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Nigeria Decides 2023: Another Visit to The Kigali Genocide Memorial in Rwanda

Published

3 years ago

May 18, 2023

Eric

By Dolapo Aina

On Wednesday, May 17, 2023, I visited Kigali Genocide Memorial with a family member who came to Kigali. During this particular trip in May 2023, I saw a young couple of Northern extraction and a lot of Nigerian women of Eastern extraction, who were in several groups (more like a whole family: nuclear and extended family members). I also saw Nigerians in Diaspora. I had visited the Memorial located in Gisozi just some weeks earlier in March 2023 and I recollected I had composed an epistle of an article. Do read the piece.

I try to forget but it is useless. I can’t forget even a small part of it – words of a Genocide survivor found at the Kigali Genocide Memorial

Dear Nigerians. This piece is a long article, as there was no other way to get the message across. What you are about to read, dictates you need to have the patience of a Tibetan Monk to read (not peruse) through the epistle-like article.

Office on Genocide Prevention and The Responsibility to Protect

United Nations’ Office on Genocide Prevention and the Responsibility to Protect has on its’ website a plethora of links which are easy to read and understand.

Prevention

To prevent atrocity crimes, it is critically important to understand the root causes of these crimes. Atrocities crimes, particularly genocide and crimes against humanity, are not spontaneous acts. Instead, they develop as a process over time, as a result of which it is possible to identify warning signs that they may occur. The Office on Genocide Prevention and the Responsibility to Protect has developed a Framework of Analysis to identify some of the main risk factors for atrocity crimes. Preventing atrocity crimes means being aware of these risks and taking action to address and reduce them, or ideally, eradicate them.

Preventing genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity is an ongoing process that requires sustained effort over time to build the resilience of societies to atrocity crimes by ensuring that the rule of law is respected and that all human rights are protected, without discrimination; by establishing legitimate and accountable national institutions; by eliminating corruption; by managing diversity constructively; and by supporting a strong and diverse civil society and a pluralistic media.

According to international law, the primary obligation to prevent atrocious crimes lies with individual States. The Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, the 1949 Geneva Conventions and overall international human rights law treaties contain provisions that oblige Member States to prevent those crimes or violations, including by ensuring the respect for the norms in them contained.

In the 2005 World Summit, Member States adopted the principle of the Responsibility to Protect, which reaffirms the primary responsibility of the State to protect its population from atrocity crimes, as well as their incitement. However, that principle also underlines the responsibility of the international community to prevent atrocity crimes by helping States to build capacity to protect their populations and assisting States under stress “before crises and conflicts break out”.

Preventing atrocity crimes should be a priority for everyone. First and foremost, prevention is the only way to avoid the loss of human life, trauma and physical injury. However, there are also other significant reasons to focus on prevention. The United Nations Security Council has stated in several of its resolutions that serious and gross breaches of international human rights and humanitarian law constitute threats to international peace and security. Therefore, prevention not only contributes to national peace and stability, it also serves the broader regional and international peace and stability agenda. Prevention of atrocity crimes is also much less costly than intervening to halt these crimes, or dealing with their aftermath. Finally, by taking measures to prevent atrocity crimes and fulfilling their primary responsibility to protect, States reinforce their sovereignty and reduce the need for more intrusive forms of response from other States or international actors.

Response

Although preventing atrocity crimes is far preferable to responding when the crimes are ongoing or after they have been committed, there are times when prevention has failed. The brutal legacy of the twentieth century, marred as it was by the Holocaust, the killing fields of Cambodia, the genocide Against The Tutsi in Rwanda and in Srebrenica and other events, underlined the profound failure of individual States to live up to their responsibilities and obligations under international law, as well as the collective inadequacies of international institutions. These tragedies pressed the need for a collective response that would protect populations by either stopping the escalation of on-going atrocities, or accelerating or prompting their termination.

Though the responsibility to protect populations against genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity lies primarily with individual States, the principle also underlines the responsibility of the international community to take collective action, in a “timely and decisive manner”, to protect populations from those crimes when States “manifestly fail” in their responsibilities. In these cases, responses to atrocity crimes can take the form of peaceful means under Chapters VI ad VIII of the United Nations Charter, or take the form of coercive means, including those foreseen in Chapter VII of the Charter.

