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Pendulum: Why Nigerians Are Skeptical About Fresh Loans

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By Dele Momodu

Fellow Nigerians, I have a plea to make very humbly today. But before I do so, allow me to offer some explanations. I have no problems with the government of President Muhammadu Buhari seeking and accepting loans from anywhere on planet earth. I’m a realist and I know Nigeria needs all the grants, aid, loans and whatever financial benevolence it can get to eliminate the atrocious infrastructure deficits currently plaguing our dear beloved country. There is no miracle that can change our squalid state in the shortest possible time. Nigeria is not alone in trying to use loans to rescue itself from a precarious infrastructural quagmire. Most developed nations have gone this route, once upon a time, whether the loans be from their private or foreign individuals or institutions. That is why you discover that even the richest of countries have humongous national debts. It is sometimes a case of “the bigger the head, the bigger the headache”. Therefore, I believe Nigeria needs this loan, as hefty as it sounds, very desperately and justifiably too. But this is where my agreement with this government terminates.

The ways of governments are not usually that of ordinary mortals. Nigerian politicians always act or behave like they live on a different level and not on the same planet with us, especially when they assume some political offices. One of the main reasons some of us supported the termination, or extermination, of the Jonathan administration was because of its apparent profligacy. We believed that government was on an irresponsible and uncontrollable binge and frittering away our commonwealth with reckless abandon and disdain. So, in our collective wisdom or stupidity, we conspired to sentence the government to eternal damnation and perdition.  Nearly five years after, depending on which spot you stand, many of us are now in a state of stupor and abracadabra. The more you look the less you see.

Before the elections of 2015, I was one of those who wept louder than the bereaved. In my fanatical mood, I sold the upcoming APC government at a premium, in advance. I had stubbornly persuaded myself about several fundamental issues. One. That Major General Muhammadu Buhari has transfigured from a military dictator to a born-again Democrat. I had suggested a new moniker for him during a heated debate inside a bus ride with Rotimi Amaechi in Abuja. I said he should be called the “People’s General” instead of robbing him of his greatest achievement on earth by killing the Major General title. I was of the firm belief that he should own it. After all, one of the reasons he was then admired by Nigerians was his Spartan discipline, stern mien and steely gaze. We had hoped that all of these would not only instil the fear of God in the corrupted and flawed politicians that had taken over the landscape of our country like locusts, but that it would also sanitise our polity and return our nation to the halcyon days of yore! I had voiced my views because Amaechi had sought my opinion on the advice of some consultants who read negative connotations to Buhari retaining his military title. I am bemused that this trivial discourse has become the subject of heated debate in recent weeks. What makes it sad though is the ill-advised and jejune response of the Presidency. I say no more because I have weightier matters to deal with today.

Two. I saw Buhari as one of Nigeria’s greatest paupers who hated any form of ostentatious existence and would therefore be absolutely frugal. I was studiously persuaded that, as he pontificated and promised, he would on a personal note sell off our Presidential fleet, reduce traveling to essential and barest minimum and, if possible, travel by the cheapest possible means. I was certain he would overhaul the rascally civil service, whip reckless servants into line and return us to the kind of progressive and developmental civil service that we were proud of, in the early years of Independence. More importantly, I was convinced that he would come down with a sledgehammer on the ridiculous wage bill of political office holders who are using the law to rip off their country by ascribing to themselves emoluments that are unjustifiable and immoral even by our outlandish, crass and amoral standards.

Three. I was very sure he would get rid of the cankerworm of phantom petroleum subsidies that has overshadowed our oil industry and blighted our economy. Refineries would be built in a jiffy and petroleum products would begin to flow like milk and honey, and available at next to nothing, in a country where there should be plenty of such products at affordable prices rather than lack and scarcity! NNPC would operate at a profit and never again at a loss. It would make money for the government and not a few thieving oil pirates.

