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Remembering Ex-Head of State, Murtala Mohammed (1938 – 1976)

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By Eric Elezuo

He is noted as the first person to use the popular military catch phrase ‘fellow Nigerians’, and popularised it among subsequent coup leaders, who had used it in all coup situations. He is Murtala Ramat Muhammad GCFR, Nigeria’s third military Head of State, who was murdered in cold blood on February 13, 1976, less than eight months after he assumed office. Today marks exactly 48 years after the gruesome experience. 

Born on November 8, 1938, Mohammed is believed to have led the 1966 Nigerian counter-coup in overthrowing the Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi military regime and featured prominently during the Nigerian Civil War and thereafter ruled over Nigeria from 30 July 1975 until his assassination on that fateful February 13, 1976 morning.

He was in Kano, into a ruling-class religious family, Murtala served in the Nigerian Army as a cadet in the Royal Military Academy, Sandhurst. He later served in Congo; eventually rose through the ranks to become brigadier general in 1971, aged 33, becoming one of the youngest generals in Nigeria. Three years later Murtala became the Federal Commissioner for Communications in Lagos. As a conservative and federalist, Murtala regretted the overthrow of the First Republic and the promulgation of Aguiyi Ironsi’s unification decree of 1966. He was devastated by the assassination of Sir Ahmadu Bello, and for a time seriously considered the secession of Northern Nigeria. His career redoubled after Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu and the young majors orchestrated the first military coup in Nigeria of 1966 coup empowering him to lead the mutiny of the night of 29 July 1966 in Abeokuta. Murtala was briefly considered as Supreme Commander before the appointment of Yakubu Gowon. He also masterminded the July 1966 counter coup, which evidently, sparked the Nigerian Civil War.

During the war, he commandeered Nigeria’s second infantry division which was responsible for the death of civilians and much of the rebels. His command’s use of veteran soldiers, no quarter, and scorched earth strategies led to between 10,000 and 30,000 deaths. Combined with the total wartime death toll of three million making the civil war one of the deadliest in modern history. Three years later the Federal military government declared victory which bolstered Murtala’s image over Nigeria and in particular the north as a military leader through the post-war era of “reconciliation, reconstruction, and rehabilitation”. In post-civil-war Nigeria, Murtala ruled with more power than any Nigerian leader before or since, and developed a charismatic authority and cult of personality. During the Cold War, he maintained Nigerian neutrality through participation in the non-aligned movement, but supported the Soviet Union — during the latter’s effort in the Angolan Civil War

Nigeria under Murtala presided over a period of rampant economic prosperity. At the same time, his regime transitioned from being authoritarian into consensus decision-making with Murtala the leader of a military triumvirate, alongside Generals Olusegun Obasanjo and Theophilus Danjuma. The dictatorship softened and Murtala unveiled plans for the demilitarization of politics. In 1976, barely seven months into his nascent rule, Murtala without having time to see his plans implemented was assassinated in a failed coup d’ètat attempt, being succeeded by Olusegun Obasanjo as Head of State, who, in turn, led the Nigerian transition to democracy with the Second Nigerian Republic.

The legacy of Murtala in Nigerian history remains controversial as the nature of his rule changed over time. His reign was marked by both brutal repression, and economic prosperity, which greatly improved the quality of life in Nigeria. His dictatorial style proved highly adaptable, which enabled wide-sweeping social and economic reform, while consistent pursuits during his reign centered on highly centralised government, authoritarianism, federalism, national Federalism, and pan-Africanism.

Murtala Muhammed was born on November 8, 1938 in Kano. His father, Muhammed Riskuwa, was from the Fulani Genawa clan, who had a history of Islamic jurisprudence as both his paternal grandfather Suleman and paternal great-grandfather Mohammed Zangi served as Chief Judges in Kano Emirate and held the title of chief Alkali of Kano. His father worked in the Kano Native Authority and was related to Aminu Kano, Inuwa Wada, and Aminu Wali. He died in 1953, his mother, Uwani Rahamatu, was from the Kanuri and Fulani Jobawa clan, the Jobawa clan members include the Makama of Kano and Abdullahi Aliyu Sumaila, his maternal grandfather Yakubu Soja a World War I veteran was from Dawakin Tofa while his maternal grandmother Hajiya Hauwau (Aya) was from Gezawa, he was educated at Cikin Gida Elementary School which was inside the emir’s palace.

