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Opinion

The Oracle: 2023 General Elections and a Fractionalised Electoral Process (Pt. 5)

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By Mike Ozekhome

INTRODUCTION

As the nation races towards 2023 general elections, this write-up x-rays the volume and strength with which we have in the past two decades raised strong voices against uncivil antics particularly the thorny transparency-challenge that characterized concluded elections in Nigeria and the organized resentment they brought to the nation at the global stage and which exposed the nation to the pangs of sociopolitical challenges that prevent her from enthroning true democracy that ensuring a corruption-free society. We must admit and adopt both structural and mental changes, approaches that impose more discipline than is conventional. We shall therefore on this note draw the curtain on this vexed issue, with recommendations and the way forward, which we started last week.

RECOMMENDATIONS/ THE WAY FORWARD (Continues)

There is also the need for political elite to imbibe democratic political culture and conduct their campaigns for public offices at all levels on issues that affect the life of the people, rather than engaging in calumny and self-aggrandizing pursuit. Effort must be made to strengthen voters’ education, such that the electorate can cultivate the right attitude and be more participative in the democratic process.

Political parties must develop a mass-based approach. Politics is the struggle for power; and power in democracy belongs to the people. There has to be unity of command in the party leadership. Disciplinary actions must be taken in consonance with party laws. The leadership of the party must be involved in policy articulation, policy-making and implementation in order to keep its government at various levels with the objectives of the party.

Members of political parties must learn to develop the spirit of sportsmanship in politics. The game of politics should not be regarded as “do-or-die” battle. A vigilant, articulate, vibrant and well mobilized public should be established. Democracy is nowhere won on a platter of gold. It must be fought for and sometimes won at enormous cost. But in the final analysis, the freedom and liberty of the people gain by determining who governs them could be more precious than the price paid. The people must stand up for their rights and say no to the deceit of the power elite in Africa.

There should be institutional synergy. The ‘trinity’ of the civil society, security agents and electoral bodies working for common purpose of public good can ensure that elections are free, fair and credible and accord legitimacy to the government of the day. Candidates for office must submit asset declaration forms which will be checked by national and international forensic accountants, with expertise in tracing assets.

The judiciary, policy and other institutions must be ruthlessly purged of corrupt officials, and then be given independence from the political class to perform the technical functions for which they were employed. What Nigeria needs at this critical period of her development is really a new culture of governance, sustained by transparency and accountability.

On electoral bodies

(a) The INEC should be empowered to live up to its name by being truly independent. This can be achieved by proper funding, early release of funds and amendment to the mode of appointment of the chairman and its national commissioners.

(b) The policy of sending horde of civil servants to compromise the integrity of that commission needs re-examination. INEC must distance itself from all political parties, in order to avoid undue influences; it must set the rules by which all politicians must play the game while it ensures compliance. It should not be seen as a collaborator with the executive of an incumbent government.

(c) INEC must specify the rules prior to an election including modalities for vote count; it must ensure that there is an update of voters register and that its own representatives are available at polling booths. Nigerians should be properly educated on these rules, regulations and procedures.

(d) There should be improvement on the current technology being employed by INEC and adoption of new technological strategies including electronic voting and transmission of election results.

There is also the need for attitudinal change by Nigerians. No matter what beautiful laws are put in place, if the people are not willing to obey them, INEC will still fail in the future. The stakeholders in the Nigeria project: politicians and their agents, INEC, security agents, the civil society and the general electorate must decide to be honest and do what is right during elections and report those planning to perpetrate fraud; otherwise, the achievement of a free and fair election in Nigeria may be a mirage.

The country should ensure access to justice for all as we are in a democratic dispensation. Judiciary should be granted full and actual financial autonomy. The letter and spirit of section 162(9) of the Constitution and by virtue of the Fourth Amendment which came into effect on 7th May, 2018, section 121(3) should be given effect to grant autonomy to the judiciary and the House of Assembly of the State.

