Headline

Pendulum: 30 Years of Living and Working in Lagos (Part 4)

Published

8 years ago

May 26, 2018

Eric

By Dele Momodu

Fellow Nigerians, it is now four weeks that I have been educating and entertaining you about my 30 eventful years as a journalist and businessman in Lagos. My supersonic and meteoric journey was seemingly cut short by the three years I was forced to spend in exile, during the draconian government of General Sani Abacha. I ended my epistle to you last week at the point I arrived Accra, Ghana, in the evening of July 25, 1995. Let me say it loud and clear, I fell instantly in love with Ghana. By the time I woke up the following morning, I had to do two things; find my way around Accra to locate and meet the few friends I had on ground and link up with my amazing friends in England who were already meeting, planning and raising funds for me to fly out of Accra to London. I remain eternally indebted to so many people, most of them much younger. They stood by me like the Rock of Gibraltar.

First, I headed to the Osu area of Accra where the Abiolas had a company headed by Dele Gbajumo, who took care of me and treated me like a king. Then, I meandered my way to find an old Ghanaian friend, Fritz Baffour who had lived in Nigeria, but returned home to become a famous man. He gave me an Akwaaba reception immediately we reunited, showed me round important places and introduced me to distinguished personalities. My love for President Jerry John Rawlings started from my short sojourn in Ghana. I was impressed by his work. Little did I know we’ll be good friends in the near future. I enjoyed those three days spent in Ghana but was truly troubled by the country I had left behind in the hands of some adventurous, blood-sucking soldiers. On the evening of July 28, 1995, I boarded a British Airways flight from Accra to London Gatwick. At the Kotoka International Airport, Accra, I ran into the Editor-in-Chief of Tell magazine, Nosa Igiebor. We greeted warmly, as always. I soon discovered he was also heading into exile. Our flight took off and landed safely in London.

My friends were waiting anxiously for my arrival in London. I must say, I’m richly blessed by kind-hearted friends. They did everything humanly possible to ensure I did not feel too miserable. I stayed for several months in the home of Olugbenga and Ayo Olunloyo. Olugbenga is the son of the great mathematician and former Governor of Oyo State, Dr Victor Omololu Olunloyo. I felt completely at home. Our friends came every evening from work to arrange barbecue and all sorts for me. The next headache was how to get my wife and first son, who was under one year old, out of Nigeria. I urged my wife to take the NADECO route but the stubborn Christian insisted God would clear the way for them through the Murtala Muhammed International Airport. The risk was huge, but she went ahead. Meanwhile, I waited anxiously and with great trepidation on the other side and could not sleep all night, like a victim of insomnia. I left early for Gatwick Airport and waited with bated breath for my darling wife and adorable son. I saw many known and unknown Nigerians come into the Arrivals Hall having passed through Immigration and Customs, but my wife and son took almost forever in showing up. I had turned into jelly, shaking and sweating simultaneously. Telephones were not that common in those days so I wasn’t even sure they were allowed to board the flight. I was about giving up and resigning to fate when they emerged from the belly of the airport. My innocent son was obviously enjoying himself on top of a trolley while his mum pushed him along with their luggage. The sight of them was such a great relief!

We left the airport thanking God, while my wife regaled me with the drama that unfolded as they headed to the boarding gate in Lagos. They were stopped by security agents who stared at their passports for eternity. One of them asked if she was Dele Momodu’s wife and running away too, and she froze on the spot wondering if she should deny me like Peter denied Jesus but she kept mute. Then the unbelievable happened and the guys waved them off as if mesmerised by the Holy Spirit. My wife would not let me rest about the efficacy of prayers and I’ve come to accept her as our prayer warrior in the family. I believe God will call us soon and our dream church will come one day. Anyway, that was how we settled in London.

I soon joined other dissidents in London that included, Bola Tinubu, Alani Akinrinade, Dan Suleman, John Oyegun, Bolaji Akinyemi, Wale Osun, Peter Obadan, Tokunbo Afikuyomi, and others. Life was tough and brutish. Many of us lived from hand to mouth and those who had something shared with others. We lived more like communists. I will never forget the interventions of Bola Tinubu in particular. I was a regular in his flat with access to his kitchen where I cooked and ate whatever was available, plus I gladly consumed his varied assortment of drinks. My friend, Orji Kalu, came around from time to time and made sure we met and had dinner either at his home in North Finchley or somewhere in the West End. He was kind and never abandoned me. Kalu and Tinubu even attended the christening of our second son in July 1996.

