Opinion
The Oracle: The Plateau State Legislators’ Debacle: Between Law and Justice
Published
2 years agoon
By
Eric
By Mike Ozekhome
INTRODUCTION
Error is becoming a norm in Nigeria. It has become our tradition. We have become a country of oddities; a country of one error per minute! We have become unshockable. Sadly, we spend the bulk of our time discussing inanities that ordinarily should not be heard in any serious forum. When some of us speak out boldly about these issues, some bootlickers, fawners and ego masseurs who seek favours from government of the day accuse us of partisanship; or of attacking national leadership; or Justices of the Court. Last year, in Kano State, for example, we read about a certified True Copy of a judgment of the Court of Appeal, affirming a judgment and simultaneously overruling it at the same time. The said judgment not only created great uncertainty, it also cast aspersions on the Judiciary and the legal profession, which are expected to set professional standards for others to follow. The earlier we addressed, boldly, these unfortunate anomalies emanating from our courts, the better for the legal profession and the entire Judiciary. Those who know or follow my works as a constitutional lawyer, human rights activist and Pan- Nigerian very well know that I defend the Nigerian judiciary passionately with every fiber in me. This is because the judiciary is the only and last hope of the common man and woman. But we must be careful not to allow sentiments becloud our true sense of judgement and thus get consumed by the ricocheting consequences. Some persons insist we are still learning. I thought learning leads to improvement? Like late legendary proverbsmith, Bashorun M.K.O. Abiola once metaphorically and laconically asked, if it takes a man 20 years to learn madness, how many years will he require to practise it? The focus of this write-up concerns not only about the serious implications of the recent Supreme Court judgement in Mutfwang & Anor v. Nentawe & Ors; SC/CV/1179/2023, (unreported), delivered on 12th January, 2024, to the effect that the nomination and sponsorship of a candidate are pre-election matters which constitute internal affairs of political parties, but also how the judgement highlights the grave injustice done to about 22 Legislators of Plateau State whose victories were snatched by the Election Tribunals and the Court of Appeal and handed over on a platter of gold to the APC losers. This is one judgement, aside the cases of Sen. Hope Uzodinma & Anor v. Rt. Hon. Emeka Ihedioha & Ors (2020) JELR 86967 (SC) and APC V. Sherriff & Ors (2023) LPELR – 59953 (SC), that have sparked national debates and which will never melt away in a hurry.
The article seeks to know how the said Supreme Court judgment in respect of the gubernatorial election in Plateau State re-iterating that the nomination and sponsorship of a candidate for any election is a pre-election matter and an internal affair of a political party, impinged on the earlier judgements of the intermediate court nullifying victories of 22 PDP Legislators and handing them over to APC Legislators.
THE BACKGROUND
Recall that the Court of Appeal had held that the failure of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to comply with the orders of the High Court of Plateau State, Jos, directing it to conduct valid ward, local government and state congress elections before nominating its candidate for the various elective posts in the state was an incurable fundamental flaw. Relying on this finding, the Election Tribunal, under a petition brought by the All Progressives Congress (APC) and its members sacked many lawmakers elected on the platform of the PDP. Under Section 246 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended), the Court of Appeal is the final Court of last resort on appeals emanating from the decisions of Election Petition Tribunals in disputes arising from the conduct, outcome and legality of National Assembly and States House of Assembly elections. The implication of this is that no appeal can be filed before the Supreme Court after the Court of Appeal had decided on the matter. However, as noted by the apex court in the recent judgment involving Governor Caleb Mutfwang of Plateau State, both the tribunal and the Court of Appeal were in grave error when they entertained the matter and the appeal respectively, as they lacked the requisite jurisdiction in the first instance.
GROUNDS FOR REMOVING LEGISLATORS
Can disobedience to a court order (which in any case was not correct, as found by the apex court in the Mutfwang Governorship appeal), be a ground to remove a legislator in the face of the clear provisions of sections 106 and 109 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended), which respectively deal with qualification and disqualification for the office of members of the House of Representatives and Assembly? I think not. A long line of cases vindicates me. See for example, Onor & Anor v. INEC & Ors; SC/CV/1194/2023; (Unreported), delivered on 12th January, 2024. Thus, as found by the Supreme Court both in the Muftwang case and Onor & Anor v. INEC & Ors (Supra), disobedience to an earlier order made by a court (which was not even the case in the two matters) is not one of the qualifying or disqualifying factors of a Governor or Legislator. In the Onor & Anor v. INEC & Ors (Supra) which I handled, the apex court held that the punishment for a disobedient party is to take up contempt proceedings as provided for in the Sheriff and Civil Process Act, CAP 407; LFN 1990; not to use it to disqualify an elected person and take away his victory. Thus, brings us to the issue of jurisdiction.
WHAT IS JURISDICTION?
Jurisdiction is the authority of a court to proceed with the adjudication of a dispute. In Attorney General of Anambra State vs. Attorney General of the Federation (2005) FWLR (PT. 268) 1557, I.T Muhammad, JSC, held that: “Jurisdiction to a court of law is equated to blood in a living animal. Jurisdiction is the blood that gives life to the survival of an action in a Court of law, without which the action will be like an animal that has been drained of its blood. It will cease to have life and any attempt to resuscitate it without infusing blood into it would be an exercise in futility.”
APC’S GROUSE BEFORE THE PLATEAU STATE ELECTION TRIBUNAL
The grouse of the APC and its members before the Plateau State Election Tribunal and the Court of Appeal was premised on what they alleged to be invalid primaries conducted by the PDP. They had argued that the PDP had no structure in Plateau State (whatever that meant). But the trite position of the law now is that the issue of membership, nomination, submission of forms and sponsorship of candidates for elections are internal affairs of a political party as clearly provided for in Section 84(1) & (14) of the Electoral Act, 2022. Section 84(14) of the Electoral Act makes provisions before whom and where any issue emanating from the conduct of the primaries can be determined. It is an Aspirant that participated in the primaries that can complain to the Federal High Court. No other party has the vires to. Thus, section 84(14) of the Electoral Act, 2022, provides:
“Notwithstanding the provisions of this Act or rules of a political party, an aspirant who complains that any of the provisions of this Act and the guidelines of a political have not been complied with in the selection or nomination of a candidate of a political party for election, may apply to the Federal High Court for redress.”
