Connect with us

Featured

JUNE 12: The Heroes, The Villains

Published

on

By Eric Elezuo

June 12 has become an official national day, after many years of the agitation to recognize it. It was the day that Nigerians set aside tribal and religious sentiment to vote massively for MKO Abiola and his running mate, Babagana Kingibe in an election everyone described as the freest and fairest.

But the presumed winner never took office because nidway into the release of the results, the then President, Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida annulled the process, and there began a crisis.

While many agitated for the restoration of Abiola’s mandate, many sold out, and joined the Babangida, Shonekan and Abacha oppressors.

Below is an abridged list of those in support and against the June 12 mandate. You can add more names if there are:

MKO Abiola

The story of Chief Moshood Kasimawo Olawale Abiola is better compared to the beautiful bride, so beloved and cherished all because of how she distinguished herself. MKO, as he is popularly called, was the candidate of the Social Democratic Party in the disputed June 12 1993 Presidential election – an election acclaimed by not a few persons as the freest and fairest the country has ever had. The Ogun state born billionaire entrepreneur was leading handsomely when the Babangida junta suddenly annulled the election.

Abiola will not easily let go of his mandate, and with the people solidly behind him, he fought the Babangida and later Abacha junta to a standstill, and finally paid the supreme price when he died in detention on July 7, 1998, a day he was supposedly to be released, in the presence of notable world leaders. His death was a great blow to democratic and June 12 struggle.

One striking thing about Abiola’s democratic struggle was the fact that he didn’t actually need it. He was stupendously rich, and could have let go but he didn’t. He died fighting for the masses. He died a selfless democrat at 60.

Gani Fawehinmi

One of Nigeria’s finest lawyers, late Abdul-Ganiyu Fawehinmi was a human rights activist, who defended the masses without equivocation. He was fearless in his approach to matters so long as it provides succor to a citizen. Before he was recognised and awarded the coveted Senior Advocate of Nigeria, his followers had ‘honoured’ him with the ‘Senior Advocate of the Masses.’

Late Fawehinmi reported that he was arrested, detained and incarcerated a total of 32 times by successive military regimes, including those of Gen. Yakubu Gowon (six times), Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo (three times), Gen. Ibrahim Babangida (17 times) and Gen. Sani Abacha (six times).

Babangida said of him, “I appreciate you that you have a strong conviction and fight for it consistently. This is the context in which I see Gani.” He added that the arrest of Gani is ‘all in a day’s work. It’s just part of the job description’. Today, the administration of President Muhammadu Buhari has posthumously honoured him with the GCON award.

Frank Kokori

As the Secretary-General of the Nigeria Union of Petroleum and Natural Gas Workers (NUPENG) at the time, Kokori singlehandedly paralysed the country’s economy by calling out workers in the petroleum sector to go on strike. The mass action significantly paralysed the economy, and gave the government a wake up call.

He allegedly refused carrots dangled by the Abacha regime all because of the democratic struggle.

Wole Soyinka

An intellectual of repute, Nobel Laureate, Prof. Wole Soyinka, was not left out in post-June 12 struggle. It is on record that the literary icon used his international connection to draw the attention of the international community to events in Nigeria.

He was one of the brains and voices behind the much talked about Radio Kudirat, which was set up at a time when the military had their foot on media organisations and journalists. He was also a strong pillar of the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO) made up of pro-democracy fighters.

Kudirat Abiola

She was the second wife of MKO Abiola, who stood stoutly behind her husband. While Abiola was in detention, Kudirat took up the mantle, and was in the forefront of the fight for his release. Joining forces with other activists and civil rights giants, she became a painful thorn to the Abacha led regime.

Her fearless journey was cut short when she was brutally murdered at the Oregun area of Lagos on June 4, 1996. She was only 44.

A partaker in her assassination, Mr. Mohammed Abdul, aka Katako, in 2007, confessed that Kudirat’s murder was state sponsored.

He said: “On the day of the attack, we followed Kudirat Abiola’s white Mercedez Benz from Ikeja to Allen Avenue and then to the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway. When we got to the Toll Gate area, (Sgt. Barnabas) Rogers asked me to get close to the Benz and I did. Then, he (Rogers) leaned out of the window and started spraying the victim with bullets with the P90 rifle. After that, we immediately drove to Dodan Barracks.”

Anthony Enahoro

Also a leader of NADECO, Enahoro led the coalition in the Diaspora while on exile. He was the Chairman of NADECO; the Chairman of the Movement for National Reformation and was the leader of Pro-National Conference Organisation (PRONACO).

