instead he constituted himself as a terror, and planned to perpetuate himself in power.

During his regime, many lives of activists were cut short, and he caused others to flee the country. He did not stop at denying Abiola his mandate, he arrested him and held him inncustody until his death in 1998.

In his quest to kill June 12, and democracy in general, he lured and lobbied friends and associates of Abiola to serve in his government. Many of them such as the running mate to Abiola, Babagana Kingibe, Ebernezer Babatope, Lateef Jakande among others, withdrew their loyalty to the presumed president-elect.

Tony Anenih

Chief Tony Anenih was the National Chairman of the SDP, on which platform Abiola contested the 1993 election. Anenih, alias ‘Mr. Fix It,’ He practically failed to fix the people’s mandate, and forced forces with the oppressors.

Babagana Kingibe

Many see Babagana Kingibe as the greatest let down of the June 12 struggle. He was Abiola’s running mate in the 1993 contest, and common sense assumed he will stick with his principal to the end, but he became a turncoat and sold the mandate when he joined Abacha’s regime with the likes of Tony Anenih.

A lot of people have said that he does not in any way deserve the honours of GCON bestowed on him by Buhari. He didn’t fight at all before giving up. He never believed in June 12.

Uche Chukwumerije

The late Sen. Uche Chukwumerije became Babangida and Shonekan’s Information Minister while activists were fighting to reclaim the June 12 mandate. His propaganda theory was so potent that many wondered where he gets them from. He fought activists to a standstill.

In later interview, he supported the annulment based, according to him, on ‘security report…at the time’. He eventually benefitted from the democratic process as elected senator.he died on April 19, 2015,

Daniel Kanu

Kanu came from nowhere to become Abacha’s henchman and perpetrated serious anti-democratic activities, including organizing the infamous one million march for Abacha with his ‘Youth Earnestly Ask for Abacha’ group. He basically dined and wined with the autocratic government.

Kanu was reported as saying, “The destiny of this nation and the transition to democracy under the present dispensation can only achieve its viable potential if handled by prudent, purposeful, and transparent leadership of General Abacha.”

When he contested and won PDP’s ticket for the House of Representatives in AMAC/Bwari Federal Constituency in 2002, he was paid back in his own coin as his was ‘annulled’ over “unverifiable certificates” and “unclear antecedents.”

Arthur Nzeribe

He was Babangida’s own henchman, and was in the forefront of truncating the June 12 election with his infamous Association for Better Nigeria.

The ABN had made taken a major step to ensure the junta remained in power by approaching a court to prevent the conduct of the June 1993 presidential election. Its argument: leader of the NRC and the SDP were corrupt politicians.

The Campaign for Democracy challenged them and won.

Nzeribe’s association, again, went to court after the poll to prevent the release of the election results. Babangida listened and the political crisis ensued.

Nzeribe later boasted of his role in the cancellation of the June 12 election.

Abimbola Davies

He was one of the directors of the Nzeribe-led pro-Abacha ABN, among several others. He has been criticised for his links with the anti-democratic forces. Davies made a u-turn shortly after, and exposed the ABN motives.

Ernest Shonekan

A kinsman of Abiola, Shonekan happily accepted the interim leadership role. He could have used the opportunity to cause, but he never did. He revolved round the presidency until Abacha sacked him three months later.

Abdul-Azeez Arisekola-Alao

The late Ibadan-based billionaire businessman pitched his tent with Babangida in as much as he was Abiola’s friend and Yoruba Islamic leader. He spoke vehemently against the June 12 mandate.

He said, “Wallahi tallahi billahillazi la’ila ha illahuwa – and we are in the month of Ramadan; that is what happened at that time. It was after the election that members of the Armed Forces Ruling Council threatened to kill both MKO Abiola and IBB, if he insisted on releasing the result of the election. They threatened to kill both IBB and Abiola.”

Lamidi Adedibu

The late strongman of Ibadan politics, Alhaji Lamidi Adedibu, was said to have ‘arranged’ the infamous conditional bail to be granted to Abiola while in incarceration, a move that would have denied Abiola his mandate if he accepted the offer.

IBB was later quoted as saying that Adedibu supported the June 12 annulment.

Jerry Gana

Prof. Jerry Gana was one of the civilians co-opted into Abacha’s transition and being the Minister of Information, he was one of earliest people to sing the dirge of June 12.

Gana had in May 1994, almost the first year anniversary of June 12, reportedly said, “The military administration (Abacha’s regime) did not actualise the June 12 election, in spite of its opposition to the annulment, for fear that certain sections of the country could rise against it. If they actualised June 12 when they came in, another section would rise.