The appellate courts, in ringing tones, have upheld this trite position of the law in a plethora of cases: Enang v. Asuquo & Ors (2023) LPELR – 60042 (SC); Onubogu v. Anazonwu & Ors (2023) LPELR – 60288 (SC); Olabisi & Anor v. APC & Anor (2023) 59640 (CA); Odey v. APC & Ors (2023) LPELR – 59695 (CA); and Dickson v. LP & Ors (2023) LPELR – 60837 (CA). Indeed, the appellate courts have gone ahead to hold that a person or political party that attempts to peep through the fence to query the internal affairs of another political party wherein he /it was not a candidate in the primaries is nothing but a mere busy body and meddlesome interloper. See the cases of APC V. JEGA & Ors (2023) LPELR – 59866 (SC); Akpatason v. Adjoto & Ors (2019) LPELR – 48119 (SC); Daniel v. INEC & Ors (2015) LPELR – 24566 (SC); APGA & Ors V. APC & Anor (2023) LPELR – 59914 (CA); and PDP V. Edede & Anor (2022) LPELR-57480 (CA). Matters such as the Plateau Legislators cases where victories were snatched from the PDP winners and handed over to their opponents in the APC on a platter of gold were therefore carried out without the requisite jurisdiction of the Tribunals and the intermediate court. The Supreme Court said this much in the case of Mutfwang & Anor v. Nentawe & Ors (Supra).
CONSEQUENCES OF A COURT DETERMINING A MATTER WITHOUT JURISDICTION
It is trite law that any exercise carried out by a court of law without jurisdiction is a complete nullity. The tests for determining whether a court has the jurisdiction to adjudicate on a claim were laid down by the apex court in the causa celebre of Maduokolu vs. Nkemdilim (1962) 2 SCNLR 341. The apex court held in that case that a court is competent to adjudicate a claim when:
a. It is properly constituted concerning the number and qualification of its membership;
b. The subject matter of the action is within its jurisdiction;
c. The action is initiated by due process;
d. Any condition precedent to the exercise of its jurisdiction has been fulfilled.
ONLY A CO-ASPIRANT HAS THE LOCUS STANDI TO COMPLAIN
As clearly provided in Section 84(14) of the Electoral Act and Section 272 (3) of the 1999 Constitution, it is the Federal High Court and not an election tribunal that has the jurisdiction to adjudicate on pre-election issues and this must be carried out within 14 days. Also, it is only a co-aspirant in the primary being disputed that has the locus to challenge the conduct of the said primary; and not his opponent in another party. See the cases of Alahassan & Anor v. Ishaku & Ors (2016) LPELR – 40083 (SC); Otegbeye & Anor v. APC & Anor (2023) LPELR – 60030 (CA); Labour Party v. INEC & Ors (2023) LPELR – 60548 (CA); YPP V. APGA & Ors (2023) LPELR-59799 (CA); and Usman v. APC & Ors (2020) LPELR – 50308 (CA). Delivering his own judgement in the Mutfwang appeal (it was unanimous), Justice Emmanuel Agim held that the APC and its candidate who had challenged Mutfwang’s election were not members of the PDP and so could not competently challenge the primary elections held by the PDP. He also held that the tribunal and Court of Appeal lacked jurisdiction to have entertained the matter in the first place. He lectured further:
“The petition by the APC and its candidates is an abuse of the court process. I wonder why the matter came to court at all. This appeal is allowed. The legal profession should wake up or render itself irrelevant. The judgment of the Court of Appeal is set aside. My only worry is that a lot of people have suffered as a result of the Court of Appeal’s decision. It was absolutely wrong. The appeal is allowed.”
CHALLENGE TO PRIMARY ELECTION IS A PRE-ELECTION MATTER
Section 285(14) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999, as amended, particularly (a), (b) and (c), delineates the circumstances which come under pre-election matters and; which can be challenged within the electoral framework. It encompasses an Aspirant’s grievance regarding non-compliance with the Electoral Act; or National Assembly regulations during political party primaries; disputes by Aspirants concerning their participation; and compliance issues with the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). It also includes legal actions by political parties challenging INEC’s decisions, including disqualification of candidates; and complaints related to non-compliance with electoral laws in selection or nomination of candidates; election timetable; voter registration; and other preparatory activities for an election. See the cases of Anyakorah v. PDP & Ors (2022) LPELR-56876 (SC); APM V. INEC & Ors (2021) LPELR – 58375 (SC); Akpamgbo-Okadigbo & Ors v. Chidi & Ors (2015) LPELR – 24564 (SC); Salim v. CPC & Ors (2013) LPELR – 19928 (SC); Akinremi & Anor v. Suleiman & Ors (2022) LPELR – 56903 (CA); and APC V. Suleiman & Ors (2023) LPELR – 59911 (CA).
COURT OF APPEAL AS FINAL COURT ON LEGISLATORS’ MATTERS
It appears that the Court of Appeal being the Court of last resort in respect of all appeals from the decisions of election petition tribunals in disputes arising from the conduct, outcome and legality of National Assembly and States House of Assembly elections becomes functus officio once it delivers its judgement and cannot reopen a matter it has pronounced upon with finality. In other words, a judgment once delivered by the intermediate court on National and State Houses of Assembly matters cannot be varied where it correctly represents what the Court decided. Nor shall the operative or substantive part of such judgement be varied or substituted. See the cases of Oyetibo & Anor v. Oyinloye (1987) LPELR-2883(SC) at 11-13. Dingyadi & Anor v. INEC & Ors (2011) LPELR 950 (SC); Udende v. Suswam & Ors (2023) LPELR-61304 (CA); and Owoo & Ors v. Edet & Anor (2013) LPELR – 22042 (CA).