The statesman, known for moving a motion for Nigeria’s self-rule, never relented in his call for the recognition of the June 12, 1993, presidential election won by Abiola.

On many occasions, he escaped assassination. He died on December 15, 2010, at 87.

Beko Ransome-Kuti

Beko formed what has been described as Nigeria’s first human rights organisation, the Campaign for Democracy, which was used to tackle Abacha’s dictatorship in the post-June 12 struggle. The CHDR is also Beko’s brainchild.

Under the regime, a military tribunal in 1995 sentenced Beko to life in prison for bringing the mock trial of Obasanjo to the attention of the world. His freedom came with the death of Abacha in 1998.

He died on February 10, 2006.

Ndubuisi Kanu

He is one of the few Igbo men who fought ceaseless for the restoration of the June 12-Abiola mandate.

After his retirement from the military, Kanu joined the pro-democracy movement and was one of the leaders of NADECO during the period; he later became chairman of the coalition in 2013.

Kanu also had his share of the bitter experiences like other pro-democracy activists like him. During the struggle, he reportedly escaped assassination by a stroke of luck

Alfred Rewane

Rewane was a successful businessman, a major financier of NADECO in the post-June 12 struggle. He used his means to support his compatriots in the opposition to the Abacha regime.

He was murdered on October 6, 1995, in his Ikeja residence, at the age of 78.

Abubakar Umar

Umar was another soldier, like Kanu who opposed to the annulment of the June 12, 1993 election.

He masterminded Abiola’s installation as president, and was caught, but was lucky to get away. He left the Nigerian Army in the heat of the struggle in 1993, and became a social critic and founded a political party called the Movement for Unity and Progress.

Ayo Opadokun

Chief Ayo Opadokun spent a sizable part of his life behind bars in the battle to actaulise June 12.

Alao Aka-Basorun

A former President of the Nigeria Bar Association, Aka-Basorun was one of the pioneers of legal activism. Fondly referred to as ‘The Lion of the Bar,’ he was said to be one of the earliest proponents of national conference and restructuring of Nigeria’s federation.

He was one of the leading lawyers who defended Abiola during his “treason” trial, aftermath of his ‘Epetedo Declaration.’

He suffered a memory failure at the assassination of Kudirat Abiola and never recovered.

Abraham Adesanya

Adesanya, as  the leader of the Afenifere and deputy leader of NADECO remained at home with the likes of the late Gani Fawehinmi, Femi Falana, Olisa Agbakoba and a host of others while many fled the country.

He mysteriously escaped the assassins’ bullets in 1997. It was during the trial of those suspected to have attacked him that revelations were made that he was marked for assassination for being a member of NADECO, a group already outlawed by the military regime.

Tunji Braithwaite

Braithwaite was one of the brains behind the ‘June 12 Coalition of Democratic Formations,’ another pro-democracy advocacy group. Unlike some of his contemporaries, he rejected offers by successive military juntas and remained in the country even as a good number of activists fled the country.

Olusegun Osoba

One of the finest journalists Nigeria has ever produced, Chief Olusegun Osoba, was the Editor and Managing Director of government-owned Daily Times Nigeria Ltd under Babangida’s regime. He had bitter experiences like his compatriots.

Osoba revealed that Babangida sacked him three times while Abacha made attempts on his life three times due to his alignment with NADECO.

Osoba said in parts, “I will call him by his name. Three times Babangida sacked me. Three times he re-instated me. At last, he converted my sack to resignation. Three times Abacha wanted to kill me. I was in hiding for one year,” he said.

Other notable activists in the June 12 struggle are Frederick Faseun, Ibrahim Tahir, Balarabe Musa, Bola Tinubu, Ebitu Ukiwe, Walter Carrington, Bolaji Akinyemi, Bola Ige, Femi Falana, Olisa Agbakoba, Yinka and Joe-Okei-Odumakin, Dele Momodu, late Chima Ubani, Debo Adeniran, Ebun-Olu Adegboruwa, Omoyele Sowore, Segun Maiyegun, Segun Okeowo, Femi Aborisade, Tokunboh Afikuyomi, Ademola Adeniji-Adele, Joe Igbokwe, Solanke Onasanya, Kayode Fayemi, Shehu Sani, among a host of many others.

 

The Villains

Ibrahim Babangida

Perhaps there is no greater villain of the June 12 struggle that Babangida. He will be remembered for his infamous annulment of the June 12, 1993 election. In fact, he started the imbroglio when on June 23, 1993, in a nationwide broadcast, he annulled the election.

