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Pendulum: Why Nigerians Are Skeptical About Fresh Loans

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By Dele Momodu

Fellow Nigerians, I have a plea to make very humbly today. But before I do so, allow me to offer some explanations. I have no problems with the government of President Muhammadu Buhari seeking and accepting loans from anywhere on planet earth. I’m a realist and I know Nigeria needs all the grants, aid, loans and whatever financial benevolence it can get to eliminate the atrocious infrastructure deficits currently plaguing our dear beloved country. There is no miracle that can change our squalid state in the shortest possible time. Nigeria is not alone in trying to use loans to rescue itself from a precarious infrastructural quagmire. Most developed nations have gone this route, once upon a time, whether the loans be from their private or foreign individuals or institutions. That is why you discover that even the richest of countries have humongous national debts. It is sometimes a case of “the bigger the head, the bigger the headache”. Therefore, I believe Nigeria needs this loan, as hefty as it sounds, very desperately and justifiably too. But this is where my agreement with this government terminates.

The ways of governments are not usually that of ordinary mortals. Nigerian politicians always act or behave like they live on a different level and not on the same planet with us, especially when they assume some political offices. One of the main reasons some of us supported the termination, or extermination, of the Jonathan administration was because of its apparent profligacy. We believed that government was on an irresponsible and uncontrollable binge and frittering away our commonwealth with reckless abandon and disdain. So, in our collective wisdom or stupidity, we conspired to sentence the government to eternal damnation and perdition.  Nearly five years after, depending on which spot you stand, many of us are now in a state of stupor and abracadabra. The more you look the less you see.

Before the elections of 2015, I was one of those who wept louder than the bereaved. In my fanatical mood, I sold the upcoming APC government at a premium, in advance. I had stubbornly persuaded myself about several fundamental issues. One. That Major General Muhammadu Buhari has transfigured from a military dictator to a born-again Democrat. I had suggested a new moniker for him during a heated debate inside a bus ride with Rotimi Amaechi in Abuja. I said he should be called the “People’s General” instead of robbing him of his greatest achievement on earth by killing the Major General title. I was of the firm belief that he should own it. After all, one of the reasons he was then admired by Nigerians was his Spartan discipline, stern mien and steely gaze. We had hoped that all of these would not only instil the fear of God in the corrupted and flawed politicians that had taken over the landscape of our country like locusts, but that it would also sanitise our polity and return our nation to the halcyon days of yore! I had voiced my views because Amaechi had sought my opinion on the advice of some consultants who read negative connotations to Buhari retaining his military title. I am bemused that this trivial discourse has become the subject of heated debate in recent weeks. What makes it sad though is the ill-advised and jejune response of the Presidency. I say no more because I have weightier matters to deal with today.

Two. I saw Buhari as one of Nigeria’s greatest paupers who hated any form of ostentatious existence and would therefore be absolutely frugal. I was studiously persuaded that, as he pontificated and promised, he would on a personal note sell off our Presidential fleet, reduce traveling to essential and barest minimum and, if possible, travel by the cheapest possible means. I was certain he would overhaul the rascally civil service, whip reckless servants into line and return us to the kind of progressive and developmental civil service that we were proud of, in the early years of Independence. More importantly, I was convinced that he would come down with a sledgehammer on the ridiculous wage bill of political office holders who are using the law to rip off their country by ascribing to themselves emoluments that are unjustifiable and immoral even by our outlandish, crass and amoral standards.

Three. I was very sure he would get rid of the cankerworm of phantom petroleum subsidies that has overshadowed our oil industry and blighted our economy. Refineries would be built in a jiffy and petroleum products would begin to flow like milk and honey, and available at next to nothing, in a country where there should be plenty of such products at affordable prices rather than lack and scarcity! NNPC would operate at a profit and never again at a loss. It would make money for the government and not a few thieving oil pirates.

Four. I had no doubt that he would quickly settle in and form a government of national unity since his mandate was freely given across political parties and non-political entities that had united to evict and eject the scourge that the PDP had become. After 30 years, I was of the firm view that Baba would have learnt useful lessons that no country can make progress in an atmosphere of perpetual acrimony and strife. Indeed, recent history before his ascension to power had demonstrated that no less. The Jonathan administration had gone into battle on so many fronts that it had become lost and confused, riddled by a deleterious internecine war that would eventually consume his government because of the unbridled discord that it had created. He would extend a hand of fellowship to every Nigerian and draw a fresh line that no hooligan would dare cross. Nigeria would start on a new and clean slate and we would all have a full sense of belonging.