THE COURT OF APPEAL’S RECENT DISMISSAL OF THE APPLICATION FOR A REVIEW INSTITUTED BY THE SACKED PDP PLATEAU LAWMAKERS
The sacked Plateau Legislators in an attempt to reclaim their lost positions in the light of the Supreme Court’s judgement in the Caleb Mutfwang case and it’s obiter pronouncement on the legislators’ injustice, filed a fresh application before the same Court of Appeal that had dismissed their appeal from the Plateau State Election Tribunal, requesting a review of the said judgement that sacked them. The appellate court however, as expected, on 28th February, 2024, dismissed the suit, describing it as a waste of judicial time, frivolous and lacking in merit. It further slammed a fine of N128 Million Naira (N8 Million per Applicant) on the already beleaguered Applicants.
BUT CAN A COURT THAT ACTS WITHOUT JURISDICTION IN THE FIRST PLACE NOT VARY ITS OWN JUDGEMENT DELIVERED WITHOUT SUCH JURISDICTION BY WAY OF A REVIEW?
The apex court had observed (on the Plateau Legislators’ case, albeit obiter), while delivering the judgment in the Governor Caleb Mutfwang appeal, that the lower tribunal and Court of Appeal erred as they acted without jurisdiction to have entertained the petitions sacking the lawmakers from the PDP over a matter bothering on internal affairs of their party. Couldn’t this issue of lack of jurisdiction as observed by the apex court have been further explored and subjected to the jurisdiction of the same Court of Appeal that delivered the judgement by way of review? Were the legislators wrong to have asked for a review? Let us have some guidance from earlier decisions of the Appellate courts. In Iteogu v. LPDC (2018) LPELR-43845(SC) 18-26, the Applicant had asked the apex court to revisit its decision concerning him which had been decided by the apex court in 2009. This application for revisitation stemmed from the fact that on the 12th July, 2013 and the 13th May, 2014, respectively, the Supreme Court had held in the cases of Aladejobi v. NBA (2013) 15 NWLR (Pt. 1376) 66, and Rotimi Williams Akintokun v. Legal Practitioners’ Disciplinary Committee that it had no jurisdiction to entertain an appeal directly from the LPDC. The Applicant’s posture in his case was that in those cases, the apex court had held that it lacked the jurisdiction to entertain appeals directly from the LPDC. He had therefore urged that there was the need to revisit his own case and declare that the decision or judgment of the apex court delivered in 2009 pertaining to him was given without vires and so set it aside and have his status restored as a legal practitioner. The apex court, per Justice Mary Ukaego Peter-Odili, JSC, while dismissing the application for review, held at pages 18 -26, inter alia, that aside the exception of the “slip rule”, the Supreme Court may only depart from its earlier decision in subsequent cases and thereby overrule itself. She emphasized that this:
“does not however mean that the previous decisions in those earlier cases differently decided would be given a new lease of life on account of this new development. The reason for this is self-evident as Oputa JSC stated in Adegoke Motors Ltd v Adesanya & Anor. (1989) 5 SCN113: (1989) 3 NWLR (Pt. 109) 250 at 274 thus:”We are final not because we are infallible, rather we are infallible because we are final.” …In other words, the Supreme Court enjoys the finality of its decisions. Except for clerical mistakes, accidental slips, or omissions, it seldom re-visits its decisions by way of review, variation or setting aside. Once the Supreme Court has entered judgment in a case, that decision is final and will remain so forever. The law may in the future be amended to affect future matters on the same subject, but for cases decided, that is the end of the matter.” (Emphasis supplied) See also Anyagham v. FBN PLC (2021) LPELR – 55905 (CA); Emezie & Ors v. Linus & Anor (2016) LPELR – 40514 (CA); and Onuh & Anor v. Ogbe (2019) LPELR-48361 (CA).
THE PLATEAU LEGISLATORS’ FIASCO
In the light of the above judgment of the Supreme Court, was there no remedy for those legislators who were wrongly sacked by the Court of Appeal? It is important to note that 22 PDP members in both chambers of the Nation’s and Plateau State Legislature were sacked by the Election Tribunals and the Court of Appeal, a development that left tongues wagging and ruckus generated across Nigeria. The legislators affected included two Senators – Simon Mwadkwon and Napoleon Bali; four members of the House of Representatives – Dachung Bagos, Beni Lar, Isaac Kwalu, and Peter Gyendeng Ibrahim; and 16 members of the Plateau State House of Assembly. They were all in PDP. Their constituents overwhelmingly voted for them. But the tribunal, supported by the Court of Appeal, felt otherwise. They took away the legislators’ victories and donated same on a platter of gold to the APC legislators who were roundedly trounced at the polls. The Plateau State people’s votes were rightly counted but the courts refused to make the votes count. This is what I have termed “Judocracy” in my OZEKPEDIA neologism, “as a genre of government practised only in Nigeria, where Presidents, Governors, Legislators and LG Chairmen are thrown up as having ‘won’ in an election. Their victory is immediately challenged. They get enmeshed in these legal calisthenics for the next 2 to 3 years of their corruption-ridden governance. Then, suddenly, they are conceived, incubated and delivered in the hallowed Chambers and precincts of our law courts, rather than through the ballot box. The will of the people is thereby subsumed in the decision and judgement of courts of law, the non-representatives of the people”. (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Yg8ByKVWWj)
SHOULD THIS PLATEAU STATE LEGISLATORS’ DEBACLE HAVE BEEN ALLOWED TO THRIVE UNREMEDIED?
Our case laws are decided based on precedents. Precedent is retrospective and ensures that a given posture is maintained even at the risk that harm may be caused by it.
The apex court in the Mutfwang’s case noted (albeit, by way of obiter), that the Court of Appeal was wrong when it sacked those legislators lawfully elected under the platform of the PDP, as it lacked jurisdiction to do so. However, precedent is saying, “Yes, we admit that there was an error. Nothing can be done about it.” I humbly disagree with this perpetuation of injustice under the thin guise of “my hands are tied”, or “that nothing can be done about it”. Surely, something can be done about it. I agree with Emmanuel Agim, JSC, when he noted in his judgement that, “it is high time the legal profession woke up before it became irrelevant.”