Four. I had no doubt that he would quickly settle in and form a government of national unity since his mandate was freely given across political parties and non-political entities that had united to evict and eject the scourge that the PDP had become. After 30 years, I was of the firm view that Baba would have learnt useful lessons that no country can make progress in an atmosphere of perpetual acrimony and strife. Indeed, recent history before his ascension to power had demonstrated that no less. The Jonathan administration had gone into battle on so many fronts that it had become lost and confused, riddled by a deleterious internecine war that would eventually consume his government because of the unbridled discord that it had created. He would extend a hand of fellowship to every Nigerian and draw a fresh line that no hooligan would dare cross. Nigeria would start on a new and clean slate and we would all have a full sense of belonging.

 

Five. A government that promised change will definitely operate on meritocracy by attracting our best brains that litter everywhere in in the world. Henceforth, all hands would be on deck to rescue our long-suffering nation from political brigandage, economic strangulation, religious fanaticism and ethnic jingoism. I had boasted to anyone who cared to listen that the new government would shun every form of nepotism and vindictiveness.

 

Six. Our new government would declare a state of emergency against poverty and ignorance. Education would be a priority and government would sit down with lecturers and teachers and ensure that there was a visible improvement of their lot. Laboratories would be properly equipped, and research would be adequately funded. Instead of a proliferation of universities producing half-baked illiterates, we would have quality tertiary institutions that would be an asset to national development because of the qualitative materials that they would churn out rather than the feeble draining and damaging body of graduates that have been chucked into the workforce.

Seven. In the area of social infrastructure, I was so sure our government would again take health issues seriously because a healthy nation is a productive nation. Given the penchant of our leaders to fall ill from the pummelling effect of trying to manage Nigeria and Nigerians, I expected that the government would build at least one world class hospital with the vengeance it deserves. I anticipated that the existence of such a notable modern, state of the art hospital would spare us the agony, embarrassment and ignominy of keeping our leaders abroad in foreign hospitals for months whenever their health fails or collapses. I expected that in the first year, work on a road as simple and as important as the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway, already started by President Goodluck Jonathan, would resume and would be finished within four years. I believed that the President would tackle our perennial power problem and sort it out once and for all. The danger posed to our health by the environmental hazard of generators and diesel fumes would be a thing of the past as the Government would go for multilateral approach to the power conundrum by combining wind, solar, hydro and gas to provide a fulfilling power solution.

 

I had other fantastic expectations. The easiest of them was our security situation which I expected the People’s General to deal with in his long stride because of his much-vaunted military experience and expertise. I never for one moment thought that our security situation would become the dreadful and dreaded nightmare that it now is. I expected there would be a declaration of austerity, and we would all have to tighten our belts for a while in order to achieve our net gain of a prosperous nation. I did not envisage that what would happen was that the belt would become so tight as to almost strangulate and choke us, not because austerity measures have been put in place, but because ineptitude, incompetence, brigandage, and total impunity have taken centre stage and nothing works any longer. I was cocksure that the rule of law would be held sacrosanct by a man who had believed in the courts so much that he headed there on the occasions when he believed that he had been robbed of victory and felt he had not received justice. I wanted to see the President champion the real emancipation and independence of the Judiciary and make that arm of Government the true bastion of democracy that it should be. More than anything else, most of us believed that the President would initiate and entrench electoral reforms that would give us free and fair elections. I felt that having been the beneficiary of a relatively fair election that had seen the incumbent tumbled out of power, the President would do more to ensure that the will of the people is respected. He would respect the sanctity of elections having moaned, groaned and wept, about being rigged out and robbed of victory by dastardly political villains. Now, with the President at the helm of the affairs was the time to see the back of these thugs and touts, political jobbers with no job.

 

Alas, with due respect to our President, nothing of the sort has happened. All those heady expectations have been dashed on the rocks of expediency and a ruthless determination to cling to power at all costs for the benefit of a select few, by whatever name called. Sadly, the APC apparatchiks have continued on a binge. The bazaars and jamborees are real and brazen. Judging simply by their mode of appearances, their fleet of cars, for many of our supposedly new leaders, every day is Christmas.