We spent months hoping against hope that some miracle would happen and Abacha would relax his grip on power. But it remained a pipe dream and mirage. Nothing of the sort happened. The winner of the June 12, 1993 Presidential election, Moshood Abiola, remained in detention and solitary confinement. The worst soon happened, in many ways. Abiola’s beautiful and dutiful wife, Kudirat was murdered in cold blood on the streets of Lagos. The Ogoni Rights Movement leader, Ken Saro-Wiwa was sentenced to death and ignominiously hanged. Papa Alfred Rewane was shot dead in his bedroom. It was bad news galore. Almost on daily basis, terrible and tragic news came from home. We met fellow rebels occasionally at the Quadrangle, somewhere off Edgware Road and deliberated on strategies that can free Nigeria from servitude and oppression. We did what we could. Meanwhile, my main offence, which led to me fleeing Nigeria, was that I was falsely accused of being one of the brains behind Radio Freedom, which later became Radio Kudirat. Though I had some information about its operations, I was not one of the operatives whilst I was in Nigeria. The main man then was Kayode Fayemi. I knew two other friends who were heavily involved in the clandestine project, Richie Dayo Johnson and George Noah. I would later join them. I passionately ran the Yoruba programmes and got a lady to do some Hausa versions intermittently.

The biggest challenge was how to liberate the uncrowned President-in-waiting, Moshood Abiola. We toyed with all manner of plots including meeting with Germans, by Bola Tinubu and I. The Germans promised they could carry out some Entebbe-like operation similar to the one by the Israelis in the days of Idi Amin Dada of Uganda. I must doff my hat to the commitment and dare-devilry of Bola Tinubu once he embarks on any assignment. I witnessed this first hand and hope to elaborate more in my autobiography later. He put in so much and his home in New Cavendish was a Mecca of sorts for most dissidents.

On a personal note, I had to fight a different kind of battle. How to look after my family. I must specially thank the British Government for the incredible support we were given. I’m not sure of a better and greater country when it comes to looking after refugees like us. I applied for asylum and got powerful supportive letters from Nobel laureate Wole Soyinka and Kayode Fayemi who both confirmed my status in the political struggle to the Home Office in Croydon. Mercifully, I was granted full asylum by the British Government and was given refugee passports for myself and my family. Also, my cousin, Olusegun Fatoye miraculously spoke to me about finding something to do while domiciled in London. His idea and suggestion was that I should set up a magazine in London since that was my area of core competence back home in Nigeria. Not a problem. Trouble was where and how to raise funds. Our business plan showed we needed about £150,000 but if you sold our family, from first generation to the last, it was just impossible to raise that amount. And no bank was going to risk a loan on a brand new media company. My Uncle Chief Fatoye was God-sent as he scraped his account to drop the first £10,000 that launched Ovation. A few family members and friends scotched their accounts to bring out whatever they could put in. These were true believers in the dream that we could produce and deliver a world class publication.

We got a posh office in Docklands and this is another interesting story that must be told fully in the near future. The very day we moved in and we were having celebratory drinks, a bomb exploded next door. We all jumped up and started sprinting like Ben Johnson. “Abacha, Abacha, Abacha…” I screamed. I thought Abacha was on our trail to London. Unknown to us the bomb had been detonated by the Irish Republican Army (IRA). That was our baptism of fire. We were lucky that our building at Beaufort Court was bomb-proof and we were able to return the following week. The journey of how we assembled our team, did our best production, managed to print the maiden issue, the endless battle with bailiffs over our piling debts, and our eventual break and triumph are best reserved for my book. We give God all the glory for sustaining us.