He then transferred to Gidan Makama primary school in Kano which was just outside the palace. He then proceeded to Kano Middle School (now Rumfa College, Kano) in 1949, before attending the famous Government College (now Barewa College) in Zaria, where he obtained his school certificate in 1957. At Barewa College, Muhammed was a member of the Cadet Corps and was captain of shooting in his final year. In 1957, he obtained a school leaving certificate and applied to join the Nigerian army later in the year.

Murtala Muhammed joined the Nigerian Army in 1958. He spent short training stints in Nigeria and Ghana and then was trained as an officer cadet at Sandhurst Royal Military Academy in England. After his training, he was commissioned as a second lieutenant in 1961 and assigned to the Nigerian Army Signals that same year, later spending a short stint with the No. 3 Brigade Signals Troop in Congo In 1962, Muhammed was appointed aide-de-camp to M. A. Majekodunmi, the federally-appointed administrator of the Western Region.

In 1963, he became the officer-in-charge of the First Brigade Signal Troop in Kaduna, Nigeria. That year he traveled to the Royal Corps of Signals at Catterick Garrison, England for a course on advanced telecommunications techniques. On his return to Nigeria in 1964, he was promoted to major and appointed officer-commanding, 1st Signal Squadron in Apapa, Lagos. In November 1965, he was made acting Chief of Signals of the Army, while his paternal uncle, Inuwa Wada had recently been appointed Defense Minister.

Mohammed’s coup in 1966 led to the installation of Lieutenant-Colonel Yakubu Gowon as Supreme Commander of the Nigerian Armed Forces, despite the intransigence of Muhammed who wanted the role of Supreme Commander for himself. However, as Gowon was militarily his senior, and finding a lack of support from the British and American advisors, he caved in. Gowon rewarded him by confirming his ranking (he had been an acting Lt. Colonel until then) and his appointment (Inspector of Signals).

In June 1968, he relinquished his commanding position and was posted to Lagos and appointed Inspector of Signals. In April 1968, he was promoted to colonel. The actions of the division during this period, mostly in Asaba became a subject of speculation. In a book published in 2017, S. Elizabeth Bird and Fraser Ottanelli document the 1967 mass murder of civilians by troops of the 2 Division under General Muhammed’s command. They also discussed the events leading up to the massacre, and its impact on Asaba and on the progress of the war, as well as other civilian massacres carried out by soldiers of the 2nd Division at Onitsha and Isheagu.

Between 1970 and 1971, he attended the Joint Service Staff College in England, his supervisor’s report attributed him to having ”a quick agile mind, considerable ability and common sense. He holds strong views which he puts forward in a forthright manner. He is a strong character and determined.

However, he finds it difficult to moderate his opinions and finds it difficult to enter into debate with others whose views he may not share”. After the war, he was promoted to brigadier-general in October 1971. Between 1971 and 1974, Muhammed was involved in routine activities within the signals unit of the army. However, he also disagreed with some of the policies being pursued by Gowon.

On 7 August 1974, the head of state, General Yakubu Gowon appointed him as the new Federal Commissioner for Communications, which he combined with his military duties as Inspector of Signals at the Army Signals Headquarters in Apapa, Lagos. On 7 August 1974, General Yakubu Gowon appointed Muhammed as the Federal commissioner (position now called Minister) for communications to oversee and facilitate the nation’s development of cost effective communication infrastructures during the oil boom. After the war and after he took power as head of state, Muhammed started the reorganization and demobilization of 100,000 troops from the armed forces. The number of troops in the armed forces decreased from 250,000 to 150,000.

On 29 July 1975, General Yakubu Gowon was overthrown while attending the 12th summit of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) in Kampala, Uganda. Muhammed took power as the new Military Head of State. Brigadiers Obasanjo (later Lt. General) and Danjuma (later Lt. General) were appointed as Chief of Staff, Supreme HQ and Chief of Army Staff, respectively.

In the coup d’état that brought him to power he introduced the phrases “Fellow Nigerians” and “with immediate effect” to the national lexicon. In a short time, Murtala Muhammed’s policies won him broad popular support, and his decisiveness elevated him to the status of a folk hero.