 

As I write this, I hope Mr President will get to read me this week, some smart Alecs are about to spend billions on renovating the National Assembly. Both National Assembly and the State Houses of Assembly will invest in brand new cars for their members, old and new. Can someone plead and prevail on them to stop this unfortunate, spendthrift and decadent waste of our resources. Can we have pity on our country for once? How can a country seeking loans think of living so ostentatiously? All our leaders need a reorientation before our country bleeds to death. The way our country is haemorrhaging should be a serious cause of concerns to all and sundry.

 

I wish I could say, with certainty, that in this current term and dispensation a few of these expectations would be fulfilled, but I sincerely doubt it.  A lot more diligence, focus and integrity need to be put on show by the President and his team before we can begin to achieve these attainable expectations. Until then it all seems a pipe dream and our people will continue to be embittered, enraged and skeptical about everything the government does. My suggestion is that government should try a new approach and see the clear difference.

May God deliver us from all evil and may we discover the road that will lead us to salvation.

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Dickson Defends NDC Registration, Dismisses Irregularities Allegations

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National Leader of the Nigerian Democratic Congress (NDC), Seriake Dickson, has defended the legitimacy of the party’s registration, dismissing allegations of irregularities and urging Nigerians to ignore what he described as propaganda.

Dickson, a former Bayelsa State governor, in a X post on Monday said the party’s formation was the result of a long-standing process dating back to 2017, contrary to claims that it was recently granted recognition without due procedure.

“For the record, the annexures show that we initiated the registration process for the NDC as far back as 2017 and that INEC granted approval at that time before the process was halted,” he said.

He added that the party revisited and updated its application when the Independent National Electoral Commission resumed registration of political associations.

Dickson’s comments come amid controversy triggered by allegations from Umar Ardo, convener of the League of Northern Democrats and promoter of the All Democratic Alliance, who accused the electoral body of unlawfully registering the NDC in violation of constitutional provisions and its own guidelines on DCL Hausa.

Ardo claimed that while his group and others met all requirements for registration, they were ignored, whereas the NDC was allegedly recognised under questionable circumstances.

“The reason is that NDC obtained registration without applying, without meeting the requirements set by law, without meeting the provisions of the Nigerian Constitution, and without meeting INEC’s guidelines,” Ardo said during an interview.

However, Dickson rejected the claims, insisting that the party followed due process and warning that misinformation should not distract from its objectives.

“With my experience in politics, I am fully aware that an ambitious project of this nature will attract distractions—rumours, gossip, propaganda, and even blackmail,” he said.

He urged Nigerians to remain focused on what he described as the party’s broader vision of national renewal.

The development comes amid growing political realignments ahead of the 2027 general elections, following the defection of key opposition figures including Peter Obi and Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso to the NDC.

Dickson described their entry into the party as part of a broader coalition-building effort aimed at creating a strong ideological platform.

“What we are witnessing is a powerful convergence: my role as a party organiser and builder, alongside two political heavyweights with immense grassroots support, popularity and political experience,” he said.

He added that the party aims to build a durable political institution comparable to established global parties.

“As I have consistently stated, our goal in the NDC is to build an ideological political party, one that can be compared to the ANC in its finest years in South Africa, as well as established political parties across Europe, America, India and even the Communist Party of China,” he said.

Dickson also highlighted the party’s focus on youth and women, describing the NDC as a platform designed to promote inclusion and mentorship.

“The NDC is a party with a special place for young people and women, one that prioritises mentorship and prepares citizens for service,” he said.

He called on Nigerians to join the party and participate actively in its activities, including contesting elections.

“I call on all Nigerians to join the NDC, register, participate, and contest elections. Together, let us reclaim and rebuild our country,” he added.

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Peter Obi Only Had Interest in Presidential Ticket, Not in Party’s Policies – Abdullahi

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The National Publicity Secretary of the African Democratic Congress, Bolaji Abdullahi has accused Peter Obi of showing no interest in the party’s policy positions during his brief membership, saying he was only interested in obtaining the presidential ticket.