A TOAST TO SIR SHINA PETERS AT 60

Here is a special tribute to one of Africa’s most gifted musicians, Sir Shina Peters, composer, multi-instrumentalist, singer and Afro-Juju creator. The story of our journey together is long and exciting. Our first encounter was a case of love at first time. He was launching his ACE album at the Railway Club in Ebute-Meta and I was asked to represent Concord newspaper, by our Managing Director, Doyinsola Abiola. It was a big carnival and that was where I met the footballer, John Fashanu, for the first time. Shina and I established a tight bond from then on. I wrote copiously about him in Weekend Concord which was the highest circulating paper at the time. I wrote the story that gave him the title SHINAMANIA for his second album. Shina was the craze in town.

He was the rave of the moment and we celebrated him endlessly. At a point, he was signed on by SONY Music where Keji Okunowo was Managing Director. I was appointed his public relations consultant. His biggest fan was Chief, Moshood Abiola, my boss and mentor. During my wedding in December 1992, Shina Peters was my Bestman. I actually had two Bestmen – Kunle Bakare was the other. We shared many fond memories at home and abroad. Shina brought together a new group of what we called yuppies in town, Aliko Dangote, Femi Otedola, Mohammed Gobir, Lanre Tejuoso, Segun Awolowo, Ayo Subair, Wale Otubanjo, Hosa Okunbo, Rotimi George-Taylor, and many others. It was unlimited fun at the popular hangout in Stadium Hotel Surulere, Lagos.

Shina exploded like an atomic bomb on the Nigerian music scene. I’m not sure anyone else has been able to cause such volcanic eruption. It a great tribute to the uniqueness of his music that he has succeeded in maintaining his stardom and he is still one of Nigeria’s iconic entertainers.

On May 30, 2018, my dear friend and Brother will be celebrated by the high society of Lagos, in a grand reception at the Federal Palace Hotel, Victoria Island. Let me hasten to warn potential gate-crashers, of which there will be many, that the bash is strictly by invitation.

Help me raise a toast to good health and prosperity for SIR SHINA PETERS AT 60…

Headline

Who’s Afraid of New Electoral Act?

Published

7 hours ago

February 8, 2026

Eric

By Eric Elezuo

The furore generated with the passing of the Electoral Bill 2026 by the Nigerian Senate, is yet to die down as various groups, sections and institutions, have continued to lend their voices in condemnation of the tactical removal of the proposed real-time electronic transmission of results.

The Civil Society Organisations and Action Aid have declared a protest to kickoff on Monday, February 9, 2026, titled Occupy NASS Protest, until the Senate find reason to listen to Nigerians, and do what is right, and that aligned with the aspirations of Nigerians, according Samson Itodo, the Executive Director of YIAGA Africa.

In the same vein, the African Democratic Congress has pledged to begin a protest in Abuja on Monday over the removal of real-time clause in the new electoral bill.

The Senate, on Wednesday, passed the Electoral Bill 2026 following hours of debate, but ended up rejecting a proposal to mandate real-time electronic transmission of election results while however, approving significant reforms to election timelines, penalties for electoral offences and voting technology.

The Boss learnt that at the centre of the controversy was Section 60, which governs the transmission of polling unit results, where the Senators voted down a recommendation by the Senate Committee on Electoral Matters that would have compelled presiding officers to upload results to the INEC Result Viewing (IReV) portal in real time. The rejection has drawn the irk of majority of Nigerians, who have have wondered if anyone is actually afraid of the new electoral law? If yes, who? And what could be the reason behind such fears as the need to regulate a hitchfree and smooth and fair electoral process have remained the goal and aspirations of politically savvy Nigerian.

But the lawmakers, contrary to the yearnings of most Nigerians, have retained the approach in the 2022 Electoral Act, which allows electronic transmission after votes are counted and publicly announced at the polling unit. In other words, giving approval to transfer of results instead of transmit in real-time of results.

In their defence however, Senators opposing the real-time upload argued that inconsistent network coverage and logistical challenges could trigger legal disputes and undermine electoral credibility.

The rejected proposal was contained in the new Clause 60(5) of the draft bill, which aimed to mandate presiding officers to electronically transmit polling unit results in real time after completing and signing Form EC8A.

The clause was designed to strengthen transparency and reduce electoral malpractice through technology-driven result management.

The motion to reject the electronic transmission clause was swiftly seconded by the Deputy President of the Senate, Barau Jibrin.