This admonition is in tandem with the admonition of venerable Justice Chukwudifu Oputa (JSC), in Adegoke Motors Ltd v. Adesanya & Anor (1989) 3 NWLR (Pt. 109) 250 at 274, 275, to the effect that “When therefore it appears to learned counsel that any decision of this court has been given per incuriam, such counsel should have the boldness and courage to ask that such decision be overruled.”
I also find solace in the complimentary and immortal words of Lord Denning in PARKER V. PARKER (1954) 2 All ER 22, where he illuminated thus:
“What is the argument on the other side? Only this, that no case has been found in which it has been done before. That argument does not appeal to me in the least. If we never do anything which has not been done before, we shall never get anywhere. The law will stand still while the rest of the world goes on, and that will be bad for both”.
Afterall, law is but a mere handmaid to deliver justice, which is why “ubi jus ibi remedium” (Bello v. AG Oyo State (1986) 5 NWLR 820).
Going by this, I humbly submit that when it comes to the critical issue of the court deciding a case in which it lacked jurisdiction in the first instance, then certainly, such a court has jurisdiction to revisit the said judgement and review it under certain laid down conditions. This is not a blanket or open-ended cheque for exhumation of buried cases. No.
A COURT CAN REVIEW ITS JUDGMENT
Thus, by reason of a long line of decided cases by the Supreme Court itself, a court has the constitutional power to enforce, review or set aside its own judgements under special circumstances as provided for by law. This is not tantamount to the court sitting on appeal over its own judgements. In Stanbic IBTC Bank Plc v. L.G. C. Ltd (2020) 2 NWLR (Pt. 1707), pp. 17-18, paras. D-C, the Supreme Court, per Abba Aji, JSC, held that the court has the power and leeway to set aside its own judgement and rehear a case, inter alia, under the following circumstances: “…where any of the other parties obtained judgement by fraud or deceit…. When judgement was given without jurisdiction…”
WHY THE PLATEAU STATE LEGISLATORS’ JUDGEMENT OUGHT TO HAVE BEEN REVIEWED BY THE COURT OF APPEAL
Surely, the judgement in the Plateau Legislators’ matter was dubiously obtained as there was no disobedience to any court order at all as rightly found by the Supreme Court in the sister Mutfwang case. All the cases had emanated from the same facts and circumstances. Secondly, both the Election Tribunal and the Court of Appeal lacked the requisite jurisdiction to have entertained the Legislators’ case the way they did in the first instance.
The reason or rationale behind this position in the above Stanbic IBTC case was graphically painted by Oputa, JSC, in Adegoke Motors Ltd v. Adesanya & Anor (1989) 3 NWLR (Pt. 109) 250 at 274, 275, inter alia, thus: “We are final not because we are infallible, rather we are infallible because we are final. Justices of this court are human beings, capable of erring. It will certainly be shortsighted arrogance not to accept this obvious truth. It is true that this court can do inestimable good through its wise decisions, similarly, the court can do incalculable harm through its mistakes.
When therefore it appears to learned counsel that any decision of this court has been given per incuriam, such counsel should have the boldness and courage to ask that such decision be overruled. This court has the power to overrule itself (and had done so in the past) for it gladly accepts that it is far better to admit an error than to persevere in error.” (Emphasis supplied).
Thus, where a judgment of a court was obtained without jurisdiction; or is tainted with illegality; or was obtained by fraud, the court surely has the vires, constitutional power and jurisdiction to revisit such judgement, even if time had since elapsed. This is because time cannot and does not run against illegality or fraud. A party cannot be allowed to benefit, or continue to benefit from the product of its own illegality and void conduct. This position was emphasized by the Supreme Court in Nwosu v. APP & Ors (2020) 16 NWLR (PT 1749) 28, where it held thus, through many of its justices as follows: Per Eko, JSC: “No person is allowed to benefit from illegality as illegality confers no right”
Per Peter-Odili, JSC: “It is difficult in the light of the damming facts well pushed in this appeal wherein illegality was enthroned to be surveyed into endorsing of such acts and to allow the perpetrator of such profane acts to derive or profit from his own wrong”.
Per Amina Augie, JSC: “The court cannot close its eyes to it (illegality) and allow itself to be used as a tool to perpetuate illegality, in whatever form or guise”
See also the cases of GTB V. Innoson (Nig.) Ltd (2022) LPELR-56657 (SC); Enterprise Bank Ltd v. Aroso & Ors (2015) LPELR – 24720 (SC); Oladosu & Anor v. Olaojoyetan & Anor (2012) LPELR – 8676 (CA) and Eco Bank v. Teak Naturale Investment Ltd & Ors (2017) LPELR – 42389 (CA).
The Court of Appeal which was approached by the grieving PDP Legislators sure had the power and jurisdiction to have calmly looked at and reviewed its judgements which have since been irretrievably punctured by the Nigerian people and the apex court itself (albeit, obiter). It should have meticulously reviewed its earlier judgements, all of which were delivered without following judicial precedents as laid down by the Supreme Court on the very issues dealt with in those appeals. Law is about justice. Being Siamese twins, one without the other is an orphan. The Plateau Legislators’ cases hallmarked a dangerous precedent where neither the law nor justice was followed or attained. The Court of Appeal ought to have seized the opportunity of the fresh application to correct itself. If for nothing else, at least for the sake of posterity, justice, fairplay, equity and good conscience.
I so humbly submit.
PROF MIKE OZEKHOME is a holder of SAN, CON, OFR, FCIArb, LL.M, Ph.D, LL.D, D.Litt, D.SC
Related
You may like
Opinion
How an Organist Can Live a More Fulfilling Life
Published
3 days agoon
February 23, 2026By
Eric
By Tunde Shosanya
It is essential for an Organist to live a fulfilling life, as organ playing has the capacity to profoundly and uniquely impact individuals. There is nothing inappropriate about an Organist building their own home, nor is it unlawful for an Organist to have a personal vehicle. As Organists, we must take control of our own futures; once again, while our certificates hold value, organ playing requires our expertise. We should not limit ourselves to what we think we can accomplish; rather, we should chase our dreams as far as our minds permit. Always keep in mind, if you have faith in yourself, you can achieve success.
