The Oracle
President Buhari Cannot Overrule the Supreme Court
Published
3 years agoon
By
Eric
By Prof. Mike A. A. Ozekhome, SAN, CON, OFR, FCIArb, LL.M, Ph.D, LL.D, D.Litt.
Buhari in his broadcast on Thursday, February 16, 2023, unilaterally varied the apex court’s extant order of maintenance of status quo, by directing the CBN Governor to the effect that “the old N200 banknotes be released back into circulation…to circulate as legal tender with the new N200, N500 and N1000 bank notes for 60 days…”. The President then issued a dicta, more in the form of a military Decree, that, “in line with section 20 (3) of the CBN Act, 2007, all existing old N1000 and N500 notes remain redeemable at the CBN and designated prints”.
This order is a clear violation of and disobedience to the existing order of the apex court which had already maintained the status quo ante bellum of all parties involved in the Naira re-design dispute.
The Supreme Court had on Wednesday, 15th February, 2023, after the first interim order, adjourned the suit originally filed by the Attorneys-General of Kano, Kogi and Zamfara States (other interested parties were later joined) to the 22nd of February, to enable it hear the entire matter holistically. Without saying so in many words, every person very well knew that this adjournment was a further elongation of its earlier interim order granted against the CBN and the Federal Government, represented by the Attorney-General of the Federation; restraining it from carrying out its directives that the old naira notes would cease to be legal tender by 10th of February, 2023. The order was to have lasted till 15th February, 2023. During the proceedings of that day, the matter was again adjourned to 22nd February, for full hearing. Every Nigerian had expected that the Federal Government would respect this apex court’s position. But President Buhari demurred. He made himself Supreme Leader; an Emperor; Potentate, Mikado and Overlord.
Buhari’s broadcast to the Nation therefore, literally overruled the Supreme Court of the land, in a way and manner only a military tyrant could ever contemplate. Buhari’s action is a reminder of the apocryphal saying of autocratic and despotic Emperor Louis XIV, who, on 13th April, 1655, stood in front of Parliament and imperiously declared, “L’Etat C’est Moi (I am the State)”. This was to underline the fact that he and he alone, had absolute power over his Nation. His father had abdicated the throne due to mass protests. Louis XIV himself met the same fate. His reign over France and Navarre was short lived. It only lasted for 20 minutes, after which he too abdicated the throne.
Buhari’s imperious order was a frontal call to chaos, anarchy and national upheaval. It was a direct assault on the authority of the Supreme Court, the highest court of the land; and also the head of the entire Judiciary, the 3rd arm of government under the doctrine of separation of powers, most ably popularized in 1748 by Baron de Montesque, a great French Philosopher.
To have whimsically and capriciously varied the order of the Supreme Court was to pick and choose what order to obey or disobey. This breaches the supremacy of the 1999 Constitution provided for in section 1(1) thereof. It also frontally assaults the provisions of section 287(1) of the Constitution which provides that “the decisions of the Supreme Court shall be enforced in any part of the Federation by all authorities and persons, and by courts with subordinate jurisdiction to that of the Supreme Court”.
Once given, an order of the court is binding on all. The Apex Court in ROSSEK V. ACB LTD (1993) 8 NWLR (Pt. 312) 382 at 434 re-stated the law to the effect that: “A judgment remains binding until it is set aside by a competent Court… To hold otherwise is to clothe a party against whom a judgment has been obtained with the discretion to decide, in his wisdom that the judgment is invalid and not binding on him. This to my mind, is an invitation to anarchy. I do not understand the law to be so.” – per Ogundare, JSC.
Also, in STATE v. SOLOMON (2020) LPELR-55598(SC), the Supreme Court held thus: “It is the law that a decision of a Court of competent jurisdiction, no matter that it is seems palpably null and void, unattractive or insupportable, remains good law and uncompromisingly binding until set aside by a superior Court of competent jurisdiction.”
The Supreme Court, in the case of ABACHA V. FAWEHINMI (2000) 6 NWLR (Pt. 660) 228 at page 317 E-F, held as follows:-
“A Court order must be obeyed and even if it is a nullity, it has to be set aside on appeal against it”. Per NWALI SYLVESTER NGWUTA, JSC (Pp 25 – 25 Paras D – E).