Minimizing electoral violence is a major way forward. Electoral violence persists partly because the prosecution of suspects is hardly completed. Electoral violence may be attenuated on the basis of adoption of the following policies, among others:

  • Decentralization of the policing system such that there is not only state controlled police but also local government controlled police on the condition that the police institution is subjected to a system of democratic control by community based security committees comprising representatives of communities, representatives of sectional groups in each community such as student unions, trade unions, central labor organizations and relevant professional bodies such as the Nigeria Bar Association (NBA). There should be full exercise of trade union rights by members of the Nigeria Police Force, so that trade union pressure may be brought to bear on definition of lawful orders that may be carried out.
  • There should be a change in the mode of appointing the Inspector-General of Police (IGP). Election of the police bosses such as the I.G.P. and the Commissioners by the rank and file of the police has been suggested. A method of appointment which makes the IGP to be independent of too much control by the appointor or his agents is also another suggestion.
  • Insistence on prosecution of violent-prone behavior/individuals in order to show in practice that there are no sacred cows and that every person is equal before the law.

Economic empowerment of ordinary people and judicial officers should be carried out relentlessly. Judges who handle elections petitions should be well remunerated. Use of Rate of Remuneration payable to political office holders and lack of access to contract awards as disincentives for electoral fraud and violence should be enshrined in the electoral laws. A policy ought to be developed to ensure that preparedness for selfless service rather than the likelihood of material benefit is the primary motivation for contesting elections. The remuneration of elected public officials should therefore be within the salary structure for public sector workers. Similarly, legislation should be made banning office holders, their friends, relations and agents, from taking government contracts.

These measures are similar to what obtains in Germany where as Walecki points out, German cabinet members are prohibited from earning anything other than their salaries. Walecki also shows what happened to cabinet members who violated similar policy in Japan: Kimitaka Kuze, head of Japanese Financial Reconstruction Commission, was forced to step down in July 2000 following revelations that he had received nearly US$21m from Mitsubishi Trust and Banking corporation between 1989 and 1994. Even in Africa, Nyerere’s TANU adopted similar policies in Tanzania.

Adopting and enforcing similar measures as stated above in Nigeria would go a long way in reducing, not only electoral violence and fraud, but also the tendency for corruption in public office. Mode of composition of INEC commissioners should be reformed. Under Section 154(1) of the 1999 Constitution, the President, subject to confirmation by the Senate, appoints the Chairman and members of Federal Executive Bodies, which include 1NEC Chairman and the other 12 Commissioners. However, the President appoints the Resident Electoral Commissioners for each of the states of the Federation without recourse to any arm of the National Assembly. The Secretary to INEC was usually formerly transferred from the office of the Presidency, but the present one has been a core staff of the Commission. This policy should be sustained.

The existing Constitutional provisions for appointing umpires for elections cannot guarantee free and fair elections. Rather, representatives of all political parties and nationally recognized mass organizations, such as trade unions, student unions and professional bodies should compose the electoral commission.

Alternatively, a system of electing such bodies should be worked out, in order to ensure the independence of INEC in both name and practice. The existing mode of appointing INEC Commissioners has made it possible for the emergence of characters who lack a track record of independent- mindedness and standing for principles.

Political parties should be sanctioned and continue to be sanctioned for failure to meet constitutional and legislative provisions as well as INEC guidelines, for example, failure to field any candidate during general elections; failure to win at least 5% of votes at any general elections; failure to maintain and operate at least an office in the Capital Territory (FCT) and that there should be a time limit ‘within which Registration of Political Parties can be commenced and concluded’ contrary to constitutional provision which places no time limit. Deregistration of parties should be the sanction for the above listed ‘failures’ of parties.

Systematic and continuous update of voters’ register should be undertaken. The sampling frame for elections is the voter’s register. Without a credible voters register, there can be no credible elections. This is why the Constitution in the Third Schedule, Part 1, Item 15(e) empowers INEC to ‘arrange and conduct the registration of persons qualified to vote and prepare, maintain and revise the register of voters for the purpose of any election under this Constitution’. But this Constitutional mandate is never carried out regularly. INEC itself had once admitted the disenfranchisement of millions of persons eligible to vote simply because it lacked the funds to carry out the voters’ registration exercise comprehensively.

In this age of Internet, voters list should be made widely available on the net in order to remove possibilities of manipulations at different levels. Without public access to the voters register, elections could be liable to being manipulated.