There are numerous ways for Organists to live a more fulfilling and joyful life; here are several suggestions:
Focus on your passion. Set an example, and aim for daily improvement.
Be self-reliant and cultivate harmony with your vicar.
Speak less and commit to thinking and acting more.
Make choices that bring you happiness, and maintain discipline in your professional endeavors.
Help others and establish achievable goals for yourself.
Chase your dreams and persist without giving up.
“Playing as an Organist in a Church is a gratifying experience; while a good Organist possesses a certificate, it is the skills in organ playing that truly matter” -Shosanya 2020
Here are 10 essential practices for dedicated Organists…
1) Listen to and analyze organ scores.
2) Achieve proficiency in sight reading.
3) Explore the biographies of renowned Organists and Composers.
4) Attend live concerts.
5) Record your performances and be open to feedback.
6) Improve your time management skills.
7) Focus on overcoming your weaknesses.
8) Engage in discussions about music with fellow musicians.
9) Study the history of music and the various styles of organ playing from different Organists.
10) Take breaks when you feel fatigued. Your well-being is vital and takes precedence over organ playing.
In conclusion, as an Organist, if you aspire to live towards a more fulfilling life in service and during retirement, consider the following suggestions.
1) Plan for the future that remains unseen by investing wisely.
2) Prioritize your health and well-being.
3) Aim to save a minimum of 20 percent of your monthly salary.
4) Maintain your documents in an organized manner for future reference.
5) Contribute to your pension account on a monthly basis.
6) Join a cooperative at your workplace.
7) Ensure your life while you are in service.
8) If feasible, purchase at least one plot of land.
9) Steer clear of accumulating debt as you approach retirement.
10) Foster connections among your peers.
Related
Opinion
The Power of Strategy in the 21st Century: Unlocking Extraordinary Possibilities (Pt. 2)
Published
5 days agoon
February 21, 2026By
Eric
By Tolulope A. Adegoke PhD
“In Nigeria, strategy is not an abstraction imported from elsewhere—it is forged daily in the crucible of reality. Here, global principles meet local truths, and the strategies that work are those humble enough to learn from both. The future of this nation will be written not by those who wait for solutions, but by those who create them from the raw materials of our own experience” – Tolulope A. Adegoke, PhD
Introduction: Why Strategy Matters More Than Ever
There was a time when strategy meant creating a detailed plan and sticking to it for years. You would map everything out, follow the steps, and expect success to follow. That world no longer exists.
Today, change happens too fast for rigid plans. Industries transform overnight. Skills that were valuable last year become obsolete. Global events ripple through local economies in ways we could never predict. In this environment, strategy has evolved into something more dynamic—less about predicting the future and more about building the capacity to navigate it successfully.
This is the power of 21st-century strategy. It helps individuals chart meaningful careers in uncertain times. It enables businesses to thrive despite constant disruption. It allows nations to build prosperity that outlasts any single administration.
Nowhere is this more evident than in Nigeria. Here, strategy is not an abstract exercise. It is a daily necessity. Nigerians navigate unreliable infrastructure, policy shifts, and economic volatility while pursuing their ambitions. The strategies that work here are not imported from textbooks. They are forged in the reality of local experience—blending global knowledge with gritty, on-the-ground wisdom.
This exploration looks at how strategy works at three levels in Nigeria: for the person trying to build a meaningful life, for the business striving to grow, and for the nation working to secure its future.
Part One: For the Nigerian People—Redefining Success in a Changing World
The Old Promise That No Longer Holds
Not long ago, the path to a good life seemed clear. You went to school, earned your degree, found a job, and worked your way up. That degree was your ticket. It signaled to employers that you had what it takes.
That promise has broken.
Today, Nigeria produces hundreds of thousands of graduates each year. Many of them are brilliant. Many of them struggle to find work. The degree that once opened doors now barely gets a foot in. Employers have changed what they look for. They want to know not what you studied, but what you can actually do.
This is not unique to Nigeria. It is happening everywhere. But in Nigeria, where formal jobs are scarce and the youth population is massive, the shift hits harder. For the average Nigerian young person, the message is clear: waiting for someone to give you a job is not a strategy.
A New Way of Thinking About Yourself
The most important strategic shift for any individual is this: stop thinking of yourself as someone looking for work and start thinking of yourself as someone who creates value.
This is not just positive thinking. It is a fundamental change in perspective. When you see yourself as a value creator, you ask different questions. Not “who will hire me?” but “what problems can I solve?” Not “what jobs are available?” but “where can I apply my skills?” Not “what degree do I need?” but “what can I learn to become more useful?”
This mindset matters because it puts you in control. You are no longer waiting for opportunities to be given to you. You are actively looking for ways to contribute. And in an economy where problems are everywhere, people who can solve them will always find a way to earn a living.
What Skills Actually Matter Today
If degrees no longer guarantee success, what does? The answer lies in skills that are both practical and adaptable.
Problem-solving sits at the top of the list. Every organization, every community, every family faces challenges. People who can look at a difficult situation and figure out a way forward are always needed. This skill does not come from a textbook. It comes from practice—from learning to think clearly when things go wrong.
Communication matters more than most people realize. The ability to express ideas clearly, to listen carefully, to persuade others, to write simply—these are not soft skills. They are the tools we use to turn thoughts into action. In any field, people who communicate well stand out.
Digital literacy is no longer optional. It is the baseline. Using spreadsheets, collaborating on online platforms, understanding how data works, knowing your way around common software—these are not technical skills for specialists. They are basic tools for modern work. Without them, you are locked out of most opportunities.
Adaptability might be the most important of all. The willingness to learn new things, to admit what you do not know, to try something different when the old way stops working—this is what keeps people relevant over a lifetime. The person who can learn will always find a place. The person who stops learning will eventually be left behind.