See also the locus classicus of GOVERNOR OF LAGOS STATE VS. OJUKWU (1986) 1 NWLR PT. 18, PG. 621.
This is one instance where the apex court should bare its teeth and bite. This is more so because President Buhari had himself acknowledged in his speech, the pendency of the matter before the Supreme Court. Surely, no one is above the law; not even President Muhammadu Buhari himself.
Buhari’s broadcast rather than be re-assuring and balming the frayed nerves of a traumatized citizenry and a beleaguered nation, was the exact opposite; a complete anti-climax. It was a clarion call for total disenchantment, disillusionment, despair and desolation. The speech was not only highly unpresidential; but was vividly insensate and insensitive to the suffering of Nigerian citizens, who, due to no fault of theirs, can neither now use the old currency, nor access the new one. Banks claim not to have the new currency in their vaults.
What manner of government would consciously and deliberately throw its country into a spin, and its citizens under the bus, in a policy that could have been handled with better planning and more decency, efficiency and human face? This is the first time in my life I watch Nigerians buy money with money – buying Naira with Naira – at exorbitant exchange rates.
When Queen Elizabeth II died in September, 2022, the British government set about changing its governance template to reflect the realities of the moment. It decided to change the portrait of Queen Elizabeth II on the British Pound Sterling to that of King Charles III, her son who had succeeded her. The effective take-off date of the new Pound Sterling was fixed for middle of 2024; nearly two years from the announcement of the change. There were no violent protests or any upheavals because the citizens immediately bought into the historic and laudable project, as it afforded them enough time to put their house in order.
How many Nigerians know that Queen’s Counsel (QC)(the equivalent of Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN) has since been changed to King’s Counsel (KC); and that Queen’s English is now King’s English? We have seen the ugly scenes of frustrated Nigerians fighting at ATMs; or going completely nude; students and soldiers fighting each other; some POS holders being burnt alive; while Police shot and killed unarmed Nigerians. Are we a cursed Nation, that an otherwise beautiful policy whose fiscal, monetary, economic, and development advantages are unquantifiable should be so mishandled and so grossly messed up as to lead to widespread national protests; burning of banks; destruction; mayhem and killings. Just what is wrong with us as a Nation? I do not know; or do you?
The Russian Ruble which had been used since the 14th Century is the second-oldest currency in the world, next only to the British Sterling. Following the dissolution and fall of the Soviet Union in 1991, the Soviet Ruble remained the currency of the Russian Federation until 1992, when in 1993; a new set of coins was issued with a new set of banknotes in the name of the Bank of Russia. There were no killings and mayhem.
Chinese currency comes by two names – the Chinese Yuan (CNY) and the People’s Renminbi (RMB). The distinction is subtle: because while the Renminbi is the official currency of China, the Yuan is the principal unit of account for that currency.
Today, the Renminbi is one of the top-five most-used currencies in the world, in addition to the U.S. Dollar, Euro, Yen, and the British Pound. Yet, the Naira which is not even recognised as a legal tender in any part of the world is being used by the government to oppress and torment its citizens.
The Euro is the new ‘single currency’ of the European Monetary Union. Adopted on January 1, 1999, by 11 Member States. Greece became the 12th Member state to adopt the Euro on January 1, 2001. On January 1, 2002, these 12 countries officially introduced the Euro banknotes and coins as legal tender. Slovenia became the 13th member state to adopt the Euro on January 1, 2007.
Venezuela debuted with a new currency in 2018, a currency that featured six fewer zeros. This was a response to years of spirally inflation.
In December, 2019, eight West African countries agreed to change the name of their common currencies to ECO. This effectively severed these countries from the CFA Franc; and therefore, their former colonial masters. The countries are Benin, Burkina – Faso, Guinea Bissau, Ivory Coast, Mali, Niger, Senegal, and Togo.
On January 1, 2023, Croatia joined the Euro Zone, replacing its Kuna with the Euro.
When these independent countries changed from their original currency to the new Euro, there was no ruckus; no brouhaha; no wahala, donnybrook or rhubarb.