Similarly, the Senate also rejected a proposed amendment under Clause 47 that would have allowed voters to present electronically-generated voter identification, including a downloadable voter card with a unique Quick Response (QR) code, as a valid means of accreditation.

In his defensive remarks, the Chairman of the Senate Committee on Media and Public Affairs, Adeyemi Adaramodu, described the debate as a process subjected to an invisible world of semantics.

“Electronic transmission remains part of the law,” he said, “and results will continue to be available to the public both electronically and through physical forms, ensuring verifiable records for disputes,” Adaramodu said.

In his own defence, President of the Senate, Godswill Akpabio, though admitted that the Senate deliberately deleted the provision for “real-time” transmission of election results from the Electoral Bill, 2026, noted however, that the Senate took the decision because it believed that “technology must save and not endanger democracy.”

Speaking at the launch of a book, “The Burden of Legislators in Nigeria”, authored by Senator Effiong Bob, in Abuja, Akpabio likened the issues raised in the book to the challenges faced by lawmakers in the course of their duties, including the controversy and alleged “abuses” directed at the Senate following the passage of the electoral bill.

The Senate President argued that the entire country could be thrown into chaos if, for instance, network or power failure affected the uploading of results.

He insisted that Form EC8A and other official election records should remain the most reliable means of declaring results.

“All we said was to remove the word ‘real-time’ to allow INEC decide the mode of transmission. If you make it mandatory and there is a system failure, there will be a serious problem,” Akpabio told the gathering, further confirming that the bill, as passed, excluded real-time electronic transmission of results.

Continuing, he said, “Real-time means that if there are nine states where there is no network, does it mean elections will not take place there?

“Or in any part of the country where there is a grid breakdown, does it mean there will be no election?”

The Senate President sounded a note of warning to Nigerians amid outrage, saying the legislature would not be “intimidated” into passing a faulty law simply to please opposition political parties, civil society groups and non-governmental organisations (NGOs).

He criticised NGOs for insisting that because they organised retreats for lawmakers, where ideas were exchanged on the electoral bill, the Senate must adopt their positions, even if such positions did not align with the interests of all segments of the country.

“Why are people setting up panels on television stations and abusing senators? I leave them to God.

“We will not be intimidated but will do what is right for Nigeria, not what one NGO says. A retreat is not law-making.

“Why do you think that the paper you agreed to in Lagos must be what we must approve?” he asked.

Akpabio frowned at the public attacks on the Senate, saying they were uncalled for, and stressing that any provision rejected by the Senate could be reinstated by the Conference Committee of the Senate and the House of Representatives. He said there was therefore no need to hastily criticise senators.

“We have not even completed it until we look at the votes and proceedings. When we bring out the votes and proceedings, any senator has the right to rise and amend it.

“We can amend anything before we approve the votes and proceedings. Why abuse the Senate when what we have is incomplete?

“I can’t talk until they tell me to drop the gavel. In this case, we are yet to complete the process,” he said.

Besides Akpabio’s defences, many groups and individuals have risen stoutly against the removal of the real-time electronic transmission clause, describing the act as irresponsible and detrimental to the feeling of Nigerians.

In his reaction, the National Chairman of the main opposition party, African Democratic Congress (ADC) Senator David Mark, who himself, was a Senate President, and was also present at the book launch, cautioned Akpabio against speaking for the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).

“What the ADC is saying is: pass the law and let INEC decide whether it can implement real-time electronic transmission or not. Don’t speak for INEC.

“The position of the ADC is clear: pass the bill and let INEC decide what it will do with it,” Mark harped.

Reacting also, a former governor of Anambra State and presidential candidate of the Labour Party in the 2023 presidential election, Mr. Peter Obi, delivered knocks to the Senate for the rejection, noting that the Senate decision to stick to the 2022 Electoral Act, which concedes the discretion to apply electronic transmission of results to the Independent National Electoral Commission ( INEC), is an assault on democracy.

In a lengthy post in X titled, “We Continue to Confirm our ‘Now Disgraced Status’ as a Nation?” the now ADC chieftain expressed concern that while other nations have embraced the practise of electronic transmission of results, “the supposed giant of Africa, shamelessly lags behind, dragging the continent backwards.”