Learning That Fits Real Life
The traditional model of education assumes you learn first and work later. You spend years in school, then you start your career. But in a fast-changing world, that model breaks down. By the time you finish learning, what you learned may already be outdated.
This is why many Nigerians are turning to micro-credentials—short, focused courses that teach specific, job-ready skills. These programs take weeks or months, not years. They cost a fraction of what university costs. And they signal clearly to employers what you can do.
A certificate in data analysis, digital marketing, project management, or solar installation tells a clear story. It says: I have this specific skill, and I can apply it right now. For employers, that is often more valuable than a general degree.
The beauty of this approach is flexibility. You can learn while working. You can stack credentials over time, building a portfolio of skills. You can pivot when opportunities shift. This is lifelong learning made practical—not an ideal, but a working strategy for staying relevant.
Taking Control of Your Financial Life
Strategy also applies to money. For years, most Nigerians had limited options. You saved what you could, kept it at home or in a bank, and hoped it would be enough. Inflation often ate away at whatever you managed to put aside.
Technology has changed this. Today, anyone with a smartphone can access tools that were once available only to the wealthy. Apps allow you to save automatically, invest small amounts, and get advice tailored to your situation. You can build a diversified portfolio with whatever you have. You can protect your money against inflation. You can plan for goals that matter to you.
The key is to start early and stay consistent. Small amounts saved regularly, invested wisely, grow over time. This is not about getting rich quick. It is about building a foundation that gives you choices. The person with savings can take risks. The person with investments can weather storms. Financial strategy is not just about money—it is about freedom.
Part Two: For Nigerian Businesses—Thriving in a Complex Environment
The End of the Five-Year Plan
There was a time when companies created detailed five-year plans and followed them religiously. Those days are gone. Markets move too fast. Technology changes too quickly. Consumer behaviour shifts in ways no one predicts.
Today, successful companies think differently. They set direction but stay flexible. They plan but remain ready to pivot. They treat strategy not as a document but as a continuous conversation—a way of making decisions in real time as new information emerges.
This is especially true in Nigeria, where the business environment presents unique challenges. Electricity is unreliable. Roads are poor. Policy can change overnight. Currency fluctuations affect everything. Companies that succeed here learn to adapt constantly. Rigidity is a recipe for failure.
What Digital Transformation Really Means
Every business today hears about digital transformation. But in Nigeria, going digital looks different than it does elsewhere.
You cannot simply move everything online and expect it to work. Internet access is not universal. Many customers prefer cash. Trust is built through personal relationships, not just websites. The purely digital model that works in London or Singapore will hit walls here.
Successful Nigerian companies understand this. They build hybrid models—digital at the core, but with physical touchpoints where needed. They offer online ordering and offline delivery. They accept digital payments but also cash. They use technology to enhance relationships, not replace them.
This is not a compromise. It is a sophisticated adaptation to local reality. The companies that get it right are not less digital. They are more intelligent about how digital actually works in their context.
Digital maturity matters more than digital adoption. This means building systems that function even when infrastructure fails. It means training people to use tools effectively. It means integrating technology into every part of the business, not just tacking it on at the edges. Companies that achieve this maturity outperform their competitors consistently.
Building Trust in a Low-Trust Environment
Nigeria faces a trust deficit. Years of broken promises, failed institutions, and economic volatility have left people cautious. Consumers do not easily trust businesses. Employees do not easily trust employers. Partners do not easily trust each other.
For companies, this is both a challenge and an opportunity. The businesses that earn trust stand out. They build loyal customer bases. They attract committed employees. They form partnerships that last.
Building trust takes time and consistency. It means delivering what you promise, every time. It means being transparent when things go wrong. It means treating customers and employees with respect, not as transactions. It means showing up consistently, even when it is difficult.
Some of Nigeria’s most successful companies have built their reputations on this foundation. They are not necessarily the flashiest or the most innovative. They are the ones people know they can count on. In an environment where trust is scarce, reliability becomes a competitive advantage.
The Power of Collaboration
The old model of business assumed competition was everything. You fought for market share. You protected your secrets. You went it alone.
That model is breaking down. The challenges businesses face today are too complex for any single organisation to solve alone. Climate change affects everyone. Skills gaps require industry-wide responses. Infrastructure deficits need collective action.
Forward-thinking Nigerian companies are embracing collaboration. They share data with competitors to build industry standards. They partner with government on infrastructure projects. They work with educational institutions to shape curricula. They understand that when the whole ecosystem grows, everyone benefits.
This is not charity. It is enlightened self-interest. A rising tide lifts all boats. Companies that invest in the broader environment create conditions for their own success.
Artificial Intelligence: Proceed with Purpose
Artificial intelligence is everywhere in business conversations. The hype is enormous. The fear of being left behind is real.
But for Nigerian companies, the strategic question is not whether to use AI. It is how to use AI wisely. Jumping on every trend without purpose leads nowhere. Building AI capabilities without governance creates risk.
The smart approach starts with problems, not technology. What specific challenges does your business face? Where could better data or smarter algorithms help? What decisions could be improved with more insight? These questions point to where AI might actually add value.
Equally important is data governance. AI learns from data. If your data is poor, your AI will be poor. If your data is biased, your AI will be biased. If your data is insecure, your AI creates vulnerability. Building strong data practices is not a technical detail. It is a strategic foundation.
Some Nigerian companies are already showing the way. They are using AI to assess credit risk for customers without formal banking history. They are using it to predict crop yields for farmers. They are using it to personalize learning for students. These applications solve real problems. They are not imported from elsewhere. They are built for Nigeria, by Nigerians.
People First: The Talent Challenge
Every business leader in Nigeria will tell you the same thing: finding and keeping good people is the hardest part of the job. The best talent is scarce. Competition is fierce. Many of the brightest leave for opportunities abroad.
This makes talent strategy central to business success. Companies that win the talent game win everything else.
What does good talent strategy look like? It starts with recognizing that people want more than money. They want to grow. They want to be valued. They want to do work that matters. Companies that provide these things attract and retain better people even when they cannot pay the highest salaries.