 

Five. A government that promised change will definitely operate on meritocracy by attracting our best brains that litter everywhere in in the world. Henceforth, all hands would be on deck to rescue our long-suffering nation from political brigandage, economic strangulation, religious fanaticism and ethnic jingoism. I had boasted to anyone who cared to listen that the new government would shun every form of nepotism and vindictiveness.

 

Six. Our new government would declare a state of emergency against poverty and ignorance. Education would be a priority and government would sit down with lecturers and teachers and ensure that there was a visible improvement of their lot. Laboratories would be properly equipped, and research would be adequately funded. Instead of a proliferation of universities producing half-baked illiterates, we would have quality tertiary institutions that would be an asset to national development because of the qualitative materials that they would churn out rather than the feeble draining and damaging body of graduates that have been chucked into the workforce.

Seven. In the area of social infrastructure, I was so sure our government would again take health issues seriously because a healthy nation is a productive nation. Given the penchant of our leaders to fall ill from the pummelling effect of trying to manage Nigeria and Nigerians, I expected that the government would build at least one world class hospital with the vengeance it deserves. I anticipated that the existence of such a notable modern, state of the art hospital would spare us the agony, embarrassment and ignominy of keeping our leaders abroad in foreign hospitals for months whenever their health fails or collapses. I expected that in the first year, work on a road as simple and as important as the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway, already started by President Goodluck Jonathan, would resume and would be finished within four years. I believed that the President would tackle our perennial power problem and sort it out once and for all. The danger posed to our health by the environmental hazard of generators and diesel fumes would be a thing of the past as the Government would go for multilateral approach to the power conundrum by combining wind, solar, hydro and gas to provide a fulfilling power solution.

 

I had other fantastic expectations. The easiest of them was our security situation which I expected the People’s General to deal with in his long stride because of his much-vaunted military experience and expertise. I never for one moment thought that our security situation would become the dreadful and dreaded nightmare that it now is. I expected there would be a declaration of austerity, and we would all have to tighten our belts for a while in order to achieve our net gain of a prosperous nation. I did not envisage that what would happen was that the belt would become so tight as to almost strangulate and choke us, not because austerity measures have been put in place, but because ineptitude, incompetence, brigandage, and total impunity have taken centre stage and nothing works any longer. I was cocksure that the rule of law would be held sacrosanct by a man who had believed in the courts so much that he headed there on the occasions when he believed that he had been robbed of victory and felt he had not received justice. I wanted to see the President champion the real emancipation and independence of the Judiciary and make that arm of Government the true bastion of democracy that it should be. More than anything else, most of us believed that the President would initiate and entrench electoral reforms that would give us free and fair elections. I felt that having been the beneficiary of a relatively fair election that had seen the incumbent tumbled out of power, the President would do more to ensure that the will of the people is respected. He would respect the sanctity of elections having moaned, groaned and wept, about being rigged out and robbed of victory by dastardly political villains. Now, with the President at the helm of the affairs was the time to see the back of these thugs and touts, political jobbers with no job.

 

Alas, with due respect to our President, nothing of the sort has happened. All those heady expectations have been dashed on the rocks of expediency and a ruthless determination to cling to power at all costs for the benefit of a select few, by whatever name called. Sadly, the APC apparatchiks have continued on a binge. The bazaars and jamborees are real and brazen. Judging simply by their mode of appearances, their fleet of cars, for many of our supposedly new leaders, every day is Christmas.

 

As I write this, I hope Mr President will get to read me this week, some smart Alecs are about to spend billions on renovating the National Assembly. Both National Assembly and the State Houses of Assembly will invest in brand new cars for their members, old and new. Can someone plead and prevail on them to stop this unfortunate, spendthrift and decadent waste of our resources. Can we have pity on our country for once? How can a country seeking loans think of living so ostentatiously? All our leaders need a reorientation before our country bleeds to death. The way our country is haemorrhaging should be a serious cause of concerns to all and sundry.