Accountability

The links between justice and peace are strong. Properly pursued, accountability for atrocity crimes can serve not only as a strong deterrent, it is also key to successful reconciliation processes and the consolidation of peace in post-conflict societies. Impunity destroys the social fabric of societies and perpetuates mistrust among communities or towards the State, consequently undermining a lasting peace. The confidence that justice has been served and that those responsible for serious crimes are being held accountable helps prevent feelings of frustration, bitterness and the possible desire for revenge of victims, their families and those who share ethnic, religious, racial or national origins, which could lead to further violence and atrocities. In this way, justice and peace promote and sustain one another.

Just as States have the primary responsibility to protect their populations from atrocity crimes, they also have the obligation under international conventional and customary law to see that those responsible for acts of genocide, crimes against humanity or war crimes are made accountable and that victims have a right to an effective remedy. Alongside other transitional justice mechanisms, prosecutions give recognition to the suffering of the victims and their families and contribute to the restoration of some of the dignity or integrity that they lost or was severely damaged.

Knowing what happened in the past, who was responsible and why it happened, paves the way to preventing a recurrence of violence, to putting in place early warning mechanisms and in general, to developing strategies for prevention. In this regard, the work developed in the pursuit of justice by national jurisdiction as well as international jurisdictions such as the International Criminal Court, the ad hoc international tribunals and the hybrid courts, has been instrumental in creating a culture of accountability throughout the world and in educating societies and influencing future generations on the importance of the respect for human rights norms and principles, as well as on the lessons we can learn from past crime.

Mandate of United Nations’ Office on Genocide Prevention and the Responsibility to Protect

Just in case, you don’t understand what the mandate of United Nations’ Office on Genocide Prevention and the Responsibility to Protect is all about, you need to know these important facts.

The Office on Genocide Prevention and the Responsibility to Protect supports two Special Advisers who report directly to the United Nations Secretary-General:

The Special Adviser on the Prevention of Genocide, who acts as a catalyst to raise awareness of the causes and dynamics of genocide, to alert relevant actors where there is a risk of genocide, and to advocate and mobilize for appropriate action.

The Special Adviser on the Responsibility to Protect, who leads the conceptual, political, institutional and operational development of the Responsibility to Protect. The mandates of the two Special Advisers are distinct but complementary. In order to maximise efficiency and resources, the Secretary-General decided to institutionalize the collaboration between the Special Advisers through the establishment of a joint office. As far as possible, the two Advisers share a common methodology for early warning, assessment, convening, learning, and advocacy, as well as a common office and staff based in New York.

Saturday’s Sad Sights and Sounds

Though, I am not labouring under a misapprehension, I am still trying to process what I watched, like every other Nigerian, online on Saturday, 18^th of March 2023 during the gubernatorial elections in Lagos State, the commercial nerve centre of Nigeria and by extension; West Africa. It is safe to also state that Africa was watching with keen interest. I can state so, because of the questions I got from Rwandan and African friends and acquittances.

Acquitting yourself with the sordid macabre dance that occurred on Saturday, 18^th of March 2023 would be practically impossible. It was not a movie set with actors and extras shooting several takes. The hate speech moments and attacks have two ingredients: targeted and coordinated. Unnerving precedents if you have read these books on Rwanda by Linda Melvern (a renowned British investigative journalist) which are: The Ultimate Crime: Who Betrayed the UN and Why?; A People Betrayed: The Role of the West in Rwanda’s Genocide (2000); Conspiracy to Murder: The Rwandan Genocide (2004); Intent to Deceive: Denying the Genocide of the Tutsi (2020). And also, Lieutenant-General Romeo Antonius Dallaire’s book titled: Hands with the devil. General Dallaire was the head of the United Nations blue-helmet soldiers here in Rwanda in 1994. General Dallaire served as force commander of UNAMIR, the ill-fated United Nations peacekeeping force for Rwanda between 1993 and 1994.