He wrote: “Let us all pause and pray for the souls of over 150 innocent lives lost in Kwara yesterday. This tragedy is precisely why I delayed commenting on the outrageous and shameful news surrounding our electoral system.

“The Senate’s blatant rejection of mandatory electronic transmission of election results is an unforgivable act of electoral manipulation ahead of 2027.

“This failure to pass a clear safeguard is nothing short of a deliberate assault on Nigeria’s democracy. By rejecting these essential transparency measures, they are eroding the very foundation of credible elections. “One must ask: Does the government exist to ensure order and justice, or to institutionalise chaos? Is its purpose to serve the people, or to fulfil the sinister ambitions of a select few?

“The turmoil, disputes, and manipulations that plagued past elections, especially the 2023 general election, stemmed directly from the refusal to fully implement electronic transmission.

“Nigerians were fed excuses of a fabricated “glitch” that never existed. While numerous African nations adopt electronic transmission to bolster democracy, Nigeria, the supposed giant of Africa, shamelessly lags behind, dragging the continent backwards.

“We are wasting time hosting conferences and drafting papers on Nigeria’s problems while we, the leaders and elite, are the real issue. Our deliberate resistance to reform is pulling the country backwards, dragging us toward a primitive state of governance.

“By rejecting mandatory electronic transmission—a critical safeguard for electoral integrity—we are entrenching disorder aimed at perpetuating confusion according to the whims of a small clique. Have we not reached a point where we must think seriously about the future of our country and our children? Should leadership not focus on building a credible, orderly, and livable nation for the next generation, rather than one permanently ensnared in chaos?

“When the former Prime Minister of the UK, aware of our history, labelled us “fantastically corrupt,” we reacted defensively. When President Donald Trump declared us a “now disgraced nation,” we were incensed. Yet, with every act of resistance against transparency and reform, we continue to affirm their claims. Those responsible will later point fingers at others for harming the country while they quietly suffocate its potential.

“Let there be no illusion, the criminality witnessed in 2023 will not be tolerated in 2027. Nigerians everywhere must start getting ready to rise up, resist, and reject the backward trajectory, legitimately and decisively reclaim our country from the clutches of deliberate malevolence.

“The International community must take heed of this groundwork for continued future electoral manipulation, endangering our democracy and development.”

Another respondent, Akin Osuntokun, who was the Labour Party campaign DG in 2023, noted that the removal is an affront to democracy.

“It (Rejection of e-transmission of election results) does not portend good omen, it does not portend good for the growth of democracy in Nigeria.

“The growth of democracy is rooted in accountability and the integrity of elections.

“So anything that makes elections less accountable makes the election less credible. Automatically, it is a drag and an obstruction of the growth of democracy in Nigeria.

“It does not serve the purpose of democratic consolidation, so far as the elections that are conducted on that basis will not meet the bar or threshold of credible election,” Osuntokun said while fielding questions from NAN.

Also, opposition senators have stepped out as a group, insisting that the Senate passed the Act with provision of real-time in it, stressing that anything other than that, is not a document from the Senate.

In the midst of the public outrage, Akpabio has insisted that senate did not remove or reject electronic transmission, clarifying that it cannot guarantee the transmission of results in real time hence the omission of the status of ‘real-time’.

While presiding over the debate session, Akpabio also dismissed claims that electronic transmission had been removed, emphasising that “Retaining that provision means electronic transmission remains part of our law.”

WHAT THE SENATORS CONSIDERED APPROPRIATE FOR THE ELECTORAL BILL

But beyond the brouhaha of real-time electronic transmission, other major amendments to Nigeria’s electoral calendar were approved by the Senate.

The election notice period was reduced from 360 days to 180 days, the deadline for submission of party candidate lists was shortened from 120 to 90 days, and the nomination period was cut from 180 to 90 days.

To deter electoral malpractice, the fine for unlawful possession of voters’ cards was increased from N500,000 to N5 million, though the Senate rejected a proposal for a 10-year ban on vote-buyers, opting for stiffer financial penalties instead. The smart card reader was officially removed from the electoral framework and replaced with the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS).

Under the retained provisions, presiding officers are required to count votes at the polling unit, record results on prescribed forms, announce them publicly and transmit them electronically to the appropriate collation centre.