However his highly popular, often televised “with immediate effect” style of governing, also gained some criticism amongst the countries top civil servants – some of which were Nigeria’s top intellectuals. His ad-hoc Presidential proclamations left his civil service often unprepared, lacking details or even funding to implement his ideas, and his administration led to the dismissal of thousands of civil servants. Over 10,000 civil servants, government employees were dismissed without benefits; reasons stated were age, health, incompetence, or malpractice. The removal of such a large amount of public officials affected the public service, the judiciary, the police and armed forces, the diplomatic service, public corporations, and university officials. Quite a few officials were tried on corruption charges, and an ex-military state governor was executed for gross office misconduct.

Muhammed took federal control of the country’s two largest newspapers – Daily Times and New Nigerian; all media in Nigeria was now under federal control. He also took federal control of the remaining state-run universities. On February 3, 1976, the Military Government of Murtala Muhammed created new states and renamed others, the states he created include: Bauchi, Benue, Borno, Imo, Niger, Ogun, and Ondo. This brought the total number of states in Nigeria to nineteen in 1976.

As head of state, Muhammed put in place plans to build a new Federal Capital Territory due to Lagos being overcrowded. He set up a panel headed by Justice Akinola Aguda, which chose the Abuja area as the new capital ahead of other proposed locations. On February 3, 1976, Muhammed announced that the Federal Capital would in the future move to a federal territory location of about 8,000 square kilometres in the central part of the country.

Towards the end of 1975, the administration implemented a mass purge in the Nigerian civil service. The civil service was viewed as undisciplined and lacking a sense of purpose. A retrenchment exercise was implemented as part of a strategy to refocus the service.

Source: Wikipedia

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Atiku Abubakar Remains Only Person Tinubu Govt is Afraid Of – Dele Momodu (Full Interview)

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By Eric Elezuo

If there is one Nigerian, who can tell accurately the heartbeat of the nation, its direction and what the future portends for it, based on the dynamics already at play, that person is Chief Dele Momodu; a seasoned journalist, former presidential candidate, holder of high profile chieftancy titles across the country, and Chief Executive Officer, Ovation Media Group.

As a vocal politician and public speaker, whose voice echoes across the length and breadth of the nation for all the good reasons, Momodu has continued to speak against the cluelessness of the present government and the need for the government to redress its steps in terms of unpopular policies emanating from the cradle, which have rather impoverished the populace rather than do the opposite. He is credited with being the first to notice the government’s unpopular drift towards one-party system, and warned on the dangers. Today, almost all the state governors, national and state assembly members have all decamped to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC).

Sustaining his credence as a value-adding speaker, Momodu was a guest of the fabulous, experience and adequately exposed Charles Aniagolu of Arise News(Night),  where he further highlighted the challenges and remedies of the Nigerian situation.

He also spoke on the appointment of the former Chief of Defence Staff, General Chris Musa (retd) as the Minister of Defence, the withdrawal of Police eacort from very important personalities (VIPs) including the former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and many other issues of national concern.

The text of the interview is presented in details even to the tiniest details below:

Momodu with former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar

Well, for more on this, I’m joined now from our studios in Lagos by the former presidential candidate and publisher of Ovation magazine, Basharu Dele Momodu. Mr. Momodu, thank you very much indeed for coming in. You look like you’re about to cry there. I mean, I know you had a bit of a tough time getting in, and I do apologize to our viewers because we’re quite a few minutes late. But you had a bit of a mishap coming in, and that delayed us a bit.

Dele Momodu: Yes. Well, we thank God that it was something minor. We had an accident on top of the bridge coming into the Arise studios, but we’re okay. Now, you asked if I am off the mark this…

Well, I’m going to get to that in a minute. Sorry to interrupt you – I want to be a bit systematic because we’ve got to gallop ahead, given that we’re, I mean, almost 12 minutes late in starting the program. Let me start by first of all getting your reaction to the confirmation of General Christopher Musa as the new Minister of Defence in the current climate of insecurity that’s gripping this country.

Dele Momodu: Well, I mean, I didn’t expect anything else. I expected that he would be screened — whether bow-and-go or not — he would be screened, and he would be ratified. And he’s been ratified, and I want to congratulate him. That’s all. I pray that we won’t hear sermons this time and that he will just go straight into action.

Yes, we all hope for that, don’t we? And we also got the news this evening that the National Economic Council has approved 100 billion naira for the renovation of training centres for the police and other security agencies across Nigeria. So that suggests that they’re serious about retraining serving police officers and training new ones. Is that the message that you’re getting from it?