This means investing in training and development. It means creating clear career paths. It means building cultures where people feel respected and supported. It means giving people autonomy and trusting them to do good work.
Some Nigerian companies have built their own universities—internal training programs that develop talent systematically. Others partner with online learning platforms to give employees access to courses. Others create mentorship programs that connect experienced leaders with younger staff. These investments pay back many times over in loyalty, productivity, and innovation.
Part Three: For the Nigerian Nation—Building a Future That Works for Everyone
From Short-Term Thinking to Long-Term Vision
For decades, Nigerian governance has been shaped by election cycles. Each new administration brings its own plans, its own priorities, its own language. Programmes start and stop. Momentum is lost. Progress is fragmented.
This is changing. Slowly but significantly, Nigeria is building long-term strategic frameworks that outlast any single government. The Nigeria Agenda 2050 looks three decades ahead. The Renewed Hope Development Plan (2026-2030) translates that vision into concrete action for the next five years. These documents are not just paperwork. They represent a commitment to continuity—a recognition that real development takes time and persistence.
The shift matters because it changes how decisions get made. When long-term goals are clear, short-term choices can be evaluated against them. Does this policy move us toward the future we want? Does this budget advance our long-term priorities? These questions create discipline. They reduce the risk that immediate pressures will derail important work.
The Nigeria First Approach
There is a quiet revolution happening in Nigerian economic thinking. It is captured in the phrase “Nigeria First.”
For too long, Nigeria has been a consumer of other people’s products. We import what we could make. We buy what we could build. We send our resources abroad and buy back finished goods at higher prices. This pattern has kept us dependent. It has limited our industrial development. It has cost us jobs.
The Nigeria First approach aims to change this. It says: where possible, we should buy Nigerian. We should build Nigerian. We should invest in Nigerian capabilities.
This is not protectionism. It is strategic procurement. Government spending accounts for a significant portion of the economy—as much as 30 percent of GDP. When that money flows abroad, it creates jobs elsewhere. When it stays home, it builds local industry. Directing even a portion of procurement toward Nigerian producers could unlock millions of jobs and stimulate manufacturing capacity.
Agencies like NASENI (National Agency for Science and Engineering Infrastructure) are driving this agenda. They are not just talking about local manufacturing. They are building it—developing products, training innovators, creating infrastructure for strategic industries like battery manufacturing. They are proving that Nigerians can make world-class products.
The challenge now is scaling this approach. Moving from pilot projects to systemic change. Embedding Nigeria First in procurement rules, in investment decisions, in the daily choices of businesses and consumers. Making patriotism practical—not just a sentiment but a force that shapes economic behaviour.
Digital Sovereignty: Owning Our Future Online
The digital economy runs on infrastructure. Data centers, fiber networks, cloud platforms—these are the roads and bridges of the 21st century. Countries that own their digital infrastructure have sovereignty. Countries that depend on others are vulnerable.
Nigeria is building toward digital sovereignty. Agencies like Galaxy Backbone are laying fiber across the country, connecting states, building data centers that meet international standards. This infrastructure ensures that government data stays in Nigeria. It provides continuity even when commercial providers face challenges. It builds capability that can serve the whole economy.
The vision goes further. With robust digital infrastructure, Nigeria can become a regional hub—serving West and Central Africa, attracting investment, creating jobs in technology and services. This is not just about catching up. It is about leapfrogging—using digital technology to accelerate development in ways previous generations could not.
But infrastructure alone is not enough. Digital sovereignty also means data sovereignty—control over the information that flows through these networks. It means policies that protect privacy while enabling innovation. It means building the human capacity to manage and secure digital systems. It means creating an environment where Nigerian technology companies can thrive.
The Demographic Dividend or Disaster?
Nigeria’s young population is often described as an opportunity. With a median age of eighteen, we are one of the youngest countries in the world. These young people could drive decades of economic growth.
But demography is not destiny. Young people are only an asset if they are productively engaged. If they are educated, healthy, and employed, they create wealth. If they are not, they become a source of instability.
This makes human capital development the most important investment Nigeria can make. Every child who receives quality education adds to our future capacity. Every young person who learns a skill becomes a potential contributor. Every life saved through better healthcare strengthens the whole society.
The challenge is scale. Nigeria’s education system is underfunded and overstretched. Millions of children are out of school. Quality varies enormously. The same is true for healthcare, for skills training, for social support. Building systems that reach everyone is a massive undertaking.
Yet progress is possible. Technology offers new ways to deliver education at scale. Community health workers can extend care to remote areas. Apprenticeship models can train young people in practical skills. The building blocks of human capital exist. The task is to assemble them into functioning systems.
The Governance Challenge
None of this works without effective governance. Good plans fail without good execution. Vision without implementation is just dreaming.
Nigeria’s governance challenges are well documented. Implementation gaps separate policy from reality. Coordination failures mean different agencies work at cross purposes. Capacity constraints limit what even dedicated officials can achieve. Trust deficits make collaboration difficult.
Addressing these challenges requires its own strategy. It means investing in the civil service—training, motivating, and supporting the people who run government day to day. It means using technology to improve transparency and accountability—making it harder for things to fall through cracks. It means creating platforms for dialogue between government, business, and civil society—so policies reflect real needs and real constraints.
It also means accepting that governance reform is slow work. Institutions are not built overnight. Trust is earned over years. Capacity grows through practice. The goal is not perfection but progress—steady, cumulative improvement in how things get done.
Conclusion: The Power of Small Wins Adding Up
There is a temptation to think of strategy as something grand—bold visions, dramatic transformations, sweeping changes. And certainly, those have their place.
But in Nigeria, the most powerful strategy may be something more modest. It is the individual who learns a new skill and applies it. The business that delivers on its promises, day after day. The policy that works as intended and makes life slightly better. These small wins, repeated millions of times, accumulate into something extraordinary.
This is the power of compounding progress. Each skilled graduate adds to the talent pool. Each reliable business builds trust in the market. Each functioning program demonstrates that government can work. These gains build on each other. Over time, they transform what is possible.