 

I wish I could say, with certainty, that in this current term and dispensation a few of these expectations would be fulfilled, but I sincerely doubt it.  A lot more diligence, focus and integrity need to be put on show by the President and his team before we can begin to achieve these attainable expectations. Until then it all seems a pipe dream and our people will continue to be embittered, enraged and skeptical about everything the government does. My suggestion is that government should try a new approach and see the clear difference.

May God deliver us from all evil and may we discover the road that will lead us to salvation.

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Opposition Parties Reject 2026 Electoral Act, Demand Fresh Amendment

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Opposition political parties have rejected the 2026 Electoral Act recently passed by the National Assembly, which President Bola Tinubu swiftly signed into law.

The parties called on the National Assembly to immediately begin a fresh amendment process to remove what they described as “all obnoxious provisions” in the law.

Their position was made known at a press briefing themed “Urgent Call to Save Nigeria’s Democracy,” held at the Transcorp Hilton Hotel in Abuja on Thursday.

In a communiqué read by the Chairman of the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) Ahmed Ajuji, the opposition leaders stated:

“We demand that the National Assembly immediately commence a fresh amendment to the Electoral Act 2026, to remove all obnoxious provisions and ensure that the Act reflects only the will and aspiration of Nigerians for free, fair, transparent and credible electoral process in our country. Nothing short of this will be acceptable to Nigerians.”

Some of the opposition leaders present in at the event include former Senate President David Mark; former Governor of Osun State, Rauf Aregbesola; former Vice President Atiku Abubakar; former Governor of Rivers State, Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi; and former Governor of Anambra State, Peter Obi, all from the African Democratic Congress (ADC).

The National Chairman of the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP), Ahmed Ajuji, and other prominent members of the NNPP, notably Buba Galadima, were also in attendance.

The coalition said the amended law, signed by Bola Tinubu, contains “anti-democratic” clauses, which they argue may weaken electoral transparency and public confidence in the voting system.

At the centre of the opposition’s concerns is the amendment to Section 60(3), which allows presiding officers to rely on manual transmission of election results where there is communication failure.

According to the coalition, the provision weakens the mandatory electronic transmission of results and could create loopholes for manipulation.

They argued that Nigeria’s electoral technology infrastructure is sufficient to support nationwide electronic transmission, citing previous assurances by officials of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).

The parties also rejected the amendment to Section 84, which restricts political parties to direct primaries and consensus methods for candidate selection.

They described the change as an unconstitutional intrusion into the internal affairs of parties, insisting that indirect primaries remain a legitimate democratic option.

The opposition cited alleged irregularities in the recent Federal Capital Territory local government elections as evidence of what they described as a broader pattern of electoral compromise.

They characterised the polls as a “complete fraud” and said the outcome has deepened their lack of confidence in the ability of the electoral system to deliver credible elections in 2027.

The coalition also condemned reported attacks on leaders of the African Democratic Congress in Edo State, describing the incidents as a serious threat to democratic participation and political tolerance.

They warned that increasing violence against opposition figures could destabilise the political environment if not urgently addressed.

In their joint statement, the opposition parties pledged to pursue “every constitutional means” to challenge the Electoral Act 2026 and safeguard voters’ rights.

“We will not be intimidated,” the leaders said, urging civil society organisations and citizens to support efforts aimed at protecting Nigeria’s democratic system.

On February 18, 2026, President Bola Tinubu signed the Electoral Act (Amendment) 2026 into law following its passage by the National Assembly. The Act introduced several reforms, including statutory recognition of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System and revised election timelines.

However, opposition figures such as Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi have also called for further amendments, particularly over the manual transmission fallback clause, which critics say leaves room for manipulation.

The president said the law will strengthen democracy and prevent voter disenfranchisement.

Tinubu defended manual collation of results, questioned Nigeria’s readiness for full real-time electronic transmission, and warned against technical glitches and hacking.

The Electoral Act sparked intense debate in the National Assembly over how election results should be transmitted ahead of the 2027 general elections.

Civil society groups under the “Occupy NASS” campaign demanded real-time transmission to curb manipulation.

In the Senate, lawmakers clashed during consideration of Clause 60, which allows manual transmission of results if electronic transmission fails.

Senator Enyinnaya Abaribe (ADC, Abia South) demanded a formal vote to remove the proviso permitting manual transmission, arguing against weakening real-time electronic reporting.

The move led to a heated exchange on the floor, with Senate President Godswill Akpabio initially suggesting the demand had been withdrawn.