Candidate at an election whose victory is being challenged in court should not be sworn-in until the court determines the case. Such a provision will minimize pressure on the judiciary by a President-elect or Governor-elect and their political parties; once they are allowed to settle down and stabilize, it becomes much more difficult. Such a judge or panel of judges who declares the election of a sitting Governor or President invalid may in turn be declared state security risk. (The End).

FUN TIMES

“Nigeria!!! Come and see crayfish inside meat pie…… Na wa for this country oooooo”. – Anonymous.

THOUGHT FOR THE WEEK

“Nothing is more unreliable than the populace, nothing more obscure than human intentions, nothing more deceptive than the whole electoral system.” (Marcus Tullius Cicero)

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Opinion

The Inherited Fracture: Escaping the Divide-and-Rule Instinct Across Board

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By Tolulope A. Adegoke

“The old empire did not bequeath us a map; it bequeathed us a reflex. We are the first generation with the tools to see the fracture, and therefore the first with the moral chore of mending it—not through the erasure of difference, but through the deliberate weaving of it into a load-bearing fabric. The shackle was never iron; it was a story we mistook for our skin. The task, therefore, is not to break free, but to finally tell a truer one, and in the telling, become whole enough to bequeath wholeness.” 

Introduction: The Quiet Inheritance

No child is born with a map of enemies. No infant instinctively divides the world into “us” and “them.” Yet by adolescence, most of us have unconsciously inherited a vivid cartography of division—lines drawn long before our first breath, tracing the borders of tribe, class, ideology, and nation. This inheritance is not accidental. It is the meticulously preserved residue of a strategy so ancient and so effective that it has become woven into the invisible fabric of how we organize our families, our work, and our geopolitics.

The strategy is “divide and rule,” and its enduring victory is not that it conquered past civilizations, but that it continues to conquer future ones before they are even born. The shackle from the past is not a rusty iron chain we can see and cut; it is a psychological operating system, a default setting of fragmentation that tells us difference is dangerous, that another’s gain is our loss, and that solidarity is a naïve dream. This write-up is an inquiry into how that inherited mantle still drapes itself over the three great arenas of human life—Peoples, Corporates, and Nations—and, more crucially, how we can finally, generationally, set it down.

Part I: Tracing the Original Wound

To understand why division feels so instinctive, we must first recognize that it was carefully taught. The imperial architects of history—from the Roman Senate setting Gallic tribes against each other to the colonial census offices that rigidly codified fluid identities into immutable castes—were not mere conquerors of land. They were engineers of human psychology. Their profound insight was chilling in its simplicity: a people busy fighting each other over manufactured scarcities of dignity, resources, and recognition will never marshal the collective strength to question the structure of the room they are all trapped in.

This method did not fade with the lowering of colonial flags. It shape-shifted. It flowed seamlessly into the architecture of modern politics, where wedge issues and culture wars create passionate, performative tribes that exhaust public energy on symbolic combat while systemic questions go unasked. It entered the economic realm, where labor is pitted against labor across borders, and the workplace is structured into competing fiefdoms. It found its ultimate amplifier in the digital age, where algorithms, optimized not for truth but for engagement, feed us a personalized diet of indignation, continuously redrawing the lines between “our” fact and “their” fiction.

The deepest shackle, therefore, is not an external policy but an internalized reflex. The generational problem we face is that we parent, manage, and govern with the inherited assumption that a cohesive whole is a dangerous fiction, and that a controlled, managed division is the safest form of stability. We have mistaken a centuries-old psychological warfare tactic for human nature itself.

Part II: Peoples – From Inherited Suspicion to Chosen Solidarity

The most intimate theater of the divide-and-rule legacy is the community, where the human need for belonging is manipulated into a weapon against other belonging. We inherit not just our grandmother’s recipes but also her historical wounds, her curated list of historical betrayals by “the others.” When identity becomes a fortress, and every interaction across difference is framed as a potential siege, society unravels into a zero-sum competition of grievances. One group’s acknowledgment becomes another’s perceived erasure, and the common ground—the very earth we all need to survive on—becomes a forgotten abstraction.