In 1994, something evil happened in Rwanda. The Genocide Against The Tutsi which took place within 100 days. I have written about this several times from 2014 when I first visited Rwanda for the first time. That first visit was in April 2014. What you should realise is that from April 7^th and for the next 100 days, there is a commemoration of the Genocide Against The Tutsi called Kwibuka (Remember, Unite, Renew) and during this period, you cannot miss the stories and tales told by people, media, institutions and parastatals. The more you grasp the enormity of what happened in Rwanda, the more you realise that Genocides have the templates. Rwanda, Namibia, Armenia, Cambodia and Israel have experienced Genocides and when you visit Genocide Memorials in these countries, you would understand that such heinous atrocities don’t just happen. According to all the Holocaust Memorial websites in the world, there are ten stages of a Genocide namely: classification, symbolisation, discrimination, dehumanisation, organisation, polarisation, preparation, persecution, extermination, denial. Observing events weeks before the Presidential elections, one could see some indicators but I brushed them off. Nigeria cannot go that path; I convinced myself. But now, I am not so sure. I am not sure.

Kigali Genocide Memorial: Another Visit

To be sure my analysis was still accurate. To be sure it was not a case of analysis paralysis. To be sure my years of visiting the Genocide Memorial in Kigali more than fifty times since 2014. To be sure my attendance at the Embassy of Israel in Rwanda’s Commemoration of Holocaust and Genocide every January 27 of every year were not in futility. To be sure my attendant interactions with two Holocaust survivors; Mr David Frankel in 2020 and Mr. Emil A. Fish in 2023 whose stories I touched on in my Guardian Nigeria pieces titled; International Holocaust Memorial Day: Tales from the Land of a Thousand Hills (January 2020) and From Kigali Genocide Memorial: Notes on International Day of Commemoration in Memory of Holocaust victims (January 2023) were no fluke. To sure what I observed online from Lagos, Nigeria was what I thought it was, I decided to visit Kigali Genocide Memorial.

On Wednesday 22^nd of March 2023, I arrived at the Kigali Genocide Memorial at 13.10pm (some sections were having a facelift as painters were busy; all in preparation for the 29^th commemoration of The Genocide Against The Tutsi from April 7^th). I arrived at the Memorial and at 13.17pm, I walked into the entrance of the Memorial. I walked into the first room where you watch the visuals of testimonies of survivors and a survivor’s sentence jumped at me; ‘We still don’t know what happened in 1994. We got along just fine but they slaughtered our children.’

Passing through sections numbered 17: Divided societies, 18: Path to a final solution; 19: Propaganda (ranging from all forms of media to cartoons. It was evident that persecution was an early indication of what was to come) The section numbered 20 had machetes, clubs, guns and several blunt tools: A caption read 300,000 orphans and over 85,000 children who were heads of their households with younger siblings and relatives. Another read 1000s of widows, many had been the victims of rape and social abuse or had seen their own children murdered.

In another section, a caption read, ‘The genocidaires had been more successful in their evil aims than anyone would have dared to believe.’ Reading some stories, I realised and discovered yet again that the popular downtown Kigali, Kacyiru and Gisozi (the area where The Genocide Memorial is situated) also have tales with the history of Rwanda. In another room cum section, I saw skulls, rosary, a smoking pipe, wallet, left pair shoe for a baby girl. Other rooms had stories of The Genocides Against The Jews, The Genocide Against The Herero and Nama. The children’s room as always would leave you sober.

As I took pictures in the premises after the hour tour, I heard someone speak and the accent sounded Nigerian. I spoke in Nigerian pidgin English and he responded in pidgin English. Then, he asked; ‘Where are from in Nigeria?’. I replied; ‘With what happened in Lagos on Saturday, I would prefer to say, I am a Nigerian.’

Succinct Summary

What took place in Lagos State cannot be wished away or glossed over. The varied forms of attacks from physical, psychological and all forms of media; perpetrated by politicians, mouth pieces, aides, paid media personalities, custodians of age-long traditions who have finally demystified traditional myths and beliefs; handy men and their thugs and regular citizens who took part in the macabre dance should realise one thing. Ignorance of hate speech doesn’t negate it. And as long as you didn’t think it thoroughly before your comments were posted or recorded; the appropriate global institutes, do track hate speech instigators. The snide, chide, remark, cartoon, post made today, would be what might indict you when the time comes. A solution bordering on a must have conversation is paramount and peace cannot reign if justice is not meted out. Anything other than justice is just being unrealistic if not phantasmagorical. Who leads this conversation? Who heads this conversation? Surely, not anyone who has his or her hand (covertly or overtly) involved in the evil that befell Lagos State on March 18, 2023.