The e-transmission of results, if approved, would have required INEC presiding officers to upload results from each polling unit to the IReV portal in real time, immediately after completing Form EC&A, which must be signed and stamped by the presiding officer and countersigned by party agents.
Instead, the senators chose to retain the present Electoral Act provision, which mandates that “the presiding officer shall transfer the results, including the total number of accredited voters and the results of the ballot, in a manner as prescribed by the Commission.”

The Senate further upheld the provision mandating the use of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) or any other technological device prescribed by INEC for voter verification and authentication, rather than allowing alternative digital identification methods as proposed in the new bill.

With these decisions, the Senate reaffirmed the use of PVC and BVAS-based accreditation while rejecting efforts to expand digital voter identification and make electronic transmission of results compulsory.

Meanwhile, while Nigerians are planning to occupy NASS beginning from Monday, the Senate has called an emergency plenary for which the agenda is hitherto unknown, but related to votes and proceedings. It is interesting time in the Nigerian political circle now.

The bone of contention has remained ‘real-time’, and Nigerians continue to ask, ‘who is afraid of new electoral act’?

Headline

Senate Passes Electoral Bill 2026, Rejects Real-time Electronic Transmission of Results

Published

4 days ago

February 5, 2026

Eric

The Senate, yesterday, passed the Electoral Bill 2026 following hours of robust debate. But it rejected a proposal to mandate real-time electronic transmission of election results while approving significant reforms to election timelines, penalties for electoral offences and voting technology.

At the centre of the controversy was Section 60, which governs the transmission of polling unit results. Senators voted down a recommendation by the Senate Committee on Electoral Matters that would have compelled presiding officers to upload results to the INEC Result Viewing (IReV) portal in real time.

Instead, lawmakers retained the approach in the 2022 Electoral Act, which allows electronic transmission after votes are counted and publicly announced at the polling unit.

Relatedly, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), which concluded work on the timetable and schedule of activities for the 2027 general election, is unable to release it due to ongoing amendments to the Electoral Act by the National Assembly.

It also identified the inclusion of deceased persons on the voters’ register, prompting plans for a nationwide verification exercise.

On its part, the African Democratic Congress (ADC) raised the alarm over the National Assembly’s delay in passing the Electoral Act amendments, warning that the situation could expose political parties to technical and legal pitfalls ahead of the 2027 general elections.

Under the retained provisions, presiding officers are required to: count votes at the polling unit, record results on prescribed forms, announce them publicly and transmit them electronically to the appropriate collation centre.

Copies must also be provided to polling agents and security personnel where available. Violators face fines of up to N500,000 or a minimum of six months’ imprisonment.

Senators opposing the real-time upload argued that inconsistent network coverage and logistical challenges could trigger legal disputes and undermine electoral credibility.

Chairman of the Senate Committee on Media and Public Affairs, Adeyemi Adaramodu, described the debate as largely semantic.

Beyond the transmission debate, the Senate approved far-reaching amendments to Nigeria’s electoral calendar. The election notice period was reduced from 360 days to 180 days, the deadline for submission of party candidate lists was shortened from 120 to 90 days, and the nomination period was cut from 180 to 90 days.

INEC Chairman, Prof Joash Amupitan, noted the delay yesterday in Abuja at INEC’s first quarterly consultative meeting with Civil Society Organisations (CSOs).

The clause was designed to strengthen transparency and reduce electoral malpractice through technology-driven result management.

The motion to reject the electronic transmission clause was swiftly seconded by the Deputy President of the Senate, Barau Jibrin.

The Guardian

Headline

Wike Remains Undisputed Rivers APC, PDP Leader, Tinubu Rules

Published

6 days ago

February 3, 2026

Eric

President Bola Tinubu has, again, intervened to halt the escalating feud between Rivers State Governor, Siminalayi Fubara, and his predecessor and estranged godfather, Nyesom Wike.

The peace deal came after months of failed settlements that had pushed the state to the brink of governorship impeachment, legislative paralysis, and prolonged instability.

The president had previously intervened in the rift between Fubara and Wike in December 2023, when he brokered a fragile peace, which broke down soon after, leading the declaration of a six-month emergency rule in the state on March 18, 2025 by Tinubu and suspension of the governor.