The Generative Pivot: The Loom, Not the Mosaic

The conventional metaphor for unity is the mosaic—distinct tiles fixed in place. But a more dynamic, human solution is the loom. In weaving, distinct, colorful threads do not merely sit beside each other; they actively interlace under creative tension to produce a fabric far stronger and more beautiful than the loose pile of individual strands. This is the generational work: to weave a social fabric where difference is not merely tolerated but is the essential, structural component of collective strength.

1.     The Alchemy of Shared Enterprise: Nothing dissolves manufactured mistrust like sweating together for a common purpose invisible to ideology. When a neighborhood of diverse faiths and backgrounds collaboratively designs a green space, starts a community-owned energy cooperative, or builds a multi-generational playground, something alchemical occurs. The direct, felt experience of shared competence and mutual reliance creates a counter-narrative to the inherited one. A child watching a Sikh father and a Muslim mother co-chair a local river cleanup does not just learn tolerance; they learn the tangible truth of interdependence. This solves the generational problem of social fragmentation not through lectures on unity, but by providing the real, material evidence that we live better, safer, and richer lives when we are bound together in practical projects. It transforms the public from an audience of divided spectators into a collaborative cast of problem-solvers.

2.     Re-narrating the Past Together: The past is often a weapon, parceled out in separate, conflicting memories. A generational solution is the community-wide re-narration project—a collective, facilitated process where a town’s entire history, including its moments of deep division and injustice, is documented and acknowledged not by one side for its own vindication, but by all sides for the purpose of a shared, complex inheritance. When a painful historical event ceases to be “their crime against us” and becomes “a tragedy in our shared story from which we must all learn,” the emotional charge is diffused. The next generation inherits not a selective, incendiary pamphlet, but a full, somber, and ultimately uniting library of shared experience.

Part III: Corporates – From Fiefdoms of Turf to Ecosystems of Flow

The modern corporation, for all its talk of disruption, is often a deeply conservative feudal structure. The inherited mantle here is the cult of the silo. Departments become sovereign nations with their own languages, rituals, and guarded borders. Marketing and Sales engage in a cold war of blame; Product and Engineering view each other as obstacles. This is internal divide-and-rule in its most mundane, daily form: a management inheritance that subconsciously fears a truly unified, cross-functional workforce because a fluidly collaborating team is harder to control than a set of competing baronies.

The generational cost is the “perfect department, failing company” paradox, where each unit optimizes for its own narrow metrics—sales volume, lines of code, ad impressions—while the living, breathing organism of the enterprise, the thing that actually delivers value to a human customer, atrophies.

The Generative Pivot: The Symphony, Not the Org Chart

The solution is a fundamental shift in structural metaphor from a static hierarchy to a living symphony. An orchestra does not succeed because the brass section beats the strings. Every musician has a completely different, highly specialized instrument and a distinct musical line to play, yet all are integrated by a single unifying element: the full score.

1.     The Shared Score of Radical Transparency: The corporate “score” is a single, universally accessible, real-time operating system that visualizes all work, all customer feedback, all financial flow. When a junior developer can see exactly how her code latency impacts customer churn in a chart viewable by the CEO, the informational hoarding that powers silo politics evaporates. Power no longer comes from guarding a border of knowledge but from contributing to the visible whole. This solves the generational problem of corporate sclerosis by ensuring that the enterprise inherits a nervous system, not a suit of armor. An organization that sees itself whole can act whole.

2.     Mission-Driven, Ephemeral Teams: Instead of permanent departments, work flows to ephemeral, mission-specific teams that form, solve a problem, and dissolve back into the organizational fluid. A sustainability initiative, for example, is staffed not by a permanent “Green Department” that everyone else ignores, but by a temporary swarm pulling in a supply chain veteran, a materials chemist, a brand storyteller, and a frontline retailer. Their shared KPI is a unified, real-world outcome. When a professional identity is no longer “I am a Marketing person defending my turf” but “I am a problem-solver who brings marketing insight to the mission,” the inherited mantle of internal division is finally unwoven. The company’s grandchildren—its long-term future products and culture—are protected by this fluid, adaptive resilience.

