Headline
PDP Rejects Supreme Court’s Judgment on Ihedioha, Asks Tanko to Resign as CJN
By Eric Elezuo
The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) has rejected the Supreme Court judgment which nullified the election of Hon Emeka Ihedioha as governor of Imo State, and installing Mr. Hope Uzodinma of the All Progressives Congress (APC) as duly elected.
Addressing the press, the party Chairman, Prince Uche Secondus, noted that the Supreme Court’s verdict was political and not in the interest of the people. He asked the Chief Justice, Mohammed Tanko, to step down as he has lost the confidence of the people.
Below is the text of his address:
January 16, 2020
Supreme Court Judgment On Imo Governorship Election is Groundless and Should Be Reversed
Being a text of Press Conference by the PDP National Working Committee (NWC) Presented by the National Chairman, Prince Uche Secondus, in Rejection of the Judgment of the Supreme Court On Imo Governorship Election.
Gentlemen of the Press!
The National Working Committee of our great party, after a thorough examination of all the issues relating to the miscarriage of justice by the Supreme Court on the Imo state governorship election petition, and after a very extensive consultation, resolves as follows:
That the Supreme Court, as presently constituted under Justice Mohammed Tanko, has become heavily compromised; lost its credibility and is now annexed to execute ignoble agenda of the APC-led Federal Government against the Nigerian people.
That the judgment of the Supreme Court voiding the lawful election of Hon. Emeka Ihedioha (who scored 276,404 votes) and awarding fictitious votes to declare Hope Uzodimma of the APC, who scored 96, 458 votes as governor of Imo state, is highly irrational, unfounded, a provocative product of executive manipulation and a recipe for crisis, which should not be allowed to stand.
With the verdict, the Supreme Court executed a coup against the PDP and the people of Imo state as well as other Nigerians, and such must not be allowed to have a place in our democracy.
The questions Justice Tanko’s Supreme Court must answer are:
1. The Supreme Court, in a host of cases, the latest and most celebrated being Atiku V Buhari & Ors, consistently decided that for a petitioner to succeed in an allegation of infraction of any provision of the Electoral Act especially one complaining about malpractice, as in this case, wrongful exclusion of votes, the petitioner must call witnesses polling unit by polling unit.
The question is, how many witnesses did Uzodinma/APC call from the 388 polling units from where the Supreme Court allocated votes to him.
The so called results from the 388 Polling units were rightfully rejected, in line with several decisions of the Supreme Court, by the Tribunal and Court of Appeal as it was merely dumped on the tribunal in a Ghana Must Go bag, by a policeman who had no mandate of the police to testify at the Tribunal.
The Tribunal did not even open the Ghana Must Go bags as there was no basis to do so. It is one of the great wonders of the world how the Supreme Court opened the bag, counted the results and added them to only the APC Candidate.
What is more perplexing is the fact that INEC produced a schedule of reasons why results were not produced from the 388 units.
Indeed election did not even take place in most of the units for one reason or another, like violence, etc and so no result could possibly be obtained from those units. The results were not merely rejected or cancelled by INEC.
None of the candidates or their Counsel, except perhaps APC, as we speak, are aware of the number of votes scored by each party from the 388 polling units. The Tribunal or Court of Appeal did not mention or ascribe any figure from the units to any party in their decisions.
In fact, in the cross examination of the APC Candidate, Sen. Hope Uzodinma, he could not read any figure from the “Oluwole” results. He said that the figures were not clear. And so it beats our imagination where the Supreme Court conjured and manufactured the figures it used in declaring Uzodinma/APC as duly elected.
But the law is settled as decided by the same Supreme Court in Buhari v. INEC (2008); that “weight can hardly be attached to a document tendered in evidence by a witness who cannot or is not in a position to answer questions on the document. One of such persons the law identifies is the one who did not make the document. Such a person is adjudged in the eyes of the law as ignorant of the content of the document”.