Yet, some Nigerians, for political exigencies or correctness, are shamelessly celebrating a bare-faced assault on the common man and woman and the authority of the Supreme Court. This was the same way despotic Hitler of Germany was celebrated, applauded and deified during the third Reich, until it became irredeemably too late to retreat. Read the immortal words of Martin Niemoller (1892 – 1984), a German theologian and Lutheran Pastor who bemoaned Hitler’s atrocities and their debilitating effect on millions of Jews.
Though having a cashless economy appears quite inviting, appealing, titillating and tantalizing, it must be appreciated that advanced countries such as the UK, US and the EU that have full complement of infrastructure, still use coins. A cent in the US, or penny in the UK are still valued and in wide circulation. When last did you see one Kobo, five Kobo or ten Kobo coins in Nigeria? I have not seen any for years. Or have you?
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The Oracle
The Oracle: The University As a Catalyst for Societal Development (Pt. 2)
Published
13 hours agoon
December 19, 2025By
Eric
Prof Mike Ozekhome SAN
INTRODUCTION
The inaugural installment of this treatise was foundational, commencing (suitably enough) with an overview of relevant terms (“University”, “education” “societal/human capital development”, “innovation ecosystem”, “etc). We later develved into a brief history of universities and tertiary education in general worldwide. Today, we shall continue same focusing on Nigeria as an entity. Enjoy.
THE HISTORY OF UNIVERSITIES AND TERTIARY INSTITUTIONS GLOBALLY (Continues)
Universities and the Scientific Revolution
By the 17th and 18th centuries, universities had become laboratories of scientific discovery (https://courses.lumenlearning.com/suny-hccc-worldhistory2/chapter/the-popularization-of-science/> Accessed on 8th September, 2025). Figures such as Galileo, Newton, and Descartes advanced theories that challenged established doctrines. Universities shifted from preserving old knowledge to producing new insights that fueled the Industrial Revolution. While continental universities in Italy, Germany, and Scotland became central to scientific teaching and research, the English universities of Oxford and Cambridge remained more conservative, with much of the scientific activity shifting to metropolitan institutions like the Royal Society. Nevertheless, the scientific revolution fundamentally redefined the university’s role as an engine of discovery.
The German Research University and the Modern Model
The 19th century introduced another pivotal model: the German research university, most famously represented by the University of Berlin under Wilhelm von Humboldt (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Humboldt_University_of_Berlin> Accessed on 8th September, 2025). This model emphasized the unity of teaching and research, academic freedom, and the pursuit of truth for its own sake. It gave birth to the modern research university, where laboratories, libraries, and seminar systems became central. This template spread globally and remains the backbone of contemporary higher education.
Africa’s Pioneering Intellectual Heritage
Although the structures of modern higher education in Africa are often associated with European colonial frameworks (https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/EJ1079222.pdf> Accessed on 8th September, 2025), it is misleading to assume that advanced learning began only with colonial intervention. Long before the imposition of Western-style universities, Africa nurtured sophisticated systems of education at multiple levels, ranging from informal community instruction to highly organized institutions that rivaled, and in some cases preceded, their European counterparts.
One of the earliest and most celebrated centers of scholarship on the continent was the Academy of Alexandria, sometimes described as the Universal Museum Library, which flourished between the 4th century BC and the 7th century AD. This institution served as both a repository of knowledge and a vibrant intellectual hub, attracting scholars from across the Mediterranean and beyond. Within its walls, philosophy, mathematics, astronomy, medicine, and literature were studied in ways that shaped intellectual developments far beyond Africa’s borders.
Africa also gave birth to universities that remain monuments of global intellectual history. The University of al-Qarawiyyin, established in 859 AD in Fez, Morocco, is widely regarded as the oldest continuously operating degree-awarding university in the world. Not long after, in 970 AD, al-Azhar University in Cairo (see: Times Higher Education, “Al-Azhar University”, https://www.timeshighereducation.com/world-university-rankings/al-azhar-university > Accessed on 8th September, 2025) was founded, growing into one of the most influential centers of Islamic learning. Both institutions not only preserved knowledge but also generated new streams of thought, producing scholars whose works shaped jurisprudence, philosophy, theology, and the sciences across Africa, the Arab world, and Europe.