“The annulment is a painful one but we cannot because of it allow the people of Nigeria to be destroyed. Somebody has made a mistake like somebody made in 1966, like somebody made in 1984, like somebody made a mistake by stopping Jerry Gana from becoming a president by annulling my own primaries.”

Al-Mustapha, Sofolahan, Others

Abacha’s former Chief Security Officer, Maj. Hamza Al-Mustapha; Kudirat’s former Personal Assistant, Alhaji Lateef Shofolahan; a son of late military Head of State, Gen. Sani Abacha, Mohammed Abacha; and Rabo Lawal were in December 1999 charged with conspiracy and murder over their alleged involvement in the assassination of Kudirat Abiola.

After 13 years of instituting the case, which was presided over by five successive judges and during which the accused persons were in prison custody, Al-Mustapha and Shofolahan were sentenced to death by a Lagos High Court on January 30, 2012.

Lawal Pedro, who led the prosecution, had accused Al-Mustapha of ordering Barnabas Rogers, (alias Sgt. Rogers), a member of Abacha’s Strike Force, to kill Kudirat. However, the Court of Appeal sitting in Lagos on Friday, July 12, 2013, discharged and acquitted al-Mustapha and Shofolahan, saying there was not enough evidence to incriminate him in the murder of Kudirat. The verdict overturned the death sentence passed on al-Mustapha by the Lagos High Court.

Similarly, the likes of Bashir Tofa, the candidate of the NRC, who has yet to openly admit that Abiola won the election; Chief Tom Ikimi, the chairman of NRC, who defected to Abacha’s camp; Humphrey Nwosu, who couldn’t muster the courage to release the remaining results and others.

The Five political parties that adopted Abacha as their sole candidate for the election are also great enemies of the June 12 struggle. Someone had described them as the ‘five leprous fingers of Abacha’.

Additional Info from The Punch

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Superiority War: I’ve Exclusive Authority to Confer Titles Across Yorubaland, Says Alaafin

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The Alaafin of Oyo, Oba Abimbola Akeem Owoade I, has stated that only the throne of Oyo has the authority to confer chieftaincy titles that carry the name “Yorubaland.”

The monarch made this declaration during the installation of Senator Abdul-Aziz Yari as Obaloyin of Yorubaland and Barrister Seyi Tinubu as Okanlomo of Yorubaland on Sunday at Aganju Forecourt, Aafin Oyo.

Oba Owoade emphasised that chieftaincy in Yoruba culture is not a matter of favour or decoration but a duty that comes with responsibility.

He explained that the Oyo throne has historically served as a central coordinating authority for the Yoruba people, a role recognised both during colonial administration and in post-independence governance.

The Alaafin highlighted that titles bearing the name “Yorubaland” are collective titles representing the Yoruba people as a whole, not individual towns or kingdoms, and must therefore be conferred by an authority whose reach spans the entire region.

He noted that colonial records, post-independence councils, scholarly works, and the Supreme Court of Nigeria have all affirmed this historical authority.

Oba Owoade described the newly installed titles as positions of trust requiring courage, loyalty, and service to the Yoruba people.

He added that such honours are meant to bind recipients more closely to Yorubaland and reinforce that authority, tradition, and respect for boundaries are central to sustaining Yoruba culture.

He urged the new titleholders to serve with humility and to ensure that their honours contribute to unity, dignity, and the collective good of Yorubaland.

He said: “We are gathered here today for a purpose that goes beyond celebration. We are here to witness history and to place responsibility where tradition has long placed it. Chieftaincy, in our culture, is not an act of favour. It is not decoration. It is duty, conferred only when history, authority, and responsibility align.

“From the earliest organisation of the Yoruba people, authority was never vague. Our forebears understood structure. This understanding gave Yorubaland stability long before modern governance arrived.

“The throne of Oyo emerged in that history as a coordinating authority, by responsibility. When colonial administration came, it did not invent this reality; it encountered it and recorded it. By 1914, Oyo Province had become the largest province in Southern Nigeria, covering 14,381 square miles. It was bounded in the north by Ilorin and Kontagora, in the east by Ondo and Ijebu, in the south by Ijebu and Abeokuta, and in the west by French Dahomey. This reflected recognised leadership over a wide and diverse space.

“This history explains why certain chieftaincy titles are different in nature. Titles that bear the name “Yorubaland” are not local titles. They are collective titles. They speak not for one town or one kingdom, but for the Yoruba people as a whole. Such titles must therefore proceed from an authority whose reach, by history and by law, extends across Yorubaland.

“Today, I do not speak to provoke debate. I speak to state order. Among the Yoruba, authority has never been a matter of assumption or convenience. It has always been a matter of history, structure, and law. Thrones were not created equal in function, even though all are sacred in dignity. From the earliest organization of Yorubaland, the Alaafin of Oyo occupied a central and coordinating authority – an authority that extended beyond the walls of Oyo and into the collective political life of the Yoruba people. This was not self-declared. It was recognised, enforced, and sustained across generations.