2. Does the Supreme Court have powers to formulate and allocate votes as election results?
3. Were the said results certified by INEC as required by law?
4. Did Hope Uzodinma call 388 witnesses from the 388 polling units to speak to the results to obviate the principle of dumping which the Supreme Court used against the PDP and her candidate, Atiku Abubarka, in the last Presidential Appeal.
5. Were the presiding officers and or party agents of the 388 polling units called to testify by Uzodinma/APC, who were the Petitioners?
6. What are the figures from each of the various 388 polling units generated and allocated to Hope Uzodinma/APC by the Supreme Court?
7. Is the Supreme Court saying that all the votes from the alleged 388 polling units were for the APC alone in an election that was contested by over 70 candidates?
8. It is on record that the votes analysis from the Imo governorship election as at March 11, 2019 when the results were declared were as follows:
-Total Accredited Votes: 823,743
-Total Valid Votes: 739,485
-Cancelled Votes: 25, 130
-Total Valid Votes: 714,355
But at the Supreme Court the Total Valid Votes have increased to 950,952.
This accounts for 127, 209 votes in excess of Total Accredited Votes of 823,743.
The question is; can the Supreme Court sit in Abuja on January 14, 2020 to increase the total number of accredited votes in election held in Imo State on March 9, 2019.
8. Is there any law, which permits the Supreme Court or anyone else for that matter, to unilaterally increase the total accredited votes by any margin after the accreditation and or the election?
9. Where did the Supreme Court get the numbers to declare Uzodinma/APC from a paltry 96,456 votes over Ihedioha/PDP votes of 276,404.
Even if all the excess accredited votes of 127,209 manufactured by the Supreme Court were added to Uzodinma/APC it will be 223,657 votes, still less than Ihedioha’s votes of 276,494 by 42,747 votes.
10. The victory of Ihedioha/PDP were confirmed by 2 concurrent judgments of both the Tribunal and the Court of Appeal and the tradition is that the Supreme Court hardly tamper with such decisions except it was found to be perverse. What was the evidence of perversity?
It is important to also bring to the consciousness of well-meaning members of the public, particularly Nigerians, that there were 2 elections on March 9, 2019, namely, Governorship and the House of Assembly.
As already known, there was only one accreditation for the 2 elections. The APC did not win any of the 27 seats in the Imo State House of Assembly which were won as follows:
PDP won 13
AA won 8
APGA won 6
APC won 0
Total 27
The above further questions and confronts the rationale for the judgment of the Supreme Court on Imo State.
How then did the Supreme Court arrive at its decision to allocate results to void a lawful governorship election and imposed an unelected person as governor?
The fact is that, the Supreme Court, as presently constituted under Justice Tanko, has lost its credibility and no longer commands the respect and confidence of Nigerians.
If the people no longer repose confidence in the Supreme Court, then our democracy, national cohesion and stability are at great risk.
The constitution of the panel that heard the appeal itself was a product of drama.
The panel was changed three times and any judge that showed signs of not agreeing to murder democracy in this case was promptly removed by the CJN.
The result had to be unanimous to satisfy the script of rationality.
But can any judge who sat on that panel go home and sleep well?
Can any judge who sat on that panel face his creator and swear that impartial justice was done? We think not.
We had intelligence before the verdict on the Imo Governorship that the hierarchy of APC had decided that they must use the Supreme Court to capture the states won and controlled by the PDP such as Imo, Sokoto, Bauchi, Adamawa and Benue.
Can the PDP rightly trust the impartiality and independence of the panel headed by Justice Tanko Mohammed, the CJN, to adjudicate on the remaining cases involving the PDP like Kano, Sokoto, Benue, Bauchi, Adamawa, Plateau and others?
Is the same fate awaiting the Governors of these states that are controlled by the PDP and other states like Kano where the PDP clearly won and was robbed?
Should Justice Tanko Mohammed and his colleagues on the Imo Governorship Panel not recuse themselves from the remaining cases involving PDP?
The PDP firmly holds that if the flawed judgment of the Supreme Court on Imo governorship election is allowed to stand, it would be a recipe for anarchy, chaos and constitutional crisis not only in Imo state but in the entire country.