Part IV: Nations – Beyond the Westphalian Straitjacket

The nation-state system is the most monumental and seemingly immovable of the inherited mantles. Born from the idea of absolute, internally homogenous sovereignty, it creates a world of hard containers where the most critical threats we face—a warming atmosphere, a migrating virus, the existential risk of ungoverned artificial intelligence—flow like water across borders we treat as concrete. We are trying to solve planetary-scale, networked problems with a batch of standalone, disconnected operating systems. An election-cycle-driven leader performing national interest for a domestic audience is structurally incentivized to prioritize a 2% short-term domestic gain over averting a 20% long-term global disaster.

This is the ultimate gerontocracy of concepts: an inherited 17th-century political structure mismanaging 21st-century existential threats. The shackle is a logic that says global cooperation is a zero-sum sacrifice of sovereignty, rather than a strategic extension of it.

The Generative Pivot: The Bioregion and the Commons Trust

The generational escape is not a single world government—that is just the old divide-and-rule hierarchy scaled to a terrifying, monocultural extreme. The human-scale solution is a layered, functional network where sovereignty is not abolished but intelligently pooled for specific planetary survival missions.

1.     The Bioregional, Not Just National, Identity: The most profound counter to artificial national division is the cultivation of a bioregional consciousness. A person living in the Nile Delta has a more fundamental, generational relationship with someone upstream in the Ethiopian highlands than with a fellow citizen in a distant desert city of the same nation. The flow of water, the health of soil, the migration of pollinators—these create a natural, non-negotiable community of fate. The generational solution is to elevate these bioregional governance bodies—river basin authorities, regional seas commissions—to full political stature, granting them real, binding legal power co-equal to national parliaments on issues within their ecological domain. An upstream dam project would no longer be just a national prerogative; it would be subject to the legal authority of a bioregional commons trust in which the downstream nation is an equal partner. This solves the problem of resource conflict by changing the unit of political identity itself.

2.     The Global Mandate for the Global Commons: For the atmosphere, the high seas, and the polar-regions, nations must charter autonomous, science-driven Global Commons Trusts with a sliver of strongly delegated sovereignty. Imagine an Atmospheric Integrity Agency, governed not by political negotiation but by a fiduciary duty to a set planetary threshold. It monitors, sets a global price on carbon extraction, and distributes the proceeds back to every human on Earth as a universal basic dividend. The division of a global “us vs. them” on climate collapses when a family in Indonesia and a family in Canada receive the same quarterly check from their shared atmospheric trust. It transforms a zone of geopolitical conflict into a zone of shared, inheritable wealth. A child born into such a world inherits a planet managed by a logic of collective trusteeship, not competitive looting.

Conclusion: The Task of the Living

The mantle of divide and rule is weighty because it is lined with the lead of fear: fear of the stranger, fear of irrelevance, fear of a future that demands we think in wholes while our institutions are built in pieces. Yet it is a mantle we have woven and placed upon our own shoulders, generation after generation, mistaking it for the very fabric of reality.

The profound, hopeful truth is that it is a garment, not our skin. We can shed it. The human capacity for direct, unmediated connection, for the fierce protection of our children’s future, and for the intuitive understanding that a forest is not a war of trees but a symphony of mutual nourishment—these are not new inventions. They are our original inheritance, buried under the heavy, historical robes of empire and distrust.

The generational task is not to fight the darkness with weapons it has forged. It is to quietly, persistently, and structurally build the new loom, learn the new score, and chart the new watershed. By weaving a social fabric of chosen interdependence, by organizing work into symphonies of shared value, and by governing the planet as the single, breathing commons it actually is, we finally fulfill the obligation we hold to the future. We bequeath not the cold chains of an imperial past, but a living, breathing inheritance of wholeness—one that equips our grandchildren not for a life of perennial conflict, but for the magnificent and ongoing project of building a single, richly varied human world.

Dr. Tolulope A. Adegoke, AMBP-UN is a globally recognized scholar-practitioner and thought leader at the nexus of security, governance, and strategic leadership. His mission is dedicated to advancing ethical governance, strategic human capital development, resilient nation building, and global peace. He can be reached via: tolulopeadegoke01@gmail.comglobalstageimpacts@gmail.com

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Opinion

A Cry from the Creeks: A Daughter’s Plea for the Niger Delta

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By Boma Lilian Braide (Esq.)