Dele Momodu: Well, I would say that 100 billion is too small for the police and the security agencies. The government should do something better if it is serious about the insecurity that is terrorizing everybody in Nigeria. They would need to get serious, invest more in training, involve- I mean, invest in new personnel. The reasons they are saying they are withdrawing police from the streets are just because we don’t have enough of them. But we have enough jobless people in Nigeria, including graduates and non-graduates, who are willing to join the police force and other security agencies. So my advice is that President Tinubu should invest heavily in security. 100 billion to me, especially when you translate it into other currencies, it’s chicken feed.

Well, to be entirely fair, Bashorun, that 100 billion is for the renovation of training centers for the police. It’s not for the whole security recruitment thing. It’s purely to renovate the centres that have been left to kind of, you know, rot across the country, and he’s trying to bring them up to speed and at the same time get on with the recruitment of new police officers and move on with the training of existing ones.

Now, you spoke recently about the ban on police escorts for VIPs. You called it a targeted move against opposition figures like Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, who you support, and who is constitutionally entitled to security protection. You argued that the ban is a calculated move to weaken opposition voices and fuel resentment against successful Nigerians, and that it’ll expose prominent Nigerians to danger. I wonder why you think all that, because public sentiment in Nigeria seems to be in support of President Tinubu’s decision to ban the use of police escorts by VIPs. And it looks like you are the one who is off the mark this time.

Dele Momodu: No, I’m not off the mark. I remember in October 2022, when I foretold the dictatorship that would soon visit Nigeria. I was abused that night — that I’m talking rubbish. You see, I am trained to go behind the scene to find the real stories. A lot of Nigerians get easily, easily fooled. And if you read my press release yesterday, I said it there that we have been fooled again. What they are doing is to set the poor against the rich. And whenever you do that, you will get an applause, you will get an ovation. But the truth is that most people are not thinking about the real motive behind this decision.

If you look at Lagos State, for example, when they had the problem in the House of Assembly, you will see that one of the things they used to intimidate the people was, one, they sent some forces in to disrupt the house. Then they withdrew the police security that was guarding the brother of the new speaker. They withdrew the police from Oba Elegushi. It’s nothing new. So if we start the campaign, let’s say in January — I don’t know when we are starting — tell me, who will risk his life criss-crossing Nigeria without police escort?

We should stop being fooled. You see, the sentiment is that, oh yes, all of us should suffer. There is no country in the world where you don’t have VIPs. And it’s never a crime to be successful. As a matter of fact, those who should lose their security are those politicians in Abuja and not the ordinary man, not a Dangote, not an Abdulsamad. Imagine a time when a kidnapper said he almost got Aliko, if not for his heavy security.

So you will see – I’ve said it again today – when tomorrow comes, and events begin to unfold, you will remember that only one man warned you that this is part of the plot to suffocate the opposition.

Well, I mean, I think that obviously you’re entitled to your opinion, but a lot of people will probably disagree with that because the government didn’t say that they were going to completely leave VIPs naked without protection. They talked about redrafting civil defense people to become protectors. And members of civil defense — they carry guns and very sophisticated weapons at that. And of course, it’s not just directed at the opposition; members of the government and the VIPs are also subject to the same restrictions.

But let’s move on from there because I’m concerned that we lost a lot of time at the beginning. I want to get your response to a lot of things because it’s not every day that we have you sitting there. I don’t know whether you’ve heard this, but it’s being reported tonight that the US government has introduced a new policy which allows it to impose a visa ban on people considered responsible for the attack on Nigerian Christians.

The State Department issued a statement saying the policy allows it to deny visas to those who have directed, authorized, supported, participated in, or carried out abuses targeting people based on faith. And it said that family members of affected people are also subject to the restrictions, and that the US cannot stand by while such atrocities are happening in Nigeria. What’s your reaction to that? Does it sound like all the attempts by the Nigerian government to convince the Americans that there isn’t genocide targeted specifically at Christians have failed?

Dele Momodu: You see, when you have bullies in power, people will also jubilate when a bigger bully comes to bully them. So what’s happening in Nigeria right now is that a lot of people feel hopeless. They feel helpless, and they are excited that there is a bigger bully. The same way you said, “Oh, people are happy that they are withdrawing security from…” is the same way America is bullying us now, and you can see us reacting.