However, in the fresh push to defuse one of the country’s most combustible political disagreements in recent times, Tinubu ordered an immediate suspension of any impeachment moves against Fubara, but with very strict conditions.

Multiple highly placed sources familiar with the issue told THISDAY that Tinubu, who acted just before departing for an official trip to Türkiye on January 26, laid down the political terms aimed at restoring peace between the two key political actors in Rivers State, a state seen as critical to the president’s re-election in 2027.

Tinubu’s intervention came with a blunt message to Fubara: Wike remains the undisputed political leader of the party, whether APC or Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in Rivers State, and he must be respected in that regard.

THISDAY was told that the president, visibly displeased by the depth of the rift, despite his efforts in the past, warned that continued hostilities would undermine governance in the state and lead to instability, a situation Tinubu said he was not ready to condone.

Tinubu was said to have clearly told Wike to back off any impeachment plots against Fubara and allow governance in the state.

Fubara and his predecessor, Wike, have had a cat and mouse relationship just within months of the governor’s swearing into office in May 2023. What is now out in the open is that Wike, who personally engineered Fubara’semergence as his successor, has sought to control the levers of power from Abuja, while the governor has resisted what many see as the FCT minister’s chokehold on him.

The relationship began to fracture within months of Fubara’s inauguration, as the governor quietly sought to assert his independence, with political actors in the state immediately taking sides. Notably, in the ongoing fight, almost all the state lawmakers align with Wike.

Subsequently, attempts to impeach Fubara emerged from the pro-Wike group in the House of Assembly. Although the governor has tried to wriggle out of the situation several times, the shadows of impeachment continue to haunt him every time there is a disagreement with the minister.

Several efforts have been made to resolve the crisis, all of which failed to produce lasting peace. The failure of one of the peace meetings eventually led to the declaration of a state of emergency in the oil-rich state, which lasted six months.

While Wike’s camp continues to accuse Fubara of betrayal and political ingratitude, the governor’s allies argue that Rivers State cannot be run from outside the state by a former governor now serving as the FCT minister.

Still on the latest attempt to seek an end to the prolonged imbroglio, one insider recounted the president’s thinking, drawing a parallel with Lagos State, where Sanwo-Olu is the leader of the party.

Tinubu was said to have stated, “Is Babajide Sanwo-Olu my leader in Lagos, or was Babatunde Fashola my leader when he was governor?”, according to a source.

The president was equally said to have stated that Fubara should respect elders, saying Wike is an elder statesman in Rivers politics and should be regarded as such. Tinubu, one of the sources added, made it clear that political seniority could not be wished away because of personal disagreements.

As part of the peace deal, the president directed Wike and his camp to immediately halt all impeachment-related actions against Fubara, citing his overriding concern about stability in Rivers State.

In return, Fubara was instructed to make significant concessions. Chief among them was the formal recognition of Wike as the “political leader” in Rivers State, with final authority on party matters.

Sources said Tinubu stressed that all internal party disputes in the state must ultimately defer to Wike.

However, the complexity of Wike’s case is that he is not a card-carrying member of APC in Rivers State. Officially, he remains a member of the struggling opposition PDP, although he is a top minister under the ruling APC government – A position he has used to weaken his party, the PDP.

Besides, the understanding covered the upcoming state House of Assembly bye-elections in Rivers State. Tinubu directed that candidates loyal to Wike should be recognised by the APC leadership for the two vacant assembly seats. “It was explicitly stated that Wike has two candidates for the by-elections and that those candidates are to be recognised by the APC party structure,” one source said.

Already, Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has fixed February 21, 2026 for the contentious by-elections into Ahoada East II and Khana II State Constituencies of the state.

THISDAY learnt that while the Ahoada-East II seat became vacant following the resignation of its former occupant, Edison Ehie, who was appointed Chief of Staff (CoS) to Governor Fubara, the Khana II seat was vacant since the death of its lawmaker, Dinebari Loolo, in September 2023.

Notably, the sensitive issue of Fubara’s second term ambition also came up for deliberation, the source said, but was deliberately side-lined, with the president alleged to have said such discussions were too early for now. One source said Tinubu described any talk about the 2027 governorship in the state as still premature.

ThisDay/Arise News