The water does not lie. It carries no political allegiance, no corporate agenda, and no capacity for deception. It simply mirrors the truth of what we have allowed to be done to it.

A deeply disturbing video recently shared by veteran actress and social justice advocate Hilda Dokubo has laid bare the agonising reality facing communities in the Niger Delta. In the footage, filmed in Bille Kingdom, Rivers State, clean water is drawn from a private borehole. Within less than sixty seconds, under the pressure of underground gas, the clear liquid undergoes a sickening transformation. It darkens, thickens, and pours out as pitch-black crude oil. This is not a scientific curiosity. It is a damning indictment of a systemic humanitarian catastrophe hiding in plain sight.

As a daughter of the Niger Delta, that video did not merely break my heart. It ignited in me the ancestral fury of a people who have been poisoned, marginalised, and forgotten while the rest of this nation prospers on the wealth extracted from our soil.

For generations, the creeks, wetlands, and rivers of the Niger Delta were our sanctuaries, our markets, and the very foundation of our identity. As Hilda Dokubo rightly recalled, our people once walked to the riverbank whenever they needed to provide for their families. Fishing was not merely a livelihood; it was a covenant between our communities and the natural world that sustained them.
Today, that covenant has been shattered. Our fishermen have abandoned their nets because the rivers are fouled with oil. Our young people, stripped of the traditional occupations their fathers and mothers once practised, are channelled into the grinding machinery of poverty, idleness, and despair.

The Niger Delta has been reduced to an ecological ruin. Crude oil has saturated underground aquifers. Contaminated seafood and poisoned water are now daily realities for millions of people whose only crime is living above one of the most oil-rich territories on earth. International oil companies have abandoned corroded infrastructure that leaks without ceasing, transforming the very resource that was meant to be our salvation into a slow and methodical death sentence. We have raised this alarm for decades. Yet successive administrations have treated our suffering as an acceptable cost of doing business, a tolerable footnote so long as the petrodollars continue to flow to Abuja.

The veteran activist Annkio Briggs has devoted her life to making this injustice visible. For decades, she has documented with precision and moral clarity how the collusion between international oil interests and Nigerian state institutions has systematically dismantled the future of Niger Delta communities. She has shown how pipelines laid through our mangroves, and gas flared across our skies, have become instruments of slow violence, causing respiratory diseases, cancers, and developmental disorders in children who should never have known such afflictions. Annkio Briggs has also exposed a deeply troubling double standard; the disparity between how oil spills are handled in the industrialised world and how they are managed in Nigeria is not a matter of oversight. It is a calculated display of environmental injustice.

When a spill occurs in a Western nation, governments mobilise emergency responses and demand full remediation to international standards. In the Niger Delta, contaminated sites are patched with sand, filed away in bureaucratic reports, or left entirely unaddressed. The regulatory agencies established to protect us have been rendered impotent through underfunding, political interference, and sheer institutional neglect. Meanwhile, oil corporations exploit these weaknesses, leaving communities such as Bille suffocating beneath toxic soot and eruptions of subterranean gas. Grief, in these communities, is not a passing season. It is a permanent condition. And we refuse to allow the slow death of our homeland to be buried beneath corporate disclaimers and government platitudes.

Nigeria cannot claim to be a nation at peace with itself while one of its most productive regions is being chemically erased. We will not stand aside as these foreign companies divest their interests, collect their profits, and depart, leaving our land irreparably damaged. This is not a complaint. It is a demand, issued by a daughter of the Niger Delta who refuses to watch her homeland perish in silence. We are not data points in a corporate environmental impact assessment. We are human beings who breathe poisoned air and draw crude oil from our taps. I am therefore calling on every authority with a mandate and the power to act, to do so immediately, and to end the unconscionable treatment of the Niger Delta as a sacrifice zone.