In West Africa, the city of Timbuktu (see: Emnet Tadesse Woldegiorgis, “The Changing Role of Higher Education in Africa: A Historical Reflection” Higher Education Studies 3(6) ), rose to prominence between the 12th and 16th centuries as one of the world’s most important centers of learning. The famed Sankore Madrasah and other scholarly institutions attracted thousands of students who engaged in studies ranging from law and theology to astronomy, mathematics, and medicine. The thousands of surviving manuscripts from Timbuktu attest to a sophisticated academic tradition that connected Africa to a global network of learning.
Equally remarkable is the intellectual legacy of Ethiopia, which developed a distinctive scholarly tradition anchored in its unique script, Ge’ez. For over 2,700 years, Ethiopia maintained systems of elite education within monastic schools, theological academies, and royal courts . This enduring heritage emphasized literacy, history, philosophy, and religious thought, ensuring that Ethiopia remained one of the most resilient centers of indigenous knowledge on the continent.
Taken together, these examples demonstrate that Africa was by no means a passive recipient of education. Rather, it was a pioneer and custodian of intellectual traditions that shaped civilizations both within and beyond its borders.
HISTORY OF UNIVERSITIES AND TETIARY EDUCATION IN NIGERIA
The history of university education in Nigeria began with the establishment of Yaba Higher College in 1930 (Yusuf Adulrahman, “Historical-Chronological Emergence of Universities in Nigeria: The Perspectives in ‘Colomilicivilian’ Periodization” https://www.researchgate.net/publication/342247766_Historical-Chronological_Emergence_of_Universities_in_Nigeria_The_Perspectives_in_’Colomilicivilian’_Periodization accessed 7 September 2025, the first institution of its kind in the country. At the time, other forms of post-secondary training were also introduced in government departments—such as agriculture at Moor Plantation in Ibadan and Samaru near Zaria, veterinary science at Vom, and engineering in Lagos. The Yaba College offered courses in fields like civil engineering, agriculture, medicine, surveying, teaching, and later, commerce and forestry. Its main purpose was to train Africans for junior administrative and technical roles, thereby reducing reliance on expensive European expatriates.
However, the college faced criticism, particularly from Nigerian nationalists. Its goals were seen as narrow compared to a full university; its diplomas lacked international recognition; and its graduates were limited to junior posts, unlike their British counterparts who advanced to higher civil service levels. This fueled stronger agitation for a true university in Nigeria.
In response, the Asquith and Elliot Commissions of 1943 were set up to review higher education across West Africa (N.Okoji, “The History and Development of Public Universities in Nigeria Since 1914” International Journal of Education and Evaluation 2(1) 2016). While the majority recommended three new university colleges (in Ibadan, Achimota, and the Gold Coast), the minority proposed a single college at Ibadan with regional feeder institutions. With the Labour Party’s victory in Britain, the minority view was adopted. Thus, in 1948, the University College, Ibadan, affiliated with the University of London, was established as Nigeria’s first university-level institution.
Further expansion came after independence. The Ashby Commission of 1959 projected Nigeria’s manpower and educational needs and recommended broader access to higher education. Following its proposals, several universities were founded: the University of Nigeria, Nsukka (1960) (Nigeria’s first autonomous university with an American orientation) followed by the University of Ife (now Obafemi Awolowo University, 1962), Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria (1962), and the University of Lagos (1962). By the same year, the University College Ibadan became a full-fledged university. Collectively, these five institutions are known as Nigeria’s “first-generation universities.”
Expansion continued with the University of Benin in 1970, later recognized by the National Universities Commission. During the Third National Development Plan (1975–1980), the federal government created seven additional universities—at Calabar, Jos, Maiduguri, Sokoto, Ilorin, Port Harcourt, and Kano—known as the “second-generation universities.” (ThisDayLive, “Endangered Universities: The Way Out” https://www.thisdaylive.com/2022/08/29/endangered-universities-the-way-out/ accessed 07 September 2025)
By the 1980s, with the creation of 19 states, the federal government sought geographical balance by approving universities of technology in states without federal universities (see: Bolupe Awe, “Quality and Stress in Nigerian Public Universities” 2020 American Journal of Educational Research 8(12). This marked the further spread of higher education across Nigeria, solidifying the university system as a central pillar of national development.