Though he took full responsibility for the annulment of the election he claims it was a collective decision.

Sani Abacha

Abacha had the opportunity to right the wrongs of IBB, but failed to do so, instead he constituted himself as a terror, and planned to perpetuate himself in power.

During his regime, many lives of activists were cut short, and he caused others to flee the country. He did not stop at denying Abiola his mandate, he arrested him and held him inncustody until his death in 1998.

In his quest to kill June 12, and democracy in general, he lured and lobbied friends and associates of Abiola to serve in his government. Many of them such as the running mate to Abiola, Babagana Kingibe, Ebernezer Babatope, Lateef Jakande among others, withdrew their loyalty to the presumed president-elect.

Tony Anenih

Chief Tony Anenih was the National Chairman of the SDP, on which platform Abiola contested the 1993 election. Anenih, alias ‘Mr. Fix It,’ He practically failed to fix the people’s mandate, and forced forces with the oppressors.

Babagana Kingibe

Many see Babagana Kingibe as the greatest let down of the June 12 struggle. He was Abiola’s running mate in the 1993 contest, and common sense assumed he will stick with his principal to the end, but he became a turncoat and sold the mandate when he joined Abacha’s regime with the likes of Tony Anenih.

A lot of people have said that he does not in any way deserve the honours of GCON bestowed on him by Buhari. He didn’t fight at all before giving up. He never believed in June 12.

Uche Chukwumerije

The late Sen. Uche Chukwumerije became Babangida and Shonekan’s Information Minister while activists were fighting to reclaim the June 12 mandate. His propaganda theory was so potent that many wondered where he gets them from. He fought activists to a standstill.

In later interview, he supported the annulment based, according to him, on ‘security report…at the time’. He eventually benefitted from the democratic process as elected senator.he died on April 19, 2015,

Daniel Kanu

Kanu came from nowhere to become Abacha’s henchman and perpetrated serious anti-democratic activities, including organizing the infamous one million march for Abacha with his ‘Youth Earnestly Ask for Abacha’ group. He basically dined and wined with the autocratic government.

Kanu was reported as saying, “The destiny of this nation and the transition to democracy under the present dispensation can only achieve its viable potential if handled by prudent, purposeful, and transparent leadership of General Abacha.”

When he contested and won PDP’s ticket for the House of Representatives in AMAC/Bwari Federal Constituency in 2002, he was paid back in his own coin as his was ‘annulled’ over “unverifiable certificates” and “unclear antecedents.”

Arthur Nzeribe

He was Babangida’s own henchman, and was in the forefront of truncating the June 12 election with his infamous Association for Better Nigeria.

The ABN had made taken a major step to ensure the junta remained in power by approaching a court to prevent the conduct of the June 1993 presidential election. Its argument: leader of the NRC and the SDP were corrupt politicians.

The Campaign for Democracy challenged them and won.

Nzeribe’s association, again, went to court after the poll to prevent the release of the election results. Babangida listened and the political crisis ensued.

Nzeribe later boasted of his role in the cancellation of the June 12 election.

Abimbola Davies

He was one of the directors of the Nzeribe-led pro-Abacha ABN, among several others. He has been criticised for his links with the anti-democratic forces. Davies made a u-turn shortly after, and exposed the ABN motives.

Ernest Shonekan

A kinsman of Abiola, Shonekan happily accepted the interim leadership role. He could have used the opportunity to cause, but he never did. He revolved round the presidency until Abacha sacked him three months later.

Abdul-Azeez Arisekola-Alao

The late Ibadan-based billionaire businessman pitched his tent with Babangida in as much as he was Abiola’s friend and Yoruba Islamic leader. He spoke vehemently against the June 12 mandate.

He said, “Wallahi tallahi billahillazi la’ila ha illahuwa – and we are in the month of Ramadan; that is what happened at that time. It was after the election that members of the Armed Forces Ruling Council threatened to kill both MKO Abiola and IBB, if he insisted on releasing the result of the election. They threatened to kill both IBB and Abiola.”

Lamidi Adedibu

The late strongman of Ibadan politics, Alhaji Lamidi Adedibu, was said to have ‘arranged’ the infamous conditional bail to be granted to Abiola while in incarceration, a move that would have denied Abiola his mandate if he accepted the offer.

IBB was later quoted as saying that Adedibu supported the June 12 annulment.

Jerry Gana

Prof. Jerry Gana was one of the civilians co-opted into Abacha’s transition and being the Minister of Information, he was one of earliest people to sing the dirge of June 12.