“Colonial records acknowledged it. Post-independence councils preserved it. Scholars documented it.

“And finally, the Supreme Court of Nigeria affirmed it. The law is clear. History is settled. Chieftaincy titles that bear the name Yorubaland – titles whose meaning, influence, and obligation are not confined to a single town or kingdom – fall under a singular, established authority. That authority is the throne of Oyo.”

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Why I Visited Nnamdi Kanu in Prison – Alex Otti

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By Eric Elezuo

Governor Alex Otti of Abia State has explained the reasons behind his much talked about visit to the leader of the Indigenous Peoples of Biafra (IPOB), Mazi Nnamdi Kanu, in Sokoto Correctional Centre.

Nnamdi Kanu was found guilty of all the seven count charges of terrorism brought against him by the Federal Government, and sentenced to life imprisonment, by Justice James Omotosho of the Federal High Court, Abuja, on November 20.

The governor also declared his intention to retire from partisan politics after serving as governor of the state.

Governor made these remarks in Umuahia while reacting to a viral video in which an individual berated him for visiting the IPOB leader in Sokoto Correctional Centre recently and alleged that the visit was aimed at positioning him (Otti) for either the presidential or vice presidential ticket. Otti however, denied having any presidential or vice presidential ambition after his governorship role.

According to him, he would not even contest for the senatorial position after serving as governor of Abia State.

Criticisms, he said, are part of democracy, adding that everyone is free to hold an opinion, even as he acknowledged that some criticisms, especially undue ones, are far from being the truth.

His words, “In the first place, that is the beauty of democracy. So, people should hold their opinions, and we respect people’s opinions. And that you hold a different opinion doesn’t mean you are right.

“One of the things he talked about was my ambition after being governor. And I had said it before, and I want to say it again, that by the time I’m done with governorship, I will retire.

“So, I don’t have presidential ambition, nor vice-presidential ambition. I also don’t have senatorial ambition. So, when I finish with the governorship, I’ll retire.

“I came for a mission. And when I deliver that mission, I will give way to younger people. So, he was talking of Igbo presidency. I don’t even understand what that means.

“So, I think if his thesis is based on that assumption, the assumption has collapsed, because he won’t see me on the ballot.

The Abia governor argued that it is important for a political office holder to know when to quit, especially when the politician has done what he is asked to do.

“When you have done what you have been asked to do, you clear, give way for other people. We’ve seen people here, after being governor who went to serve as Local Government Chairman. That’s not what we are. We are not cut out for those kinds of things.

Otti used the forum to explain why he visited Mazi Nnamdi Kanu at the Sokoto prison.

He said, “The second point is about Nnamdi Kanu. And I don’t want to put this matter in the public space so that it doesn’t jeopardise the discussions that I’m having.

“The truth about it is that exactly 24 months ago, I opened up discussions at the highest level on Nnamdi Kanu.

“And going to see him is the right thing to do, because he comes from my state. In fact, he comes from this local government (Umuahia North – the state capital).

“And there are always ways to solve a problem. I don’t believe that the way to solve a problem is to ignore it. And I had written extensively, even about Nnamdi Kanu and Operation Python Dance, I think in 2017 or 2018. And I condemned it.

“And I still condemn it. And some of the recordings that the gentleman put in his video, I cannot vouch for the veracity of that recording.”

Governor Otti maintained that he knows that when an issue has been approached from the legal point of view, there is also another window called the administrative point of view, stressing that, that is where he (the governor) is coming from.

“I’m not a lawyer. And if the judiciary says the man has been condemned to life imprisonment, that is the judiciary. Even that is not the end, because that’s the court of first instance. There is still an opportunity to appeal and then an opportunity to even go to the Supreme Court.

“But what we are trying to do is to intervene. I’m not a supporter of the disintegration of Nigeria.

“So, my position is that it would be insensitive of me to sit here and say one of our own who has been convicted should die when we have an opportunity to discuss, negotiate, and sue for peace. So, that is my position,” he said.

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How Glo Network Became the Lifeline That Saved Two Lives: A True Story from Sallari

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By Dr. Sani Sa’idu Baba

It was one of those calm, bright mornings in Sallari, a town in Tarauni Local Government Area of Kano State. I had gone to visit my longtime friend and colleague, Dr. Muhammad Umar Abdullahi, at his private facility, Rauda Clinic and Maternity. We were in his office discussing research, the usual challenges of medical practice, and other issues when the sound of hurried footsteps and anxious voices broke the calm. A young man rushed in, calling for the doctor.