To be continued…
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The Oracle
The Oracle: The University As a Catalyst for Societal Development (Pt. 1)
Published
1 week agoon
December 12, 2025By
Eric
By Prof Mike Ozekhome SAN
ABSTRACT
Universities are not merely centres of learning but pivotal institutions that shape and sustain societal transformation. Positioned at the nexus of knowledge, innovation, and culture, they serve as engines of human capital formation, research, and socio-economic development. Their influence extends far beyond academic instruction: in developing societies grappling with political instability, economic challenges, and social inequities, universities have emerged as critical actors in nurturing critical thought, producing socially responsible graduates, and driving social reform. They contribute not only to national progress but also to regional and local development, acting as hubs of expertise, employers of labour, incubators of innovation and integrators of public policy.
By influencing governance, shaping labour market and skills policies, fostering entrepreneurship, and promoting sustainable development, universities play a unique role as catalysts for inclusive growth. Yet, their transformative capacity is often constrained by structural challenges such as underfunding, weak governance, and limited research–industry linkages. Drawing on theoretical perspectives and global best practices, this paper argues that universities can be repositioned as dynamic agents of societal change if granted greater autonomy, strengthened through research investment, and embedded in robust partnerships with government, industry, and civil society. Ultimately, the vitality of a society is mirrored in the strength and responsiveness of its universities.
KEYWORDS: Universities; Societal Transformation; Human Capital Development; Innovation Ecosystems; Higher Education Policy; Governance and Autonomy; Sustainable Development; Civic Engagement; Public Policy Reform.
INTRODUCTION
Different metaphors have long been used to capture the complex relationship between higher education and societal development in concise and memorable ways. The first is mechanical (https://www.researchgate.net/publication/387801956_Universities_as_Catalysts_for_Social_Transformation_in_Developing_Countries#:~:text=The%20role%20of%20universities%20in,also%20in%20driving%20social%20reform> accessed 7 September 2025): higher education is an engine, powerhouse, driver, dynamo, booster, accelerator, or lever of growth and prosperity, suggesting that the pace of regional and national progress is set within the university. The second is biological: universities as hothouses, seedbeds, breeding grounds, spawning places, catalysts, or fermenters, sites where ideas sprout, blossom and reinvigorate society through innovation. The third is network-oriented: universities as nodes, hubs, bridgeheads, mediators, transfer points, or transmission centres, emphasising their role in disseminating knowledge and linking government, industry and communities. Finally, the temporal metaphors portray universities as the spearheads, vanguards, lighthouses, and signposts of transformation, guiding society through periods of change.
Yet the university is not merely a catalogue of metaphors. It is not a mere edifice of stone and chalk, nor simply a marketplace where degrees are traded and rituals observed. It is, in truth, the living citadel of knowledge, the intellectual furnace where the raw ore of youthful potential is refined into the gold of human capital. At its best, the university is both the conscience and the compass of society: diagnosing its maladies, prescribing its cures, and charting its course into the future. To reduce it to a certificate mill is to misunderstand its sacred function and to weaken the very foundations of national development.
Consider, for instance, the metaphor of the catalyst. In the laboratory, a catalyst accelerates transformation without itself being consumed. So too must the university serve as the silent accelerator of societal progress, shaping minds, equipping hands, and moulding character while standing as a permanent reservoir of knowledge, values, and innovation. Through it, theory becomes praxis, and research becomes a weapon against poverty, disease and ignorance.
History testifies to this catalytic role. The Renaissance was mid-wifed by the universities of Bologna, Paris, and Oxford (Wikipedia, History of European Universities, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_European_universities> accessed 7 September 2025); the scientific revolutions that ushered in modernity were incubated within their walls. Even today, the technological marvels that define the twenty-first century from breakthroughs in medicine to advances in engineering and digital innovation are birthed in university laboratories and lecture halls.
But beyond science and technology, the university also shapes culture and character. It produces not only doctors and engineers, but statesmen, reformers and thinkers. It tempers technical knowledge with moral vision, reminding us that wisdom without values can be destructive. It challenges assumptions, disciplines impulses and prepares future leaders not merely for making a living, but for living lives of service and sacrifice.
Thus, when we describe the university as a catalyst for societal development, we are not indulging in rhetorical flourish. We are stating a sober truth: no nation has ever risen above the quality of its universities, and none ever will. The strength of the classroom is reflected in the courtroom, the marketplace, and the parliament. The decay of the university is the decay of the nation itself. If the university rises, society advances; if the university falls, society crumbles. The stakes could not be higher.