Abdullahi made this known on Monday during an interview on Arise News’ Prime Time programme, the same appearance in which he earlier described Obi and Rabiu Kwankwaso’s departure from the ADC as a setback but not a fatal blow.

Abdullahi said the party had invested months in developing a manifesto with clear policy positions, but Obi never engaged with the process.

“You may invite His Excellency Peter Obi and ask him, what is the ADC position on fuel subsidy? What is the ADC’s framework on security? He doesn’t know, because he’s never been interested. They are just waiting for the tickets to be handed to them,” he said.

He said members of the ADC fell into three broad categories: those using the party as a mere platform to contest elections, those committed to ending what they described as the misgovernance of the ruling All Progressives Congress, and those genuinely interested in building a real political party anchored on policy.

Abdullahi appeared to place Obi in the first category, contrasting his conduct with the party’s expectations.

“If you say you want to contest election, and you believe in the country, in changing the country, you should know what your party stands for,” he said.

On whether the ADC could still anchor a credible opposition coalition for 2027, Abdullahi remained confident.
“No, no, no, absolutely. Maybe it’s a setback, but it’s a temporary setback. We are recalibrating, and we are going to come back stronger. The possibility of a three-horse race, has it dented our chances? Perhaps, but is it mortally so? No,” he said.

He also pushed back against suggestions that former Vice President Atiku Abubakar had become the frontrunner for the ADC’s presidential ticket following the departures.

“This party ADC is not going to be an SPV for anybody,” he said, adding that former Minister of Transportation Rotimi Amaechi remained among the contenders.

Obi and Kwankwaso joined the ADC in March 2026 as part of a broad opposition coalition aimed at challenging the APC in the 2027 general elections.

Both men quit the party on Sunday, citing internal crises, court cases, and what they described as deliberate efforts to frustrate their participation in the electoral process.

They have since joined the Nigeria Democratic Congress, where they have called for an end to litigation-driven politics.

Obi had said his decision to leave was not driven by personal ambition but by the need to rescue Nigeria, describing the pattern of internal crises as one he had also encountered in the Labour Party.

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Will ‘Big Ego’ Bury Opposition Again?

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By Eric Elezuo

Those, who are of the impression that the Nafiu Bala Gombe factor is the only crisis bedeviling the major opposition party, the African Democratic Congress (ADC), should probably begin to rethink. The reasons are obvious; the cankerworm of treachery, me, me and me factor, wings of undemocratisation, and loss of focus have continued to haunt the nascently developing party, and observers are of the agreement that the process may again go the way of 2023 if the constant bickering of who takes what continue to fester.

It is noteworthy that the Supreme Court has been judicially lenient to the ADC, in its judgment regarding leadership, where the popularly advocated David Mark and Rauf Aregbesola leadership was sustained. But the judgment, much as it brought a temporary relief, did not in any way drive away the crisis that the party has continued to ‘bring upon itself’ since its elaborated second launch in July, 2025.

While Nigerians had seen the ADC as a veritable alternative, a much better option to the existing ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) with its attendant and alleged failed policies, which have subjected the Nigerian people to untold hardship from day one when the ‘subsidy is gone’ declaration was made, it has hitherto failed to reciprocate the confidence reposed on them by putting their house in order and jettison person desires fir Nigerianism.

But from every indication it’s beginning to appear that the ADC came, not unprepared, but under-prepared, creating loopholes that have energized the infiltration of elements of destruction bent on ensuring that the party is not on the ballot paper come 2027. The Nafiu Bala Gombe angle is consistently fighting to ensure that the agenda comes to pass. The ADC has however, pointed accusing fingers at the President Tinubu-led Federal Government and the APC as the brain behind the crisis, and the general muffling and muscling of the opposition, as the window of election contest continue to open wider.

But beyond the alleged hand of Tinubu in the brouhaha, there’s the in-house dispute, not just among the superweights that joined the party, but also among their supporters.