It took us over two years to react, to what? To appoint ambassadors who will represent our country. So I think the game continues, and I can tell you that a lot of Nigerians, especially on social media, are very excited that for once, at least, our leadership is listening to someone, and that’s President Donald Trump. So if that’s what it takes for our country to get serious, maybe that’s what we needed, and that’s what we are getting.

And Mr. Momodu, as you assess the political landscape inside Nigeria using your very blunt and unapologetic assessment indicators, what do you see as we approach 2027? Is it, as some have suggested, a done deal for President Tinubu and the APC, given the many failures of the opposition? Because I see you being quoted as saying that no southern candidate — not even Goodluck Jonathan or Peter Obi — can defeat President Tinubu in 2027.

Dele Momodu: Oh, I’ve been saying that for long. It’s nothing new. nothing is a done deal for President Tinubu. About two months ago, no one expected him to suddenly sit up and respond to America. But now we are responding. So we don’t know what’s going to happen in the coming weeks that may further get them sober.

What we witnessed in the past was the giddiness — “Oh, we are the ones in charge, nothing can happen.” But suddenly we see them reacting to forces from America, which is unfortunate because to govern Nigeria is not too difficult. Nigerians — we’re the most tolerant human beings; otherwise, we wouldn’t be where we are now. We tolerate everything.

And I know that 2027 is not yet a done deal. But the opposition must get its act together. I’ve said it before on this programme that actions and reactions are always equal and opposite, according to Isaac Newton. So that’s my scientific analysis of what is going to happen.

Any southerner who goes into the race now – an average southerner will say, “After all, we already have Tinubu there, so why are we worrying ourselves?” So, the force that we need to energize the opposition, I believe it will not be there. There are three key things when it comes to presidential elections. Number one is ethnicity — where the candidate comes from. No northerner is going to come and die to come and defend a southern candidate if, let’s say, for example, he’s rigged out of the election. But when you have your own candidate, it’s more than likely that you will be more enthused to vote for that candidate.

And that is why I said, look, don’t let us waste our time. And I’ve said it — you know me, I’ve said it — I said the only person this government is afraid of is Atiku Abubakar. I will continue to say it. And since Atiku and Peter Obi ran together in 2019, I supported them then, and I was not a member of PDP. So it should be easier for them to come back together.

We have less than one year to prepare for that election. While Tinubu is already campaigning, cajoling, and, you know, coercing whoever he can, we are still busy thinking who is going to be our candidate. I think we are wasting too much time. Now is the time to do what is necessary.

And just following up on that, you recently described Peter Obi’s candidacy as independent because, according to you, he doesn’t have a party and has shown unwillingness to build and work with the ADC. But I mean, many of his supporters disagree with you and say that he is still a member of the Labour Party for now, and that the party has been making behind-the-scenes moves towards reconciliation and could well pull a rabbit out of a hat in 2027. What’s your assessment of that?

Dele Momodu: Now you have gone in the realm of magic. I am not a magician and I don’t see any magic that would awaken Labour Party or PDP and that APC will fold its arms and allow such a platform for Obi. I mean, the truth of the matter is that, you know, he’s a man I respect so much. If you look at it right now, I believe he’s party-less, like most of our opposition leaders.

He has not yet made up his mind, and he joined the ADC last week. So anybody who wants to run a year to election and you have not yet made up your mind, I think it’s proving more difficult. that’s why I said an independent candidate. But he has not said that he’s opposed to ADC, so we need to correct that. He has not said that he’s opposed. What I think he’s opposed to is maybe having to go through a convention — a primary — and ADC said everybody should come to the primary: if you win, you win, then others will support.

But I think it’s going to be difficult for any party to donate a ticket — especially any formidable party — at this stage, to donate a ticket to any candidate. I don’t even think Atiku can get an automatic ticket in ADC; he will have to fight for it. So let them — I mean, you have Roti… one of the most experienced politicians in the history of Nigeria. So they are all there; let them go and fight for it. And that is what a true democrat should do.

The only person who will get an automatic ticket, and already has, is President Tinubu. So for anybody to be shopping for a ticket at this stage, I think we need to get very serious. I’m being brutally frank.