DEFINITION OF TERMS
UNIVERSITY
A university is far more than a cluster of buildings where lectures are delivered and examinations conducted. At its core, it is an institution of higher learning and research, uniquely mandated to generate, preserve, and disseminate knowledge across disciplines (Wikipedia, “University” https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/University#cite_ref-WordNet_Search_u476_1-0 > accessed 8th September 2025). Unlike earlier stages of education, which focus on absorbing established facts, the university emphasizes inquiry, critique, and innovation. It is here that theories are tested, discoveries made, and society furnished with the intellectual capital needed for progress. Rooted in the Latin universitas magistrorum et scholarium (meaning “a community of teachers and scholars”) (https://www.byui.edu/speeches/dallin-hansen/seeking-the-higher-view> accessed 8th September 2025
), the university represents a fellowship of minds devoted to truth, dialogue, and discovery. It is not simply a transmitter of knowledge, but a creator of it, standing as both a timeless custodian of wisdom and a timely responder to the needs of each age.
EDUCATION
Education is the systematic process of imparting and acquiring knowledge, skills, and values; formally or informally. It equips individuals with reasoning ability, judgment, and intellectual maturity. Formal education takes place in structured settings such as schools and universities, while informal education occurs through family, community, and other social interactions. At every level, education provides the foundation for personal growth and societal advancement.
SOCIETAL DEVELOPMENT
Societal development refers to the sustained improvement in a community’s well-being and collective capacity. It encompasses economic growth, improved social structures, access to quality public services, individual empowerment, and institutional strength. True development also requires social inclusion, equity, and sustainability, ensuring that progress today does not compromise the welfare of future generations.
HUMAN CAPITAL DEVELOPMENT
Human capital development is the process of enhancing individuals’ knowledge, skills, health, and productivity to unlock their potential and advance both economic and social progress. It involves deliberate investments in education, training, and healthcare, producing a workforce that is innovative, competitive, and equipped to drive sustainable national growth.
INNOVATION ECOSYSTEM
An innovation ecosystem is a dynamic network of interdependent actors such as entrepreneurs, firms, governments, universities, and investors working collaboratively to transform ideas into impactful solutions (https://share.google/awi0YhHoT1VD7aG4E > Accessed on 9th September, 2025). These ecosystems thrive on continuous interaction, resource sharing, and co-evolution, creating the environment necessary for sustained innovation, economic growth, and societal transformation.
THE HISTORY OF UNIVERSITIES AND TERTIARY INSTITUTIONS GLOBALLY
The idea of the university as we know it today did not emerge in a vacuum. It is the product of centuries of intellectual struggle, cultural refinement, and institutional development. To appreciate its role as a catalyst for societal progress, one must first understand its historical roots and the trajectory of its growth.
Ancient Foundations of Higher Learning
The earliest prototypes of the university can be traced to ancient centers of learning such as the Platonic Academy in Athens, the Library of Alexandria in Egypt, and the great schools of philosophy in India and China. These institutions were not universities in the modern sense, but they established traditions of advanced learning, debate, and preservation of knowledge that influenced later models.
Renaissance Humanism and the Scholarly Revolution
The Renaissance and Enlightenment eras transformed the university into an even more powerful agent of change. Humanism encouraged a rediscovery of classical texts, and universities became custodians of not only religious knowledge but also literature, science, and art. By the 14th and 15th centuries, figures such as Petrarch and Boccaccio began to challenge scholastic traditions, promoting grammar, rhetoric, poetry, moral philosophy, and history as central disciplines. Although humanism initially developed outside the universities—in princely courts, chancelleries, and academies—it soon penetrated academia. By the mid-15th century, humanist scholars like Lorenzo Valla were holding university professorships, and institutions such as Bologna and Florence had created chairs in Greek and humanistic studies.
This infusion of humanism altered the outlook of medicine, law, and philosophy. Medical humanists, for example, used philological techniques to critique both medieval and ancient medical texts, reshaping the discipline. While law and theology resisted transformation, natural philosophy and medicine were deeply influenced. By the 16th century, humanism and universities were intertwined, and their joint legacy paved the way for the Scientific Revolution.