Residing in Rwanda, knowing, reading and learning from Genocide survivors (Rwandans and Jews), it would be almost impossible for a Nigerian who lives in Rwanda, not to understand the importance of what occurred in Lagos. The indicators all point to something sinister and downright evil and well-orchestrated. A day later, on Sunday, 19^th, a Nigerian living in Kigali, stated whilst we spoke that, ‘Lagos wrote a love letter to genocide.’ I would rephrase the sentence thus, ‘Nigeria via Lagos State wrote an enticing and seductive love letter to woo genocide,’ C’est fini. My conscience is clear.

Dolapo Aina writes from Kigali, Rwanda

Featured

Electocral Act: Knocks As NASS Prioritized Removal of Certificate Forgery As Ground for Election Petition

Published

13 hours ago

March 16, 2026

Eric

The removal of certificate forgery as a ground for filing election petitions in the newly amended Electoral Act 2026 has sparked widespread criticism from legal experts, political analysts and key stakeholders, who warn that the provision could weaken democracy.

BusinessDay reports that Section 138 of the Electoral Act 2026 outlines the grounds upon which an election may be challenged, but no longer includes certificate forgery among them.

Section 138(1) of the Act states that an election may only be questioned on the grounds that the election was invalid due to corrupt practices or non-compliance with the provisions of the Act, or that the respondent was not duly elected by a majority of lawful votes cast.

The law further stipulates that acts or omissions that merely contradict instructions or directives of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), but do not violate the Act itself, cannot serve as grounds for questioning an election.

In addition, Section 138(3) imposes strict penalties where election petitions are filed on grounds outside those recognised by the Act. The court is required to impose fines of not less than N5 million on counsel and not less than N10 million on the petitioner.

Section 139 of the Act also provides that an election shall not be invalidated on the basis of non-compliance with the law if the tribunal or court determines that the election was conducted substantially in accordance with the principles of the Act and that the alleged non-compliance did not significantly affect the outcome of the election.

But the amendment has drawn sharp criticism from Jibrin Okutepa, Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), who questioned the legality and moral implications of removing certificate forgery as a basis for challenging election results.

In a statement posted on his official X account, Okutepa described the move as an “outrage” and a troubling attempt by the political class to weaken established standards of accountability.

“This is an outrage, a brazen attempt to redefine a society’s moral code by a morally compromised political class. When criminals rule, the society’s morals are turned upside down,” he said.

The senior lawyer noted that the presentation of forged certificates had historically formed part of the grounds for questioning a candidate’s qualification in election petitions under Nigeria’s electoral jurisprudence.

“Hitherto, the presentation of forged certificates, which forms part of the qualification requirements, had always been a ground for election petitions. But the new Electoral Act 2026 has removed that ground,” he said.

Okutepa argued that the National Assembly may have exceeded its powers because issues relating to qualification for public office are constitutional matters.

According to him, the Constitution clearly outlines the qualifications required for elective offices such as President, Governor and members of the National and State Assemblies, and such provisions cannot be overridden by ordinary legislation.

He further warned that limiting the grounds for election petitions could discourage legitimate legal challenges and shield unqualified candidates from scrutiny.

In a telephone interview with BusinessDay, Yakudima said the situation reflects a troubling trend that could undermine the country’s progress, particularly in the areas of education, governance and human development.

“This is a very serious retrogressive development. It is not good for a country like Nigeria that is still struggling to develop.

“We are already behind in development, education and human capacity development. If we truly want to grow as a nation, we must place strong emphasis on education, knowledge and experience,” he daid.

Yakudima, who is also a political analyst, stressed that formal education remains essential for building competent leadership and effective democratic institutions.

“Our emphasis should be on formal education, where people are required to go through proper academic processes and obtain certificates that attest to their qualifications,” he added.

Yakudima, a chieftain of the PDP warned that any attempt to downplay the importance of education or tolerate actions that undermine academic standards could harm both the country’s educational system and its democratic foundations.

“Governance is a serious business. Democracy cannot function effectively without capable, knowledgeable and well-educated individuals in leadership positions,” Yakudima said.