To the President and the Federal Government of Nigeria; we demand the immediate declaration of an environmental state of emergency in Bille Kingdom and all affected riverine communities across the Niger Delta. The administration must enforce without equivocation the principle that those who pollute bear full responsibility for remediation. The era of negotiations that protect corporate balance sheets at the expense of human lives must end.

To the Niger Delta Development Commission; the mandate for which this agency was created demands urgent renewal. The Commission must redirect its priorities, without delay, toward meaningful environmental remediation, the delivery of reliable infrastructure, and the immediate provision of emergency water purification systems to communities that are drinking poison today.

To the Ministry of Petroleum Resources and NNPC Limited; the continued extraction of national wealth from Niger Delta soil, while leaving communities with nothing but fire and contamination, is morally indefensible. Every abandoned wellhead must be identified, securely decommissioned, and fully removed. There can be no further tolerance of neglected infrastructure that poisons the ground beneath our children’s feet.

To the National Oil Spill Detection and Response Agency; your regulatory authority must be exercised with rigour and without compromise. International clean-up standards are not aspirational; they are the minimum obligation owed to our communities. Any multinational corporation that attempts to exit the Niger Delta without fully restoring the damage it has caused must face enforceable legal and financial consequences.

To international environmental bodies and development partners; the hydrocarbon saturation of freshwater sources in communities across the Niger Delta has reached a scale that demands independent technical intervention and comprehensive ecological auditing. We ask that you bring your expertise and your authority to bear, not in the conference rooms of Abuja and Geneva, but in the creeks and villages where people are dying.

To the multinational oil corporations and local operators who have enriched themselves from Niger Delta resources; you will not walk away from what you have destroyed. No company should be permitted to divest, restructure, or withdraw from this region without having first restored our land, rehabilitated our waterways, and made full and fair reparation to the communities whose lives and livelihoods they have dismantled over decades of irresponsible operation.

Look at the black water pouring from our taps and understand what it represents. Every oil slick that spreads across our rivers is the grief of a mother unable to feed her children. Every gas flare that burns through the night is the laboured breath of a child whose lungs have never known clean air. Bille is in crisis.

The Niger Delta is bleeding. And its waters are bearing witness to crimes that have gone unpunished for far too long. The season of committees, communiqués, and hollow summits is over. We are not asking for sympathy. We are demanding accountability. Give us back our clean water. Restore our ancestral creeks. Save the daughters and sons of the Niger Delta before there is nothing left to save.

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Opinion

The Deluge We Built: Rain Does Not Create Catastrophe, It Reveals It

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By Richard Dablah

At 1:00 a.m., the rain began. By dawn, Accra had become a familiar theatre of submerged roads, stranded commuters, flooded homes, interrupted livelihoods, and the ritual exchange of outrage across television screens and social media. By tomorrow, we will have identified the usual villains: plastic waste, choked drains, irresponsible citizens, climate change, and inadequate enforcement. By next week, the water will have receded, but so too will our memory.

The rain did not surprise us.

Our surprise is the most astonishing part of the story.

Perhaps we have misunderstood what a flood actually is.

A flood is not the moment water overflows its banks. It is the moment decades of invisible decisions become visible. Rain merely serves as the auditor.

The deluge begins long before the first cloud gathers.

It begins when wetlands are described as “vacant land.” It begins when streams disappear beneath concrete because they interrupt commercial ambition. It begins when planning permission becomes more negotiable than hydrology, when maintenance budgets become political opportunities instead of engineering necessities, and when urban expansion is celebrated without asking whether the land itself consented to becoming a city.

Every signature placed on a permit inside a floodplain becomes a future tributary.

Every neglected drain becomes a future river.

Every compromised inspection becomes tomorrow’s emergency.

The rain simply connects decisions that were never meant to meet.

We have become accustomed to describing flooding as a natural disaster. It is an intellectually comforting phrase because it transfers responsibility from institutions to nature. Nature, however, is remarkably innocent in this story.

Water is perhaps the most honest element on Earth.

It negotiates with no political party.

It ignores campaign promises.

It does not recognise ministerial authority.

It simply obeys gravity.

When water returns to places it once occupied centuries ago, we accuse it of invading our communities. Yet rivers have never invaded cities. More often, cities have quietly occupied rivers.