The super politicians include former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, two-terms governor of Rivers State, and two-terms Minister of Transport, Mr. Rotimi Chibike Amaechi; two-terms governor of Kano State and former Minister of Defence, Alhaji Rabiu Kwankwaso and two-terms governor of Anambra State and business man, Mr. Peter Obi.

Till date, none of these prolific politicians has agreed to step down for another, creating a situation where the only door open to the aspirants is a transparent and all-agreeable primary election to determine who flies the party’s flag. But that is not to be again as the duo of Peter Obi and Rabiu Kwankwaso on Sunday ditched the party, enroute the newly formed Nigerian Democratic Congress (NDC). Observers say that Obi has an unexplained phobia for primary elections.

But observers have wondered if the opposition leaders are really interested in ousting the administration of Bola Tinubu, which they unanimously agreed has not impacted positively on Nigerians. They have dismissed the coalition as a gathering of highly ambitious politicians, whose real agenda is to grab power for themselves, otherwise they could have done everything within their power to settle for and support one individual if the intention is to actually dethrone Tinubu, and give Nigerians to good they deserve.

As part of the disagreements that have threatened to pull down the very fabrics of opposition plans, and drag the nation back to the mistakes of 2023, the existence of ego; a certain type of ego that analysts have described as ‘Big Ego’, has played a crucial roll.

From Atiku to Obi to Amaechi and to the newest entrant, Kwankwaso, none is willing to settle for the other to fly the party’s flag. Everyone of the candidates wants to be president .And much as Tinubu has been blamed for most the crises in many major political parties, it is still not known if Tinubu could be blamed for the inability of these political juggernauts to settle for a consensus candidate to wrest power from the present administration, that not a few Nigerians have condemned.

From various camps, especially the ‘Obidients’ (supporters loyal to Peter Obi), the slogan has remained it’s either Obi or nothing, a move that has made it impossible for the agreement towards consensus or primaries to be reached. The Obidients maintained that Atiku has no right to contest, and shouldn’t contest, citing excuses including that he is of northern extraction, and it’s not the turn of the North to produce a president.

However, the Atiku camp has countered the notion saying that there’s no constitutional provision to whoever should contest for the presidency at a particular time, stressing that the presidential contest is opened to all Nigerians of 40 years and above irrespective of tribe, religion or region. They therefore, wonder why the Obi supporters would insist that Atiku drops off without a legitimate primary election.

CONSTITUTIONAL PROVISION FOR PRESIDENTIAL CONTEST

According to Section 131 of the 1999 Nigerian Constitution (as amended), a person must be a citizen by birth, at least 40 years old, a member of a political party, sponsored by that party, and educated to at least School Certificate level or its equivalent.

The same section mentioned that disqualification of any aspirant would be based on allegiance to another country, previous two-term service as president, lunacy, or criminal conviction.

The Constitution did not at any section impose legitimacy on tribe, region or rotation. Atiku is eligible to stand for election.

Another angle Atiku’s detractors have tried to capitalise on is his stewardship as the Vice President.

However, a member of the Atiku, who prefers anonymity, explains that the Waziri Adamawa performed his functions as vice president creditably, and executed assignments as instructed. He added that at no time did the former sold any assets, rather he supervised privatization, which is the hallmark of development for any capitalist environment

The source said, “Sold national assets to who and as who? Was Atiku the president because as far as I know, he was the vice president and could not have acted without the consent of Mr President. Atiku never sold anything, those things were privatized and people, who wanted them, applied.”

Speaking on the most qualified of all the presidential aspirants, the source clarified that “having been a vice president for eight years, sustained credible institutions and businesses, none could compare to Atiku. He is the most senior, and most experienced”, he said

On the permutation of the likely winner of the 2027 election,  the source dismissed Kwankwaso, whose over million votes came largely from Kano State, and Peter Obi, who could not win any state in both the North East and West. He advised that Obi’s chances are slim in contrast to Atiku, who won across the five regions except Southeast.

He said, “Atiku, won election as the Governor of Adamawa State before he was selected as gor the vice president position by former President Olusegun Obasanjo, and he served for two-terms of eight years.