“When we uphold laws and standards that emphasise proper education and certification, we are strengthening the country. But if we undermine them, we risk doing serious damage to our institutions and to democracy itself,” he said.

Similarly, Peter Ameh, a politician and former chairman of the Inter-Party Advisory Council (IPAC), has also criticised the development, describing it as a troubling moment for Nigeria’s democracy.

Speaking with BusinessDay in a telephone interview, Ameh, who is also a former national chairman of the defunct Progressives Peoples Alliance (PPA), said the move raises serious concerns about the country’s commitment to education, merit and democratic integrity.

“Why are we sending our children to school? Why are families spending huge amounts of money on education if we are beginning to suggest that academic qualifications no longer matter in public leadership?

“This is a very unfortunate development. The amendment looks like a legislative overreach aimed at favouring the interest of one individual while undermining the integrity and credibility of our electoral process,” he said.

He argued that democratic leadership should be built on competence, knowledge and proven capacity, which are often demonstrated through education and experience.

“In every professional field today, people are required to present certificates and evidence of competence before they are employed. Yet we are lowering the bar for those who want to govern millions of people and make laws for the country,” Ameh said.

The former IPAC chairman warned that weakening standards for public office could erode accountability and reduce the quality of governance.

“Instead of strengthening our laws to promote discipline, transparency and credible participation in governance, we appear to be weakening them. That is not how to deepen democracy,” he added.

Ameh described the development as a setback for Nigeria’s democratic evolution and urged lawmakers to prioritise reforms that strengthen institutions rather than those that create doubts about the country’s commitment to merit and accountability.

However, Bernard Mikko, a political scientist and former member of the House of Representatives from Rivers State, offered a different perspective on the development.

Speaking with BusinessDay in a telephone interview, Mikko said the issue of certificate forgery is already adequately addressed in the Nigerian Constitution, and therefore removing related provisions from the Electoral Act may not significantly change the legal position.

“The Constitution is very clear on the issue of qualifications for elective office, including the presentation of certificates. If you check the relevant sections, the requirements are already stated there,” he said.

According to him, unless the Constitution itself is amended, the fundamental provisions governing eligibility for public office remain intact.

“If such a clause is removed from the Electoral Act, it does not automatically override what is already provided in the Constitution. Any major change would still require a constitutional amendment,” he explained.

Mikko added that if the provision is no longer emphasised in the Electoral Act, the responsibility may increasingly fall on voters to scrutinise the backgrounds and credibility of candidates seeking public office.

“In that situation, the burden shifts more to the integrity of the candidates and the vigilance of the electorate. Voters know the people from their communities, they know their background, their age, the schools they attended and their general history,” he said.

He concluded that while the debate may generate political controversy, the constitutional framework governing eligibility for public office still provides mechanisms for addressing disputes over candidates’ qualifications.

Culled from businessday.ng

Featured

Nova Bank Appoints Jude Anele As MD/CEO, Meets CBN Capital Requirements

Published

16 hours ago

March 16, 2026

Eric

NOVA Bank Limited has announced the appointment of Jude Anele as its Managing Director and Chief Executive Officer, following the approval of the Central Bank of Nigeria.

The appointment comes at a pivotal moment in the Bank’s evolution, following its transition from merchant banking to commercial banking and the successful completion of its recapitalisation programme ahead of the March 31, 2026, regulatory deadline.

Anele brings more than 33 years of banking experience across West and Central Africa, with deep expertise in retail / commercial banking, corporate banking, risk management, institutional transformation and executive leadership. Over the course of his career, he has led complex banking operations, strengthened governance frameworks, delivered sustainable revenue growth and built high-performance teams.

The appointment reflects the Board’s strategic commitment to consolidating NOVA Bank’s commercial banking platform while accelerating growth across its Corporate, Commercial and Retail segments, as well as priority markets.

Speaking on his appointment, Anele said he was honoured to assume leadership of the Bank at a defining stage of its growth.
“Nova Bank has built a strong institutional foundation defined by regulatory compliance, capital strength, disciplined governance and a clear commercial mandate. Our focus now is execution — deepening customer relationships, expanding responsibly across priority markets, strengthening risk discipline and delivering sustainable value to our shareholders,” he said.

The Bank’s Chairman, Phillips Oduoza, also expressed confidence in the new leadership.