Gana had in May 1994, almost the first year anniversary of June 12, reportedly said, “The military administration (Abacha’s regime) did not actualise the June 12 election, in spite of its opposition to the annulment, for fear that certain sections of the country could rise against it. If they actualised June 12 when they came in, another section would rise.

“The annulment is a painful one but we cannot because of it allow the people of Nigeria to be destroyed. Somebody has made a mistake like somebody made in 1966, like somebody made in 1984, like somebody made a mistake by stopping Jerry Gana from becoming a president by annulling my own primaries.”

Al-Mustapha, Sofolahan, Others

Abacha’s former Chief Security Officer, Maj. Hamza Al-Mustapha; Kudirat’s former Personal Assistant, Alhaji Lateef Shofolahan; a son of late military Head of State, Gen. Sani Abacha, Mohammed Abacha; and Rabo Lawal were in December 1999 charged with conspiracy and murder over their alleged involvement in the assassination of Kudirat Abiola.

After 13 years of instituting the case, which was presided over by five successive judges and during which the accused persons were in prison custody, Al-Mustapha and Shofolahan were sentenced to death by a Lagos High Court on January 30, 2012.

Lawal Pedro, who led the prosecution, had accused Al-Mustapha of ordering Barnabas Rogers, (alias Sgt. Rogers), a member of Abacha’s Strike Force, to kill Kudirat. However, the Court of Appeal sitting in Lagos on Friday, July 12, 2013, discharged and acquitted al-Mustapha and Shofolahan, saying there was not enough evidence to incriminate him in the murder of Kudirat. The verdict overturned the death sentence passed on al-Mustapha by the Lagos High Court.

Similarly, the likes of Bashir Tofa, the candidate of the NRC, who has yet to openly admit that Abiola won the election; Chief Tom Ikimi, the chairman of NRC, who defected to Abacha’s camp; Humphrey Nwosu, who couldn’t muster the courage to release the remaining results and others.

The Five political parties that adopted Abacha as their sole candidate for the election are also great enemies of the June 12 struggle. Someone had described them as the ‘five leprous fingers of Abacha’.

Additional Info from The Punch

Continue Reading
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Featured

GLO: The Undisputed Digital Oxygen

Published

on

By

By Dr. Sani Sa’idu Baba

In medicine, oxygen is the invisible molecule upon which all human life depends. Remove it, and the body shuts down almost instantly. The brain weakens, the heart struggles, and every organ begins to fail. As someone who studies how the human body works, I have always understood the centrality of oxygen to biological existence. But in recent years, watching Nigerian society evolve in the digital age, I have arrived at another conclusion: connectivity has become the oxygen of modern civilisation.

Without network connectivity today, businesses freeze, students lose access to learning, hospital records fall into jeopardy, POS transactions struggle, markets slow down, and families become disconnected. Digital access is no longer a luxury; it is the infrastructure upon which modern life breathes.

And in Nigeria, one network increasingly stands out as the supplier of that digital oxygen: GLO.

Across campuses, markets, offices, villages, and urban centres, millions of Nigerians now depend on the Glo network for the daily rhythm of their lives. For students, it powers e-learning, research databases, virtual classrooms, and academic collaboration. For traders and entrepreneurs, it sustains mobile banking, online transactions, advertising, and customer communication. For farmers in rural communities, it ensures communication with farmland workers. For doctors and healthcare professionals, it enables telemedicine and rapid information exchange. In many homes, Glo is the invisible bridge connecting families separated by distance.

This is why many Nigerians increasingly describe Glo not merely as a telecom company, but as a necessity.

What is even more fascinating is the growing public confidence in Glo’s reliability, something I have personally witnessed. I recently observed a man asking a shop attendant to call his boss. After placing the call once, the attendant calmly replied, “Sir, his phone is switched off.” The man insisted he should call repeatedly before concluding. The attendant smiled and responded, “Sir, I am using Glo network. If Glo says the phone is unavailable, then it is unavailable.” Everyone around laughed, but beneath the humour was a powerful reality: people increasingly trust the reliability and clarity of the Glo network. That brief moment was more than a casual conversation; it was a testimony to the confidence Glo has quietly built among Nigerians.

The reality becomes even clearer during moments of national stress. In an era defined by climate change, unstable electricity supply, flooding, extreme heat, and infrastructural disruption, telecommunications networks face enormous pressure. Floodwaters damage fibre optic cables. Heat weakens sensitive electronic systems. Power failures destabilise base stations. Yet despite these challenges, millions of Nigerians continue to experience remarkable connectivity stability on Glo.