Indeed, and that’s what we like about you – your brutal frankness. And in that regard, let’s talk a little bit about you as a prominent media personality. I mean, do you see your role as a commentator as influencing government policy or shaping public opinion?

Dele Momodu: Well, for me, I am like a prophet. I was born in an Aladura church, and I was named Joseph. I dream a lot. I see visions. And most of my predictions about Nigeria have come to pass, even after people have abused me.

They used to tell me, “Oh, you like supporting losers.” But now they can see that I support common sense. It does not matter whether you are going to win or you are not going to win. That’s the role God has chosen for me, and I have gladly accepted it.
So those who want quick fixes or quick, you know, appointments, of course, would always join the ruling party. When I supported Buhari the other time, I never went there to do anything. They invited me; I told them my piece of mind. So it tells you that I’m not desperate for anything.
For me as a person, I will continue to influence the younger ones. Everywhere I go – and I travel virtually every week – the young people come to me, even on flights, and say, “Thank you for speaking up.” A lot of people don’t speak up. That is why we believe Nigeria is populated by bad people. There are a lot of good people who are voiceless. And so they are looking for someone to just tell them where to go.
And I am happy that most things that I have said have come. I predicted that there would be a dictatorship, and that one didn’t take much. So as a prophet, I’m enjoying it.

Well, we like having you, and thank you very much indeed for taking the time to talk to us. And thank you for being there tonight. And also, I hope everything goes well because I know you had a bit of a mishap getting into the studio.
Dele Momodu — Basharun Dele Momodu — is a former presidential candidate and publisher of Ovation magazine. He was talking to me from our studios in Lagos.

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Davido Hails Uncle, Gov Adeleke on Resignation from PDP

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Nigerian Afrobeat music singer, David Adeleke aka Davido, has commented on his uncle, Governor Ademola Adeleke, after he resigned from the Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP), posting “Jeje…” on his X page.

Adeleke, who represented Osun West as Senator and currently serves as the governor of the State, announced his resignation in a letter dated November 4, 2025, citing the party’s national leadership crisis.

The letter titled ‘Resignation of my membership of the Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP)’ read: “Due to the current crisis of the national leadership of the Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP), I hereby resign my Membership of the Peoples’ Democratic Party with immediate effect.”

He expressed gratitude for the opportunities afforded to him by the PDP.

“I thank the Peoples’ Democratic Party for the opportunities given to me for my elections as a Senator (Represented Osun West) and as Governor of Osun State under the Peoples’ Democratic Party,” he added.

The resignation has sparked reactions, with Davido’s post sparking speculation about the implications for the party.

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Book of Infamy: Umo Eno, Umar Bago, Egbetokun Listed Among Media Unfriendly Public Officers

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Niger and Akwa Ibom state governors, Umar Bago and Umo Eno respectively, have been listed in the “Book of Infamy” by the International Press Institute (IPI) Nigeria as the worst offenders of media repression in the country.

The IPI also included the Inspector General of Police, Kayode Egbetokun, in the blacklist for continued police harassment and attacks on journalists.

This was made known on Tuesday during the IPI Annual Conference in Abuja, with Vice President Kashim Shettima and Minister of Information and National Orientation, in attendance.

At the conference, IPI President Musikilu Mojeed said the governors and the police chief have consistently prevented journalists from performing their legitimate responsibilities.

He said, “Mohammed Umar Bago, Niger Governor, Umo Eno, Governor of Akwa Ibom and the IG of Police, Kayode Egbetokun, are hereby written in the book of infamy.”

Mojeed added that Egbetokun was added for “failing to uphold his constitutional duties and allowing systematic media oppression”.

In recent years, media reports have highlighted multiple instances of repression under the two governors.

In August 2025, Governor Umar Bago was reported to have ordered the closure of Badeggi FM, a privately owned radio station in Minna, Niger State, accusing it of inciting violence.

The station was sealed by security agents, prompting condemnation from rights organisations such as Amnesty International and the Nigerian Bar Association, which described the move as unlawful and an attack on independent journalism.

Earlier in 2025, a postgraduate student at Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida University, Lapai, Isah Mokwa was reportedly arrested and detained after criticising Governor Bago on social media.

In Akwa Ibom State, under Governor Umo Eno, a Channels Television reporter and cameraman were expelled from the Government House Press Centre in May 2025 after airing a video in which the governor allegedly announced plans to defect from his political party.

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