“The Board is pleased to welcome Mr. Jude Anele as Managing Director and Chief Executive Officer. His depth of experience, strategic clarity and proven leadership record align strongly with NOVA Bank’s growth ambitions,” Oduoza said. He added that with recapitalization completed ahead of the regulatory timeline, the Bank is entering a new phase defined by scale, stability and structured expansion.

NOVA Bank also confirmed that it has met the recapitalization requirements set by the Central Bank of Nigeria ahead of the regulatory deadline, reinforcing its capital adequacy and long-term financial stability. The capital raise, supported by new and existing shareholders, further strengthens the Bank’s balance sheet and positions it for disciplined growth.

In 2025, Global Credit Rating reaffirmed NOVA Commercial Bank’s national scale long- and short-term issuer ratings of BBB(NG) and A3(NG) respectively, while Agusto & Co. reaffirmed the Bank’s “Bbb” rating with a stable outlook, reflecting its strong capital base, sound liquidity position and resilient asset quality relative to its risk profile.

NOVA Bank currently maintains operations in Lagos, Abuja, Owerri and Port Harcourt, with plans to open eight additional branches across key commercial hubs in 2026 as part of its expansion strategy.

The commissioning of the Bank’s regional office in Owerri marked a significant milestone in its South-East and South-South growth strategy. The event attracted government officials’ business leaders and Nigerians in diaspora and underscored NOVA Bank’s commitment to supporting enterprise development and economic growth.

NOVA Bank Limited is a commercial bank licensed and regulated by the Central Bank of Nigeria. Commencing operations in 2018 as a merchant bank, the institution transitioned to a commercial bank in 2024 and provides retail, SME, corporate and commercial banking services through its Phygital model—an integrated approach combining physical branch presence with digital banking infrastructure.

Featured

Peter Obi Would Rather Buy Desks for Children Than Pay for Lies, Group Replies Bwala

Published

3 days ago

March 14, 2026

Eric

The Peter Obi Media Reach (POMR) has dismissed claims made by presidential spokesman, Daniel Bwala, alleging that the former Labour Party presidential candidate attempted to contact him.

The group described the allegation as false and politically motivated.

POMR said the statement became necessary to prevent the public from being misled by what it called unfounded claims circulating in the political space.

In a statement issued by its spokesman, Ibrahim Umar, the group strongly rejected the allegation and accused Bwala of spreading misleading narratives about the former Anambra State governor.

The statement said, “Normally, we would not dignify Barr Bwala’s baseless accusations with a reply, given his well-documented history of dishonesty. However, we feel it is necessary to address this matter for the benefit of the public, who may be misled.”

According to the group, Obi has consistently maintained a clear distance from individuals and practices associated with what it described as transactional politics.

POMR said the former governor has built his political reputation around accountability, transparency and public service, adding that he does not engage in political dealings driven by personal gains or financial inducements.

The statement further said, “Our principal, Peter Obi, has made it clear that he excludes individuals like Bwala from his political activities and any form of transactional politics that sustain people like him in political circles.

“The Peter Obi that Nigerians know and appreciate will never engage in such practices. He would rather allocate resources to provide desks for children in Bwala’s village than pay him to concoct falsehoods for public consumption.”

The group also stressed that Obi’s political philosophy revolves around encouraging citizens to believe in a shared vision of national development rather than paying individuals to defend his political ambitions.

POMR said the former presidential candidate prefers persuasion and engagement with citizens who share the belief that Nigeria requires urgent reforms in governance.

It added, “Obi’s approach is rooted in the pursuit of good governance and the creation of a better society for all. He does not pay people to promote a cause; instead, he invites them to join him in believing in a shared vision.

“His ‘engagement’ focuses on persuasion, emphasizing the urgent need for a collective effort to rescue our nation. He welcomes those who choose to join him voluntarily, driven by the same deep-seated convictions.”

The group also called on politicians it accused of promoting transactional politics to rethink their approach and focus on national development rather than personal interests.

It concluded by urging critics to keep Obi out of what it described as politically motivated narratives.

“For the umpteenth time, we call on Bwala and others like him to count Peter Obi out of their greed, repent, and join us in the quest for a new Nigeria that is indeed POssible.”