That stability is not accidental. Globacom has continued to invest heavily in infrastructure upgrades and network improvement projects aimed at enhancing customer experience nationwide. For millions of Nigerians, clearer calls and faster internet are no longer wishes but daily realities because of the company’s sustained commitment to expanding and strengthening its network systems.

What makes Glo exceptional is not simply its coverage, but its resilience. The company has increasingly embraced hybrid energy solutions involving solar systems and battery storage technology to reduce dependence on diesel-powered infrastructure. This improves network reliability during grid failures while simultaneously reducing environmental pressure. Glo has also undertaken extensive fibre reconstruction and relocation projects across Nigeria, redesigning network routes to withstand environmental disruptions such as flooding, erosion, and climate-related damage. Its investments in expanded spectrum capacity and advanced technologies have further improved efficiency, enabling stronger data delivery and smoother connectivity for subscribers across the country.

From my vantage point in Kano, a region experiencing intense heat and significant environmental pressure, the importance of resilient connectivity cannot be overstated. For traders in Sabon Gari Market, network access means economic survival. For students at Bayero University, it means uninterrupted learning and research. For countless young Nigerians trying to build digital businesses, it means opportunity itself.

In many respects, Glo functions like the respiratory system of Nigeria’s digital society. The Glo-1 submarine cable and Glo fibre optics act like lungs, bringing global bandwidth into the country. The national fibre network resembles blood vessels distributing connectivity nationwide. The 4G LTE base stations function like capillaries, delivering data directly to the individual user whether in Kano or far beyond.

The subscriber shouting “Glo Unlimited!” during a blackout while data continues flowing is not merely celebrating affordable internet. They are experiencing the result of years of investment, resilience engineering, and technological foresight.

Calling Glo “The Digital Oxygen” of Nigeria is therefore not poetic exaggeration, it is an acknowledgment of reality. In a country where millions now live, learn, trade, communicate, and dream through digital connectivity, Glo has become more than a network provider. It has become the vital breath upon which modern Nigerian life increasingly depends…

Dr. Sani Sa’idu Baba writes from Kano, and can be reached via drssbaba@yahoo.com

Continue Reading

Featured

Ooni of Ife, Wife Welcome Twin Sons

Published

on

By

The Ooni of Ife, Adeyeye Ogunwusi, has announced the birth of twin princes with his wife Mariam Ajibola, to the Royal House of Oduduwa.

The monarch disclosed this in a post shared on his official Facebook page on Friday, expressing gratitude to God for the safe delivery of the children and the wellbeing of their mother.

“To God be all the glory and adoration for His wondrous works and abundant blessings once again.

The announcement has drawn congratulatory messages from admirers and members of the Yoruba royal institution celebrating the arrival of the newborn princes.

After his marriage to Naomi Silekunola ended, the Ooni married several queens within a short period in 2022.

Among the queens are Mariam Anako, Elizabeth Akinmuda, Tobiloba Phillips, Ashley Adegoke, Ronke Ademiluyi and Temitope Adesegun.

During celebrations marking his 48th birthday and seventh coronation anniversary, the monarch explained that his marriages were connected to the traditional heritage and responsibilities attached to the throne of Ile-Ife.

Continue Reading

Featured

“Siddon Look” Policy of Chief Bola Ige As a Panacea for Nigeria’s Current Democratic Malaise

Published

on

By

By Hon. Femi Kehinde

Chief James Ajibola Idowu Ige, SAN, popularly known as the “Cicero of Esa-Oke,” was one of Nigeria’s most influential legal minds and political figures. He was a master orator, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), and a key player in both the First and Second Republics. He had seen and fought many political battles in his lifetime.

In the first Republic, during his tumultuous period, he was the Federal Publicity Secretary of the Action Group in 1962. He was affable, charismatic and a consummate lawyer. He was a polyglot and had seen many wards of the Nigerian prison, but was never battle weary. As a democrat per excellence and an Awoist, who believed in a just, humane and egalitarian society, he lived his life within the ambience of those principled stance until he was murdered in his Solemilia Court home in Bodija, Ibadan on the 23rd December, 2001. Through his political binoculars, he could easily discern what may not be easily discernible by ordinary eye.