After procedural disputes and a brief confrontation among senators, a division was conducted. Fifteen opposition senators voted against retaining the manual transmission proviso, while 55 supported it, allowing the clause to stand.

Earlier proceedings had briefly stalled during clause-by-clause review, prompting consultations and a closed-door session.

In the House of Representatives, a similar disagreement came up over a motion to rescind an earlier decision that mandated compulsory real-time electronic transmission of results to IReV.

Although the “nays” were louder during a voice vote, Speaker Tajudeen Abbas ruled in favour of rescinding the decision, triggering protests and an executive session.

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AFP: How Tinubu’s Govt Paid Boko Haram ‘Huge’ Ransom, Released Two Terrorists for Kidnapped Saint Mary’s Pupils

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The Nigerian government paid Boko Haram militants a “huge” ransom of millions of dollars to free up to 230 children and staff the jihadists abducted from a Catholic school in November, an AFP investigation revealed Monday.

Two Boko Haram commanders were also freed as part of the deal, which goes against the country’s own law banning payments to kidnappers. The money was delivered by helicopter to Boko Haram’s Gwoza stronghold in northeastern Borno state on the border with Cameroon, intelligence sources told AFP.

The decision to pay the militants is likely to irritate US President Donald Trump, who ordered air strikes on jihadists in northern Nigeria on Christmas Day and has been sent military trainers to help support Nigerian forces.

Nigerian government officials deny any ransom was paid to the armed gang that snatched close to 300 schoolchildren and staff from St. Mary’s boarding school in Papiri in central Niger state on November 21. At least 50 later managed to escape their captors.

Boko Haram has not been previously linked to the kidnapping, but sources told AFP one of its most feared commanders was behind the mass abduction: the notorious jihadist known as Sadiku.

He infamously held up a train from the capital in 2022 and netted hefty ransoms for the release of government officials and other well-off passengers.

Boko Haram, which has waged a bloody insurgency since 2009, is strongest in northeast Nigeria.

But a cell in central Niger state operates under Sadiku’s leadership. The St. Mary’s pupils and staff were freed after two weeks of negotiations led by Nuhu Ribadu, Nigeria’s National Security Adviser, with the government insisting no ransom was paid. Nigeria’s State Security Service flatly denied paying any money, saying “government agents don’t pay ransoms”.

However, four intelligence sources familiar with the talks told AFP the government paid a “huge” ransom to get the pupils back. One source put it at 40 million naira per head – around $7 million in total.

Another put the figure lower at two billion naira overall. The money was delivered by chopper to Ali Ngulde, a Boko Haram commander in the northeast, three sources told AFP.

Due to the lack of communications cover in the remote area, Ngulde had to cross into Cameroon to confirm delivery of the ransom before the first group of 100 children were released.

Nigeria has long been plagued by mass abductions, with criminals and jihadist groups sometimes working together to extort millions from hostages’ families, and authorities seemingly powerless to stop them.

Source: Africanews

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Unlawful Invasion: El-Rufai Drags ICPC, IGP, Others to Court, Demands N1bn Damages

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Former Governor of Kaduna State, Nasir El-Rufai, has slammed a ₦1 billion fundamental rights enforcement suit against the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) for what he claimed was an unlawful invasion of his Abuja residence.

El-Rufai, in a suit filed at the Federal High Court in Abuja, also listed the Chief Magistrate, Magistrate’s Court of the FCT, Abuja Magisterial District; Inspector-General of Police, and the Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF) as 2nd to 4th respondents respectively.

According to the suit filed through his lawyers, led by Oluwole Iyamu, El-Rufai prayed the court to declare that the search warrant issued on February 4 by the Chief Magistrate, Magistrate’s Court of the FCT (2nd respondent), authorising the search and seizure at his residence as invalid, null and void.

Security operatives had stormed and searched the former Governor’s residence in the ongoing investigations against him.

However, he argued in the case marked: FHC/ABJ/CS/345/2026, that the search was in violation of Section 37 of the Constitution, and urged the court to declare that the search warrant was “null and void for lack of particularity, material drafting errors, ambiguity in execution parameters, overbreadth, and absence of probable cause thereby constituting an unlawful and unreasonable search.”

In the suit dated and filed February 20 by Iyamu, ex-governor, who is currently under detention, sought seven reliefs.