Our party has it in good authority that Justice Tanko and his panel are working on instruction from certain forces in the Presidency to use the Supreme Court to take over states lawfully won by the PDP and award them to the APC.
The PDP therefore advises Justice Tanko not to allow himself to be used to push our nation to the path of anarchy and constitutional crisis as any further attempt to subvert justice in the pending petitions on Sokoto, Bauchi, Benue, Adamawa as well as Kano and Plateau states will be firmly and vehemently resisted.
In other to avoid an imminent breakdown of law and order, the PDP demands that Justice Tanko Mohammed immediately steps down as CJN and chairman of the National Judicial Council as Nigerians have lost confidence in him and a Supreme Court under his leadership.
Justice Tanko must not head the panel to determine the remaining election petitions before the Supreme Court.
One final issue to be noted is that it is in the public record that Hon Justice Kudirat Kekere-Ekun has been the constant instrument used by anti-democratic agents resident in Lagos from where she was elevated to the bench of the Supreme Court, to deliver at least 3 of the most doubtful and controversial judgments which removed PDP governors and other elected officials.
These judgments are:
1. Paul Ukpo V Liyel Imoke where Liyel Imoke was removed in very suspicious circumstances in 2007 when she was at the Court of Appeal;
2. Adeleke V Oyetola delivered in 2019 which annulled the election of Adeleke by the Osun people; and now;
3. Uzodinma V Ihedioha delivered on January 14, 2020 which removed Ihedioha of the PDP who won the election with 276,494 votes and replaced with Uzodinma of the APC who came 4th in the election with a paltry 96, 458 votes.
These cannot be mere coincidences.
CONCLUSION
In conclusion, in the light of extraordinary circumstances that vitiates that judgment as a product manipulation and a clear coup d’etat against the will of the people of Imo State, we demand that the decision of the Supreme Court on the Imo Governorship Election be reviewed and reversed in the interest of justice.
Furthermore we demand that Justice Tanko Mohammed, the CJN and his colleagues on the Imo Governorship Panel recuse themselves from the remaining cases involving PDP in the Supreme Court.
We state for the records that the Supreme Court under Justice Tanko Mohammed shall be held responsible if there is any breakdown of law and order in any state as a result of judgments procured solely for political rather than judicial reasons as is currently happening.
Thank you
…
Headline
Prerogative of Mercy: Osun Gov Pardons 53 Convicts
The Governor of Osun State, Ademola Adeleke, has exercise his powers of prerogative of mercy, pardoning 53 convicted inmates, including a young man sentenced to death for ‘stealing fowl’.
The governor made this known via a tweet on his official X handle with the title, PREROGATIVE OF MERCY EXTENDED TO 53 CONVICTS.
The governor noted as follows:
In line with the recommendations of the State Advisory Council on Prerogative of Mercy and in exercise of the power conferred on me by paragraph (a), (c) and (d) of subsection (i) of section 212 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (As Amended), I am pleased to extend my grace and mercy unto 53 convicts serving various convictions within the Nigerian Correctional Service.
In the case of inmates convicted of simple offences, I have decided in accordance with the said recommendation to remit and forgive the remainder of the said sentences of the following 30 (thirty ) inmates in whole.
1. OLUBO SUNDAY
2. ISAH UMAR BIODUN
3. FAWAS KAREEM
4. OMIRIN TEMITAYO
5. OLARENWAJU AYOMIDE
6. DARE SUNDAY
7. OLADAPO TUNDE
8. GANIYU SAHEED
9. ADEWUMI SODIQ
10. ADEBAYO ADEOYE
KEHINDE
11. LASIS KAZEEM
12. DAUDA OJO (59 YEARS)
13. ISMAILA RAJI
14. OSENI MICHEAL
15. AJAYI KOREDE
16. ABIONA NURUDEEN
17. OSHI SAMUEL
18. SHEU YUSUF OLATUNJI
19. OJO AANU
20. MUSTAPHA KEHINDE
21. LASIS ABEEB
22. ALEXANDRA IORLAHA
23. OJO TAIWO
24. AZEEZ MUJEEB
25. AKINYEMI DAVID
26. ADEOSUN ADEKUNLE
27. OLAOBAJU SAMUEL
28. ADURA ADEFEMI
29. PAUL BASIL
30. KUNLE DAVID
I have also decided in accordance with the said recommendation to grant outright pardon to the following 12 (Twelve) inmates convicted of simple offences.