The Rise of the Medieval European University
The University of Bologna, founded in 1088, is widely regarded as the first modern university . It was primarily a law school, devoted to the systematic study of Roman law, which became essential for the administration of European kingdoms. What distinguished Bologna was not merely the subjects taught but also its institutional structure: it was organized as a universitas, a guild of students and masters bound together in the pursuit of knowledge.
In 1150, the University of Paris followed, excelling in theology and philosophy, and soon after came Oxford and Cambridge in England, Salamanca in Spain, and Heidelberg in Germany. These institutions became the intellectual nerve centers of medieval Europe, training clerics, lawyers, physicians, and statesmen. The early universities were deeply intertwined with the Church, which provided both patronage and regulation. Theology was regarded as the “queen of the sciences,” while philosophy, law, and medicine were cultivated under its shadow. Yet, even within this religious framework, universities nurtured critical inquiry. It was within their walls that scholasticism: the rigorous method of logical reasoning, flourished, preparing the intellectual ground for the Renaissance.
To be continued
THOUGHT FOR THE WEEK
“All that is valuable in human society depends upon the opportunity for development accorded the individual”. (Albert Einstein).
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The Oracle
The Oracle: When a Nation Undermines Citizens’ Rights (Pt. 4)
Published
2 weeks agoon
December 5, 2025By
Eric
By Prof .Ike Ozekhome SAN
INTRODUCTION
In our last outing on this treatise, we addressed the operational weaknesses and structural mismanagement of the Police; the failure of internal accountability; collusion of its men with criminal networks; erosion of civil liberties by its illegitimate enforcement practices; and cycle of impunity. And later followed by analysis of the abuse of judicial power as well as executive lawlessness directed at the Bench. We then concluded with suggested pathways and recommendations. Today, we shall continue with the same theme focusing on strengthening judicial independence; institutionalizing a comprehensive anti-corruption framework; enhancing the protection of civil liberties; community-based security initiatives; electoral integrity; transparency in the public sector; protecting vulnerable and marginalized groups as well as institutionalizing a culture of consequences. Enjoy.
Judicial Strengthening and Independence
The Judiciary should be insulated from political interference through secure tenure, adequate remuneration, and independent budgetary control. Court processes must be digitized to reduce delays and enhance transparency. Special courts should be created to fast-track cases of corruption, rights violations, and electoral offences so as to prevent them from being lost in a backlog of other matters.
Comprehensive Anti-Corruption Framework
Anti-corruption agencies must operate without political bias. Investigations and prosecutions should be based solely on evidence, regardless of the political or social standing of the suspect. Asset recovery processes should be transparent, and recovered funds must be channeled directly into public services such as healthcare, education, and infrastructure.
Strengthening of Civil Liberties Protections
Security laws and policies must be reviewed to remove provisions that allow arbitrary arrests, prolonged detention without trial, and excessive surveillance. The rights to free expression, peaceful assembly, and privacy should be reaffirmed through legislation, judicial precedent, and administrative directives. Security personnel should receive specific training on respecting these rights in the course of their duties.
Enhanced Community-Based Security Initiatives
Community policing structures should be developed in partnership with local stakeholders, including traditional leaders, civil society, and youth groups. These initiatives should focus on early conflict detection, intelligence sharing, and non-violent dispute resolution. Proper integration of community policing into the national security architecture can improve trust and cooperation between citizens and the State.
Electoral Integrity and Protection of the Political Process
To reduce politically motivated violence, security forces must adopt a neutral stance in elections and enforce the law impartially. Electoral offenders, including those within security agencies, must face swift prosecution. The deployment of technology in elections, such as biometric verification, should be protected by strong legal safeguards to prevent manipulation. More importantly, the Electoral Act must be urgently amended to include the use of BIVAS, electronic voting and real time transfer of results into IReV.
Public Sector Transparency and Open Data
Transparency in governance can significantly reduce opportunities for abuse of power. All government agencies should be required to publish regular reports on budgets, procurement, and performance indicators. Public access to information should be enhanced through stronger Freedom of Information laws and proactive disclosure of records.