Nigeria has immense resources—human, natural, cultural. It has a young population full of energy and ambition. It has entrepreneurs solving problems every day. It has officials working to build systems that serve everyone. The foundation is there.
Strategy provides the framework—the way of thinking that helps individuals, businesses, and the nation make good choices amid uncertainty. It does not guarantee success. Nothing does. But it improves the odds. It helps us see more clearly. It keeps us moving in the right direction, even when the path is unclear.
That is the power of 21st-century strategy. Not predicting the future, but preparing for it. Not controlling events, but navigating them. Not waiting for possibilities to arrive, but working to make them real.
For Nigeria and Nigerians, those possibilities are extraordinary. The work of strategy is to bring them within reach.
Dr. Tolulope A. Adegoke, AMBP-UN is a globally recognized scholar-practitioner and thought leader at the nexus of security, governance, and strategic leadership. His mission is dedicated to advancing ethical governance, strategic human capital development, and resilient nation-building, and global peace. He can be reached via: tolulopeadegoke01@gmail.com, globalstageimpacts@gmail.com
Related
Opinion
In Defence of Atiku Abubakar: Experience, Reach and the 2027 Reality
Published
2 weeks agoon
February 15, 2026By
Eric
By Tim Okojie Ave
The debate over who should carry the opposition banner in 2027 must be guided by political reality, not ethnic sentiment or social media noise. Nigeria is at a crossroads, and defeating President Bola Tinubu in 2027 will require experience, national reach, and electoral strength—not experiments.
I do not believe in, nor do I promote, ethnic politics. Recent Nigerian history proves that elections are not won by zoning rhetoric but by strategic calculations. Former President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, a southerner, was not allowed to complete a second term—not because of performance alone, but because power blocs rallied against him. When the then-opposition APC sought a candidate capable of defeating Jonathan, they did not argue that it was “still the South’s turn.” Instead, they searched across the country for a candidate with massive grassroots followership and electoral weight. That search led them to Muhammadu Buhari, despite his past electoral losses and controversial human rights record as a former military ruler.
The result is now history.
It is therefore laughable when uninformed voices argue that Atiku Abubakar should be denied the ADC ticket because he has contested elections before. By that same logic, Buhari should never have been given the APC ticket. Political persistence is not a crime; it is often the mark of conviction and relevance.
Others argue that Atiku is “too old,” forgetting that leadership is not a sprint but a test of wisdom, stamina, and experience. Age did not disqualify global leaders like Joe Biden or Nelson Mandela, nor did it stop Buhari himself. What matters is physical fitness, mental clarity, and capacity—and on all counts, Atiku Abubakar remains fit.
The argument that it is “still the South’s turn” in 2027 is politically weak and strategically dangerous. When APC wanted to win, they ignored zoning sentiment and focused on victory. That is exactly what the African Democratic Congress (ADC) must do if it is serious about defeating Tinubu and reducing him to a one-term president. Political parties exist to win elections, not to appease ethnic emotions.
ADC must ensure party supremacy and resist being bamboozled into handing its ticket to candidates who exist mainly on social media but lack nationwide structure and grassroots acceptance.
If asked for my candid opinion on who best fits the ADC ticket in 2027, my choice is clear: Atiku Abubakar.
He possesses unmatched political experience, having served eight solid years as Vice President under President Olusegun Obasanjo. He is globally recognised as an astute politician and a patriotic business mogul. His wealth is independent of public office, meaning he is unlikely to treat Nigeria’s treasury as a personal bank.
Since leaving office, despite relentless political persecution, Atiku has not been successfully linked to any proven corruption case—an indication of transparency and resilience. He is healthy, active, and capable of representing Nigeria internationally without embarrassment.
Ultimately, elections are not won by sentiment but by strategy. If ADC truly seeks victory in 2027, it must choose a candidate with national appeal, experience, credibility, and structure. On all these counts, Atiku Abubakar stands tall.
This is not ethnic politics.
This is political realism.
Tim Okojie Ave is the Publisher, National Chronicle newspaper
Related


INEC Moves Presidential, Guber Elections to January and February Respectively
Opposition Parties Reject 2026 Electoral Act, Demand Fresh Amendment
FCCPC Uncovers Patterns of Price Manipulation by Local Airlines
Many Killled, Houses Torched As Terrorists Unleash Deadly Attacks on Adamawa Communities
Fubara Appoints New SSG, Chief of Staff
Bill Gates Denies Involvement with Epstein, Admits Dating Two Russian Ladies
Tiwa Savage Launches Music Foundation in Lagos
In Death, Charles Taylor Jr. Reunites Liberians
The Power of Strategy in the 21st Century: Unlocking Extraordinary Possibilities (Pt. 2)
Princess Olufunmilayo Omisore Celebrates Grand 80th Birthday in Lagos
How an Organist Can Live a More Fulfilling Life
Adding Value: Confidence and Succces by Henry Ukazu
Vote Buying, Low Turnout Mar FCT Polls – Yiaga Africa
Vexatious and Meddlesome: ADC Condemns Wike’s Tour of FCT Polling Units
Trending
-
Boss Picks4 days agoIn Death, Charles Taylor Jr. Reunites Liberians
-
Opinion5 days agoThe Power of Strategy in the 21st Century: Unlocking Extraordinary Possibilities (Pt. 2)
-
Events4 days agoPrincess Olufunmilayo Omisore Celebrates Grand 80th Birthday in Lagos
-
Opinion3 days agoHow an Organist Can Live a More Fulfilling Life
-
Adding Value5 days agoAdding Value: Confidence and Succces by Henry Ukazu
-
Featured5 days agoVote Buying, Low Turnout Mar FCT Polls – Yiaga Africa
-
News5 days agoVexatious and Meddlesome: ADC Condemns Wike’s Tour of FCT Polling Units
-
Headline3 days agoAFP: How Tinubu’s Govt Paid Boko Haram ‘Huge’ Ransom, Released Two Terrorists for Kidnapped Saint Mary’s Pupils