He prayed the court to declare that the invasion and search of his residence at House 12, Mambilla Street, Aso Drive, Abuja, on Feb. 19 at about 2pm and executed by agents of ICPC and I-G, “under the aforesaid invalid warrant, amounts to a gross violation of the applicant’s fundamental rights to dignity of the human person, personal liberty, fair hearing, and privacy under Sections 34, 35, 36, and 37 of the Constitution.”

He urged the court to declare that “any evidence obtained pursuant to the aforesaid invalid warrant and unlawful search is inadmissible in any proceedings against the applicant, as it was procured in breach of constitutional safeguards.”

El-Rufai, therefore, sought an order of injunction restraining the respondents and their agents from further relying on, using, or tendering any evidence or items seized during the unlawful search in any investigation, prosecution, or proceedings involving him.

“An order directing the Ist and 3rd respondents (ICPC and I-G) to forthwith return all items seized from the applicant’s premises during the unlawful search, together with a detailed inventory thereof.

“An order awarding the sum of N1,000,000,000.00 (One Billion Naira) as general, exemplary, and aggravated damages against the respondents jointly and severally for the violations of the applicant’s fundamental rights, including trespass, unlawful seizure, and the resultant psychological trauma, humiliation, distress, infringement of privacy, and reputational harm.”

The breakdown of the ₦1 billion in damages includes “a N300 million as compensatory damages for psychological trauma, emotional distress, and loss of personal security;

“A ₦400 million as exemplary damages to deter future misconduct by law enforcement agencies and vindicate the applicant’s rights.

“A ₦300 million as aggravated damages for the malicious, high-handed and oppressive nature of the respondents’ actions, including the use of a patently defective warrant procured through misleading representations.”

He equally sought ₦100 million as the cost of filing the suit, including legal fees and associated expenses.

Iyamu argued that the search warrant was fundamentally defective, lacking specificity in the description of items to be seized, containing material typographical errors, ambiguous execution terms, overbroad directives, and no verifiable probable cause.

He added that the warrant violated Sections 143-148 of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act (ACJA), 2015; Section 36 of the Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences (ICPC) Act, 2000, and constitutional protections against arbitrary intrusions and several other constitutional provisions.

“Section 146 stipulates that the warrant must be in the prescribed form, free from defects that could mislead, but the document is riddled with errors in the address, date, and district designation;

“Section 147 allows direction to specified persons, but the warrant’s indiscriminate addressing to “all officers is overbroad and unaccountable.

“Section 148 permits execution at reasonable times, but the contradictory language creates ambiguity, undermining procedural clarity,” he submitted.

Iyamu stated that the execution of the invalid warrant on Feb. 19 resulted in an unlawful invasion of his client’s premises, constituting violations of the rights to dignity (Section 34), personal liberty (Section 35), fair hearing (Section 36), and privacy (Section 37) of the Constitution.

He further argued that the search was conducted without legal justification and in a manner that inflicted humiliation and distress.

Evidence obtained without a valid warrant is unlawful and inadmissible, as established in judicial precedents such as C.O.P. v. Omoh (1969) NCLR 137, where the court ruled that evidence procured through improper means contravenes fundamental rights and must be excluded,” he said.

In the affidavit in support of the application, Mohammed Shaba, a Principal Secretary to the former governor, averred that on Feb. 19 at about 2p.m., officers from the ICPC and Nigeria Police Force invaded the residence under a purported search warrant issued on or about Feb. 4.

According to him, the said warrant is invalid due to its lack of specificity, errors, and other defects as outlined in the grounds of this application.

He said the “search warrant did not specify the properties or items being searched for.”

Shaba stated that the officers failed to submit themselves for search as provided by the law before proceeding with the search.

“That the Magistrate did not specify the magisterial district wherein he sits.

“That during the invasion, the officers searched the applicant’s premises without lawful authority, seized personal items including documents and electronic devices, and caused the applicant undue humiliation, psychological trauma, and distress.

“Now shown to me and marked as ‘EXHIBIT B’ Is the list of the items carted away.

“That no items seized have been returned, and the respondents continue to rely on the unlawful evidence.

“That the applicant suffered violations of his constitutional rights as a result, and this application is brought in good faith to enforce same,” Shaba said.

Source: Naijanews.com

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