1. OLABOMIJI NURUDEEN
2. MUSTAPHA ISAH
3. OLALEKAN ABDULLAHI
4. AYOMIDE OLOJEDE
5. AKEEM RAPHAEL
6. ADEYEMI ABIODUN
7. OLADIPUPO SEGUN
8. OMISAKIN SUNDAY
9. ADEMOLA ADIO
10. TUNDE OLAPADE
11. LATE CHIEF WOLE OLA
RUFUS OJO
12. OMOLOYE OLAJIDE
OLAYEMI
In the case of the following 6 (Six) Convicts sentenced to death, I have approved the commutation of their sentence from death to outright release while OJEKUNLE TIMOTHY has his sentence commuted from death sentence to 15 (Fifteen) years imprisonment having spent at least 10 (ten) years in custody.
1 OLUWAFEMI FAGBEMI
2 BEWAJI SUNDAY
3. AMEHIN GEORGE
4. AYOMIDE ARULOGUN
5. TAIWO OLUWATOBI STEPHEN
6. ABUBAKAR ABDULAZEEZ
The following 4 (Four) Convicts also have their sentences commuted from death sentence to outright pardon.
1. SUNDAY MORAKINYO
2. SEGUN OLOWOOKERE
3. TUNDE OLAPADE
4. DEMOLA ODEYEMI
Headline
Amnesty Demands Probe of Military Airstrike in Sokoto Communities
Amnesty International (AI) has urged the Federal government to conduct a comprehensive, independent, and impartial investigation into a military airstrike that killed at least 10 people in two communities in Silame Local Government Area of Sokoto State.
The human rights organization called on President Bola Tinubu to promptly set up an independent inquiry into the tragic incident.
Amnesty emphasized that if investigations point to criminal responsibility, the authorities must ensure that those indicted are prosecuted in fair and transparent trials, adhering to international human rights standards.
Amnesty International criticized the Nigerian military for what it described as a consistent pattern of neglect in investigating airstrikes and other violent incidents that have repeatedly endangered civilian populations.
The organization noted that this lack of accountability has fostered a climate of fear among villagers, who live under the constant threat of recurring attacks.
“These incidents have created a vicious cycle of violence and insecurity for communities, and this must not be allowed to continue,” the statement said.
Amnesty also highlighted the need for justice and effective remedies for the victims and their families, including compensation and psychological support.
They stressed that the government’s response must go beyond investigations to address the systemic failures that enable such incidents.
The call comes amid growing concerns about civilian casualties resulting from military operations in Nigeria, raising questions about the rules of engagement and the transparency of the country’s security forces.
Observers note that accountability for military actions is critical to restoring public trust and ensuring the protection of human rights.
Amnesty’s statement underscores the urgency of addressing these systemic issues to prevent further tragedies and uphold the fundamental rights of affected communities.
The Federal government has yet to respond to Amnesty International’s demands.
Headline
The Travails of Dele Farotimi – Out But Gagged –
Farotimi, on July 2, 2024, released a 116-page book titled Nigeria and Its Criminal Justice System, setting the stage for a clash of interest resulting in petitions, persecutions, prosecutions and gagging of privileges and rights.
Peter Obi, the former presidential candidate of the Labour Party at the 2023 ele tions, and a political ally of Farotimi, had volunteered to assist in helping embattled lawyer meet his bail conditions.
“He was only arrested after all attempts to make him come and explain himself proved abortive. He has been investigated and the case is already in court,” the Command’s Public Relations Officer, Sunday Abutu, explained.
But Farotimi’s lawyer, Temitope Temokun, countered the Police statement, saying his client was never invited by the Command
“He was invited by Zone 2 on two occasions, and he went there.