Hydrologists understand something politicians rarely acknowledge: every river possesses memory. A watershed remembers its ancient channels. A floodplain remembers where excess water belongs. Wetlands remember how to absorb storms. We imagine that maps redraw geography. Water disagrees.

Concrete cannot erase memory.

It merely postpones its expression.

We therefore continue to debate blocked drains while ignoring blocked landscapes. We widen roads while narrowing waterways. We celebrate visible infrastructure while dismantling invisible infrastructure—the wetlands, soils, vegetation, lagoons and natural floodplains that quietly performed engineering services long before engineers arrived.

The irony is profound.

A forest can receive extraordinary rainfall and rarely flood because every root, every microorganism, and every layer of soil participates in slowing, storing, and redistributing water. A modern city, by contrast, has replaced absorption with acceleration. Asphalt rejects rainfall. Concrete hastens runoff. Buildings compress the earth. Heat hardens the soil. Every improvement intended to modernise the city simultaneously reduces its ability to behave like land.

The city has become hydraulically impatient.

Perhaps that is our greatest misunderstanding.

We believe cities are machines.

They are not.

Cities are living metabolisms. Like every living organism, they must balance what they consume with what they can process. Accra continuously consumes land, population, vehicles, plastics, concrete, energy, and waste faster than it expands its ecological capacity to absorb them. The consequence is not merely congestion or pollution. It is systemic metabolic failure.

Flooding is one of its symptoms.

Yet the problem extends even beyond engineering.

It is temporal.

Nature operates on geological time. Wetlands require centuries to mature. Rivers evolve over millennia. Soil develops patiently. Aquifers recharge slowly.

Politics operates on electoral time.

Four-year cycles reward ribbon-cutting ceremonies, not invisible maintenance. The culvert that no one notices receives less attention than the flyover everyone photographs. Maintenance loses elections. New construction wins them.

The result is predictable.

Infrastructure quietly accumulates entropy while governments accumulate announcements.

Physics teaches that every system naturally drifts toward disorder unless energy is continually invested to preserve order. Cities obey the same law. Drains clog. Roads crack. Regulations weaken. Institutions decay. Maintenance postponed is entropy invited.

The flood is not merely an engineering failure.

It is entropy-defeating governance.

Then there is the uncomfortable question we seldom ask.

Who benefits from recurring disasters?

Disaster creates contracts.

Emergency procurement.

Reconstruction projects.

Political visibility.

Institutional relevance.

Entire bureaucracies become more active after a catastrophe than before it.

This observation is not an accusation against individuals. It is an invitation to examine incentives. A society that consistently invests more in responding to disaster than preventing it eventually normalises catastrophe as part of governance itself.

The deluge becomes an administrative season.

History offers another warning.

Civilisations rarely collapse because nature suddenly becomes hostile. More often, they ignore environmental feedback until it becomes impossible to negotiate. Rivers shift. Forests disappear. Soils degrade. Cities overreach. Institutions mistake temporary resilience for permanent immunity.

Every civilisation eventually discovers that nature does not negotiate deadlines.

It only delivers consequences.

Perhaps that is what Accra experienced between 1:00 a.m. and dawn.

Not simply rainfall.

Not merely flooding.

But an examination.

An examination of our planning philosophy.

An examination of our political incentives.

An examination of our ecological literacy.

An examination of whether we still understand the land upon which we continue to build our future.

The biblical deluge was remembered not because water fell from the heavens, but because it exposed the moral condition of a civilisation. Whether one reads that account as theology or metaphor, its enduring lesson remains unsettling: catastrophe often reveals what prosperity successfully concealed.

Our modern deluge performs the same function.

It reveals that resilience cannot be legislated after rivers overflow. It must be designed before foundations are poured. It reveals that environmental stewardship is not an aesthetic concern but a constitutional obligation to future generations. It reveals that engineering cannot indefinitely compensate for ecological illiteracy, and that governance detached from geography eventually becomes governance against geography.

Tomorrow the skies will likely clear.

The floodwaters will retreat.

Traffic will resume.

Life will continue.

Until the next storm.

Unless we finally recognise the uncomfortable truth.

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R.D

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