Without hesitation, Dr. Muhammad sprang into action. I followed him instinctively. Within moments, two people burst through the gate, one man carrying a weak, heavily pregnant woman in his arms. Her breathing was shallow and wheezy, her face pale, and her body trembling between labor contractions and an asthma crisis. The scene was intense, we both knew that every second counted.

The team quickly moved her to the emergency bed. The Chief Medical Director Dr. Muhammad and his nurses worked swiftly to stabilize her breathing and monitor the baby. Oxygen was connected, IV lines were set, and within minutes, her breathing began to steady. The baby’s heartbeat was strong. After a short but tense period, she delivered a healthy baby girl. Relief filled the room like a gentle wind.

At that moment, I couldn’t help but admire the efficiency and dedication of Rauda Clinic and Maternity. The facility operated with the precision and compassion of a modern hospital. Every member of the team knew their role, every piece of equipment was in place, and the environment radiated calm professionalism. It reminded me that quality healthcare is not only about infrastructure, but about commitment and readiness when it truly matters. Rauda Clinic stood out that day as a quiet pillar of excellence and hope for patients and families alike.

The following day, I placed a call to Dr. Muhammad to ask about the condition of the woman who had been brought in the previous morning. He sounded cheerful and relieved. “Both mother and baby are fine now,” he said. Then, with deep reflection in his voice, he narrated the extraordinary story behind their survival, a story that showed how a single phone call, made at the right moment, became the bridge between life and death. As I listened to him recount the events, I couldn’t help but marvel at how sometimes, survival depends not only on medicine but also on connection.

Her name was Amina, a mother of three. That morning, she was alone at home, her husband was in Dutse, the capital of Jigawa state where he works, and her children had already gone to school. The first wave of pain came suddenly, followed by a tightening in her chest. Within minutes, she was gasping for air, her asthma worsening with every breath. She reached for her phone to call her husband, but the call wouldn’t go through. She tried again and again, each time, “Network error.”

Her strength was fading fast. She tried to reach her neighbors, but again, no connection. Alone, frightened, and struggling to breathe, she said she felt her end was near. Then, a thought crossed her mind, her maid had left her phone in the sitting room that morning. Gathering the last of her strength, Amina crawled toward the television stand where the phone lay.

When she reached it, she noticed the green SIM icon, it was a Glo line. Hope flickered. But when she tried to make a call, she saw there was no airtime. That could have been the end until she remembered Glo’s Borrow Me Credit service. With trembling fingers, she dialed the Glo borrow me code and she got the credit instantly, and that small credit became her lifeline.

Her first attempt to reach her husband failed. Then she dialed her younger brother, Umar. This time, the call went through immediately. Interestingly, Umar is a Glo user too. Without delay, Umar and his wife rushed to her house, found her collapsed on the floor, and carried her into their car.

On their way, Umar called ahead to alert the doctor, and again, the call went through clearly. By a remarkable coincidence, Dr. Muhammad was also using a Glo line. That seamless connection meant the hospital team was fully prepared by the time they arrived. Within minutes, Amina was stabilized, and both she and her baby were safe.

The next morning, Dr. Muhammad told me that Amina had smiled faintly and said to him, “Doctor, when every other network failed me, Glo answered. If that call hadn’t gone through, I wouldn’t be here today.”

Her words carried a truth that stayed with me. It wasn’t just a patient’s gratitude, it was a testimony about the power of reliable connection. At that moment, Glo wasn’t just a telecommunications network, it was the bridge between life and death, between despair and hope.

In today’s world, a simple phone call can determine whether someone lives or dies. That day reminded me that technology, when dependable, is not just about data speed, it’s about human connection at its most critical. Glo proved to be that connection: steady, available, and trustworthy when it mattered most.

Before she was discharged, she laughed and told the doctor she had already chosen a nickname for her baby “Amira Glo.” They both laughed, but deep down, Dr. Muhammad understood the meaning behind that name. It symbolized gratitude, faith, and survival.

As I ended the call with Dr. Muhammad that day, I felt a quiet pride. I had witnessed not just the miracle of life, but the harmony of medicine, compassion, and reliable technology. Through Rauda Clinic and Maternity, I saw what true service means, dedication without boundaries, and connection that saves.

Amina’s story isn’t an advert, but living proof that sometimes, when every other signal fades, Glo stands firm, and when every other facility seems far away, Rauda Clinic and Maternity remains a beacon of care and excellence.

For patients, families, and health workers alike, Glo is proven to be a network of necessity. It connects life to hope, when every second truly counts…

Dr. Sani Sa’idu Baba writes from Kano, and can be reached via drssbaba@yahoo.com

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