“But why would you be inviting somebody to Ekiti from Lagos on something that happened in Lagos? However, he was never invited, and if he had been invited, as a lawyer, I would advise him not to go.”
The situation erupted a discourse on various fora, further questioning the the credibility of the already discredited judiciary before some Nigerians, and further popularizing the said contentious book written by Farotimi.
The lawyer reasoned that, “The book was published in Lagos. The defendant has an office in Lagos. And under the Nigerian Criminal Justice System, the law is not that you have to go to where the defendant is, to go and try the accused. You have to try the accused where the act was committed, except he had escaped justice in another state.
“So if he didn’t do that, you cannot abduct him to that state that he didn’t escape to.”
However, on appearance at The Chief Magistrates Court in the Ado Ekiti Division, days later, he was ordered to be remanded in the state’s correctional centre pending consideration of his bail application.
In the fresh charge dated and filed December 6, Farotimi was alleged to have violated the Cybercrimes laws, when he on August 28, 2024 knowingly and intentionally transmitted a false communication in an online interview on Mic On Podcast by Seun Okinbaloye on his YouTube Channel in respect of a book he authored and published with the titled: ‘Nigeria and its Criminal Justice System’.
According to the charge, Farotimi was alleged to have in the said broadcast interview claimed that, “Aare Afe Babalola corrupted the judiciary”, a claim which he knew to be false information and made for the purpose of causing breakdown of law and order thereby committed an offence contrary to and punishable under Section 24(1) (b) of Cybercrimes (Prohibition, Prevention, etc) Act 2015 as amended.
In count two, the defendant was said to have made the allegation “with the intention of bullying and harassing the named persons thereby committed an offence contrary to and punishable under Section 24 (a) of Cybercrimes (Prohibition, Prevention, etc) Act 2015 as amended.”
In another charge, Farotimi was alleged to have on December 2, 2024, acknowledged that there was a charge preferred before a court in Ekiti State against him at the instance of Chief Afe Babalola.
“This preferred, hidden from view and the court had purportedly demanded my presence multiple times and failed to appear before the court and this Court had then proceeded to issue bench warrant for my arrest. This is classic Afe Babalola, I detailed his corruptive influence in my book titled: ‘Nigeria and its Criminal Justice System’ which you know to contain false information for the purpose of causing breakdown of law and order thereby committed an offence contrary to and punishable under Section 24(1) (b) of Cybercrimes (Prohibition, Prevention, etc) Act 2015 as amended,” the charge read in part.
In count four, Farotimi was said to have described the charge in his online broadcast as “fraudulently preferred, hidden from view and the court had purportedly demanded my presence multiple times and I failed to appear before the court and this court had then proceeded to issue bench warrant for my arrest.”
The police further accused the defendant of bullying and harassing Babalola and other named persons when through his online broadcast alleged that after he sued Babalola for libel, “the machines of corruption went into overdrive and a case that should never have been killed at the preliminary stage was killed”.
Count 10 reads: That you Dele Farotimi on December 2, 2024 intentionally sent a message in the course of a press conference held on Online on your YouTube Channel, where you stated that: “I told the truth of his corruption of the society” which you know to contain false information for the purpose of causing breakdown of law and order thereby committed an offence Contrary to and punishable under Section 24(1) (b) of Cybercrimes (Prohibition, Prevention, etc) Act 2015 as amended.
On December 10, his case was further moved to December 20 when he was granted N30 million bail. The bail conditions were completed on December 24 when he was released.
Though Farotimi is released, his freedom, which came at a cost, is not completely guaranteed as he will remain a regular visitor to courts until the final determination, which is likely to drag to the Supreme Court.
The release of the book was accompanied by a public dispute between Dele Farotimi and Afe Babalola, In a controversial development a court in Nigeria issued an injunction halting the further production, distribution, and sale of Nigeria and Its Criminal Justice System. The decision came following a lawsuit filed by Babalola, who alleged that certain portions of the book contained defamatory statements and misrepresentations about individuals and institutions within the Nigerian criminal justice system.
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