Protection of Vulnerable and Marginalized Groups
Special attention should be given to protecting women, children, marginalized vulnerable persons and minorities and communities, who are disproportionately affected by rights violations and insecurity. Law enforcement and judicial olicers should be trained to handle cases involving such vulnerable groups with sensitivity. Dedicated units within security agencies should be tasked with preventing and responding to gender-based violence, child labour, human trafficking and exploitation.
Institutionalizing a Culture of Consequence
The single most important factor in ending impunity is ensuring that misconduct always attracts consequences. Disciplinary actions, criminal prosecutions and public reporting of case outcomes should become the norm. Political leaders must set the example by submitting themselves to the rule of law. They must lead by example and not by precepts.
CONCLUSION
The challenges confronting Nigeria in the areas of security, protection of citizens’ rights and enforcement of the rule of law are deeply rooted in a pattern of institutional neglect and governance failure. Throughout this work, it has become evident that insecurity in the country is not only result of violent crime or terrorism but also a product of weak and compromised institutions that allow such threats to flourish. When the very institutions tasked with safeguarding the people become unreliable or complicit, the result is a petrified environment where justice is selective, rights are precarious, and the social contract between citizens and the State is broken.
The evidence is clear that insecurity in Nigeria is a multi-dimensional crisis. Political violence undermines democratic processes. Economic hardship is exacerbated by corruption and the diversion of resources. Physical insecurity in many regions persists because law enforcement is either absent or compromised. The deterioration of education and healthcare further exposes the population to long-term instability. Each of these problems is interconnected and magnified by the failure of the justice and enforcement systems to function impartially and effectively.
Civil liberties, guaranteed by the Constitution and supported by international treaties, are repeatedly undermined by arbitrary arrests, unlawful detentions, and the suppression of free expression. When citizens live in fear of those entrusted to protect them, the legitimacy of the State is called into question. A society where speaking out invites retaliation and where wrongdoing by the powerful is met with silence or even approbation cannot claim to uphold the principles of democracy and justice.
The normalization of impunity is perhaps the most dangerous of all the trends identified. Impunity corrodes public trust, emboldens offenders, and creates a culture where breaking the law is not an aberration but an accepted norm of political and social life. Without decisive action to reverse this culture, every other reform will be weakened before it begins to take root.
Nigeria’s peculiar security realities demand a holistic approach. This includes rebuilding law enforcement into a professional, rights-respecting institution, ensuring the judiciary is free from political interference, and creating genuine accountability mechanisms that apply to everyone regardless of status. It also requires an investment in transparency, community trust, and the protection of vulnerable groups who suffer most from both insecurity and rights violations.
The task is undeniably challenging, but it is not impossible. The pathway to a more secure and just Nigeria begins with the recognition that true security cannot exist without justice, and justice cannot thrive without the rule of law. By committing to comprehensive reforms and by holding both leaders and institutions accountable, Nigeria can reclaim the promise of a society where rights are protected, laws are respected, and security is the shared foundation for national progress. In all these, one may ask, where is the Bar and what is its historic role? A once vibrant Association feared by the corrupt and dreaded by all successive governments has since become comatose, hardly responsive to societal needs. Aside many lawyers now professionally practising Bar instead of practising law by oscillating from one office to another over a period of decades, what has the Bar got to show for its continued relevance in terms of interrogating the status quo and challenging impunity? How has the Bar fared in holding governments responsible and accountable to the Nigerian people? Aside converging every year at designated venues for the annual ritual of the AGC, what dividends have we yielded from our usual banal communiqué?
How have we pushed to ensure we engaged the three arms of government to overhaul or at least improve on the status quo? Can we now blame some lawyers who are increasingly feeling disenchanted with the status quo and seek alternative platforms such as the Nigerian Law Society (NLS)? I think not. Colleagues, let us as lawyers and Judges wake up from our deep slumber of complicit silence and stop seeing law solely as a bread-and -butter profession. We must see law from the prism of Professor Dean Roscoe Pound-an instrument of social engineering. Anything short of this is not befitting of the legal profession. (Concluded).
THOUGHT FOR THE WEEK
“We cannot reform institutional racism or systemic policies if we are not actively engaged. It’s not enough to simply complain about injustice; the only way to prevent future injustice is to create the society we would like to see, one where we are all equal under the law”. (Al Sharpton).
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