The Military overtook the democratic government of Nigeria on the 31st of December, 1983, and thus the collapse of the Second Republic, of which Bola Ige had been a prominent political player as the first democratically elected Executive Governor of Oyo State from the 1st October, 1979 to 30th September, 1983. He was subsequently clamped into various prison wards in Nigeria by the military government of General Muhammadu Buhari as Head of State.
After release from prison by the military government of General Ibrahim Babangida, Bola Ige, perhaps from the benefits of hindsight, refused to participate in the various transition programs of the military government, because he knew it would hit a Cul de sac, and rather would according to him, siddon look -(Sit down and look).

This “Siddon Look” policy was a strategic political stance adopted by Chief Bola Ige,during the transition program of General Sani Abacha in the mid1990s.This phrase, derived from the Nigerian Pidgin English “sit down and look,” perfectly captured a philosophy of tactical withdrawal and passive observation in the face of what Ige viewed as a fraudulent democratic process.

During the 1990s, General Sani Abacha initiated a transition-to-civil-rule program. However, many political observers and pro-democracy activists believed the process was designed to fail or to eventually “self-succeed” Abacha as a civilian president. This era was marked by the presence of five political parties, often mockingly referred to by Chief Bola Ige as the “five fingers of a leprous hand”, that were widely seen as subservient to the military junta.

Bola Ige, a staunch Awoist and leader within the Pan-Yoruba group Afenifere, refused to participate in the elections. His policy was built on several key principles.
Ige argued that engaging with the Abacha transition would lend legitimacy to an insincere and undemocratic process.Instead of active rebellion, which often led to imprisonment or exile during that regime, he advocated for staying quiet, observing the unfolding events, and waiting for the inevitable collapse of the flawed system. By “sitting down and looking,” Ige and his associates maintained their political integrity, positioning themselves as the alternative leadership once the military eventually exited.

The policy became a defining characteristic of the progressive opposition in Nigeria at the time. While some critics argued that it left a vacuum for less-principled actors to fill, Ige’s foresight was largely vindicated when the transition program ended abruptly with Abacha’s death in June, 1998.

Following the transition to the Fourth Republic in 1999, the “Siddon Look” practitioners emerged with their reputations intact, allowing Ige to play a central role in the formation of the Alliance for Democracy (AD) and subsequently serve as the Attorney General of the Federation.

Interestingly today, the term remains a part of the Nigerian political lexicon, used to describe a deliberate choice to remain neutral or observant during a suspicious or chaotic event.

At the last convention of the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) held in Abeokuta on the 15th December 1983, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, a sage, philosopher, clairvoyant and visionary leader, bemoaning the fate of democracy in Nigeria, of which he had been a key player for almost five (5) decades, made an epochal speech that was purely valedictory and instructive.

The speech was delivered in the wake of the controversial 1983 general elections, where the UPN had lost to the ruling National Party of Nigeria (NPN) amidst widespread allegations of electoral malpractices.The NPN had become a behemoth capturing virtually all the states of Nigeria. The speech is often cited for its sharp critique of the Nigerian political state and its warning of impending instability.

Awolowo expressed deep disillusionment with the democratic process as it was then being practiced. He remarked:

“I do fervently and will continue fervently to pray that I may be proved wrong. But the present twilight of democracy, individual freedom, and the rule of law will change or might change into utter darkness. But after darkness, and this is a commonplace, comes a glorious dawn. It is, therefore, with a brave heart, with confident hope, and with faith in my unalterable destiny, that I go from this twilight into the darkness, unshaken in my trust in the Providence of God that a glorious dawn will come on the morrow.
“For something within me tells me, loud and clear, that we have embarked on a fruitless search. At the end of the day, when we imagine that the new order is here, we would be terribly disappointed.
In other words, at the threshold of our new social order, we would see for ourselves that, as long as Nigerians remain what they are, nothing clean, principled, ethical, and idealistic can work with them.
I venture to assert that the ills of the nation will not be exorcised, and indeed they will be firmly entrenched, unless God Himself imbues a vast majority of us with a revolutionary change of attitude to life and politics… or unless we succumb to permanent social instability and chaos.”

On the moral Crisis of the leadership, Awolowo argued that the failure of the Second Republic was not just a failure of the ballot box, but a failure of character:

“It is a sad and painful thing to observe that, in our country today, the more highly placed a man is, the more likely he is to be a liar, a cheat, and a deceiver. We have reached a stage where truth is regarded as an enemy, and where the man who speaks it is hounded as a rebel or a nuisance.
As long as we continue to elevate mediocrity and corruption over merit and integrity, the search for a stable democracy will remain an exercise in futility. We must realize that no constitution, however perfect, can work in the hands of men who have no conscience.”

One of the most technical parts of the speech dealt with the mismanagement of the national treasury. He warned that the “landslide” victory would lead to a “landslide” economic collapse:

“I have warned before, and I warn again: our economy is bleeding to death. The reckless spending, the unbridled importation of luxuries, and the total neglect of our productive sectors have brought us to the brink of a precipice.
The current administration (NPN) has turned our foreign reserves into a personal fund for a few. Very soon, the naira will lose its value, and the common man, who was promised ‘Green Revolution’ rice, will find that he can no longer afford to even smell it. The day of reckoning is not years away; it is at the door.”

On the Future of the UPN and His Own Role, as many were calling for him to lead a protest or an insurrection, Awolowo’s paragraphs took a more philosophical, almost valedictory tone:

“Some of you ask, ‘Papa, what do we do now?’ My answer is simple: remain steadfast in the truth. We in the UPN have played our part. We have offered the people Free Education, Free Health, and Integrated Rural Development. If the people have been robbed of these, the responsibility lies with the robbers, and the consequence will be borne by the nation.
I have fought the good fight. I have finished my course. Whether I am here to see the new social order or not, I am satisfied that the seeds we have sown are imperishable. They will grow, and they will flourish, long after the noise of today’s ‘winners’ has been silenced by history.”

Awolowo furthered in his 1983-period reflections by predicting that the people would eventually reclaim their destiny:

“A time will come when the misery of the people will become unbearable, they will then rise by themselves to demand a redirection of their destinies.
My adversaries might say, ‘Who am I to think that if I am sidelined the country might suffer?’ The point, of course, is that the spirit of man knows no barrier, never dies, and can be projected to any part of the world. I am confident that the ideals of social justice and individual liberty which I hold dear, will continue to be projected until they are realized in our lifetime.”

He ended the speech with a call to personal resilience, moving from the political to the spiritual:

“Let no man’s heart fail him. The history of the world is a history of the struggle between light and darkness. For now, the darkness seems to have the upper hand. But I tell you, even in this gloom, I see the rays of a glorious dawn.
My trust in the Providence of God is unshaken. I go into the twilight with a clear conscience, knowing that I have never once compromised the interests of the common man for a mess of pottage. To God be the glory.”

Some few years thereafter, specifically on the 9th of May, 1987, Chief Obafemi Awolowo passed on to join the saints triumphant at the age of 78 years, as if he had lived for a century in the service of mankind. His good deeds still lives after him.

In this present Nigeria political conundrum, the voice of Obafemi Awolowo still echoes and reverberates. The Nigerian political space, in its present disillusionment, still remains a huge cause for concern to every discerning mind.

Oyelagbawo Comprehensive High School is a secondary educational institution located in the Babalomo community within the Ifelodun Local Government Area of Kwara State, Nigeria. The School was patterned after the popular Comprehensive High School, Ayetoro, in present day Ogun State, that was established in 1963, by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), the Ford Foundation, the defunct Western Region Government, through the ideas of the founding Fathers- Chief B. Shomade and Dr. Adams Skepson.

However, the name of the school “Oyelagbawo”- Elders are usually far-sighted, and its choice of location “Babalomo”- God knows, are very instructive to our present political malaise as a search point and the need for elders’ introspective look into our present political firmament. What an elder sees while sitting down, a young man from the rooftop of a twenty-five (25) storey Cocoa House, Ibadan, may certainly not see it.

With the monstrous Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), one would still insist that fair play is lost when in a football match between IICC Shooting Stars FC Ibadan and Rangers International FC Enugu. The IICC Shooting stars FC Ibadan is asked to pick the Referee for the match. Oyelagbawo!

In the Yoruba epic film, “Saworoide”, the centerpiece of Tunde Kelani’s 1999 masterpiece, is the mystical talking drum adorned with brass bells, which gives the movie its name- “Saworo” meaning brass bell” and “Ide” meaning brass.

In the fictional town of Jogbo, this drum is much more than a musical instrument. It is a sacred tool of political accountability and spiritual law. The drum acts as a check and balance system.

In Saworoide, the late Alagba Adebayo Faleti plays the character Baba Opalaba, the palace bard and official praise singer, Akigbe to the King of Jogbo. While his role begins as a traditional functionary of the court, it carries significant weight in the film’s exploration of power, ethics, and the duty of the intellectual.

As the palace bard, Baba Opalaba is the custodian of the town’s oral history. He doesn’t just sing praises; he recites the Oriki (lineage epithets) that reminds the King of his ancestors and the weight of the crown. His presence gives the monarchy its cultural legitimacy, framing the King’s authority within the long-standing traditions of Jogbo.

In Yoruba palace culture, the bard is one of the few people allowed to speak truth to power, albeit through metaphors and proverbs. Faleti portrays Opalaba with a quiet, observant dignity. He witnesses Oba Lapite’s descent into corruption and greed. Through his chants, he often inserts subtle warnings or reminders of the “Saworoide” pact, signaling that he knows the King has bypassed the sacred rituals.

One of the most poignant aspects of Faleti’s role is the depiction of the internal struggle of the courtier. He is part of the system, but he is not of the corruption. He serves the “Throne” rather than the “Man”. When Oba Lapite attempts to consolidate power through violence and theft, Opalaba’s discomfort is visible. He observed in a solemn voice and measured tone-
“Yo ma leyin
Oro yi yo ma leyin.
Ajan ti ele…”
That is, a great repercussion is imminent.

He represents the traditional elite who must navigate staying alive under a tyrant while trying to preserve the integrity of the culture they represent.

Beyond the script, Adebayo Faleti was a legendary Yoruba scholar, poet, and actor in real life. His casting brought an unmatched authenticity to the film. His command of the Yoruba language, the nuances, the tonal poetry, and the deep idioms, elevated the movie from a standard drama to a high-art cultural document.
When he speaks or chants in the film, he is not just acting; he is demonstrating the actual power of the Yoruba oral tradition to command attention and respect, even in a palace filled with soldiers and politicians.

Ultimately, Faleti’s role serves as a bridge between the mystical world (the drums and the crown) and the political world. He is the “memory” of the state, reminding both the audience and the characters that while kings may come and go, the culture and the consequences of their actions remain.

In a broader sense, the Saworoide is a powerful allegory for transparency and the power of the collective voice. Even today, it remains one of the most culturally significant symbols in Nigerian cinema, representing the idea that no leader, no matter how powerful, is above the “drums” of public accountability.

In a chanced encounter with Alagba Adebayo Faleti at the Solemilia Court home of Chief Bola Ige, Bodija, Ibadan, in February, 1999, I had a raw experience of Faleti’s interventionist role in human conduct as a soothsayer. Chief Bola Ige was meant to travel abroad and was to leave Ibadan that morning to Lagos. It was few days to the Presidential primary of the Alliance for Democracy (AD) of which Bola Ige and Olufalaye were contestants.

A leader in my constituency, Bashorun Saliu Akanni, had informed me of the need to pick him from Oluponna to Ibadan to see Chief Bola Ige before he travels to Lagos that morning for his intending trip abroad. According to him, he had some words of advice for Chief Bola Ige and he wished that I listen to the conversation. Dutifully, I picked him up and we arrived Chief Bola Ige’s house few minutes to 8:00 o’clock in the morning. Chief Bola Ige was ready for the trip to Lagos and we met him at the antic sitting room. Bashorun Akanni told Chief Bola Ige of his mission and gave him a letter and also repeated the content of the letter. In the letter, he advised Chief Bola Ige to shelve his proposed trip abroad to a later date after the presidential primary of the AD.

We were on this brief discussion when Alagba Bayo Faleti breezed into the antic sitting room. Bola Ige welcomed him enthusiastically and said “Seriki, o ma ku ojo meta. I’m on my way out of Ibadan for a trip to the United States”. And Seriki replied him, “Exactly! That was why I came around this morning to advise you against your trip abroad, and to delay your trip ‘til after the outcome of your presidential primary of the AD”. Bashorun Akanni, Chief Bola Ige and myself were surprised that Seriki was on the same direction with Akanni.

The outcome of the presidential primary did not favour Chief Bola Ige and he was already abroad. My respect for Oloye Bayo Faleti blossomed after the outcome of the AD primary presidential election at the D-Rovans Hotel, Ibadan, where majority of the members of the Electoral College were Bola Ige’s bosom friends and loyalists. Oyelagbawo!

May the sacred voice of our Elders now provide for us a complete direction, otherwise we may all echo the words of Professor Olarotimi in his epic play “Our Husband Has Gone Mad Again”!

Hon. (Barr.) Femi Kehinde, MHR is a
Former Member, House of Representatives, National Assembly, Abuja (1999-2003), representing Ayedire-Iwo-Olaoluwa Federal Constituency of Osun State and Principal Partner, Femi Kehinde & Co. Solicitors, Ibadan, Oyo State

Continue Reading

Trending