“Atiku, has since contested for president on the tickets of ACN, APC (primaries 2014), PDP, (2019 and 2023). He wants to be president, no doubt. That is not a man that can be hounded out of a race or intimidated by a small and vocal group.

“It is worthy of note that Peter Obi’s six million votes in the last election didn’t come strictly from the ‘Obidients’. In fact, not up to 30% came from them. The majority of the votes came from silent supporters of Obi who are members of other parties and from people not identified with any political party. Atiku can decide to step down for Obi or anyone, that is his choice to make. No one should hinge Obi’s success or failure on Atiku. He wants to be president too, and should not be intimidated, the source reiterated. 

HISTORICAL TRAJECTORY

Without mincing words, the survival of the opposition coalition depends solely on Atiku and Peter Obi. Most men must agree to support each if there must be a headway in booting Tinubu out of power. Anyway other than that is just another rehash of the 2023 scenario.

It would be recalled that Atiku and Obi formed an alliance that challenged late former President Muhammadu Buhari in 2019. While Atiku stood asthe substantive candidate, Obi operated as the running. Buhari won with a slim margin though observers believed that the election was greatly manipulated.

But in 2023, ambitions defeated expectations. While many had expected Atiku to support younger aspirants to run, but he threw his hat in the ring. It was his constitutional right. The likes of Peter Obi, who has created a picture of himself as being afraid of primaries, left the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) for the Labour Party, where he picked up presidential ticket on a platter. He believed that with the completion of the Buhari era, it was the turn of the Southeast to produce a president. Even as the duo of Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi pooled a collective total of over 12 million votes, both were still defeated by the candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC) Bola Tinubu.

A cross section of opinion molders have remained divided as to what would have happened if both had teamed up again as candidate and running mate. While a section said that the duo would have beaten Tinubu hands down, others believe that the massive voters would not have come out from their hiding if Obi had not been on the ballot paper. But the way it stands, and having known their electoral capabilities and capacities, and with one goal of removing Tinubu from office, one would have expected the two candidates to drop their egos and work together. But that has become a tall dream!

With the bickering, and subsequent defection of Peter Obi and Rabiu Kwankwaso, to the NDC, ostensibly to actualize the new slogan of Obi-Kwankwaso (OK), an analyst has juxtaposed the previous election in 2023, and the fast approaching one of 2027 as follows:

As the 2027 election approaches, it’s good to give a highlight of the major conditions required for any candidate to be declared winner of the election according to the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. (1) Candidates must get the majority of the votes from the entire country. (2) Candidate must get at least 25% from at least 24/36 states plus the FCT. In 2023 for example, INEC declared Bola Ahmed Tinubu the winner of the election for securing 36.7% of the total votes and 25% from 29 states. Followed by Atiku Abubakar who secured 29.9% of the votes and got 25% from 21 states. And then Peter Obi who came third with 26.1% of the total votes and 25% from 15 states. What does that mean? Tinubu was declared winner not only because of the number of votes, but also because of the 25% rule, which he secured majority from Ondo, Ekiti, Kwara, Ogun, Oyo, Niger, Kogi, Benue, Jigawa, Zamfara, Borno and Rivers. On the other hand, Atiku Abubakar won states like Osun, Yobe, Gombe, Adamawa, Katsina, Bauchi, Kaduna, Sokoto, Kebbi, Taraba, Bayelsa and Akwa-Ibom bringing it to a total of 12 states. Similarly, Peter Obi won states like Enugu, Anambra, Abia, Ebonyi, Imo, Delta, Cross-River, Edo, Lagos, FCT, Plateau and Nassarawa bringing it to a total of 12 states with none from North-West and North-East. Kwankwaso dominated Kano State with more than a million votes. Based on this highlights, who do you think will win the 2027 presidential election?

WHY PETER OBI SHOULD HAVE REMAINED WITH ATIKU AS RUNNING MATE

A lot of narratives have been peddled as to why it would been a sound political decision for Peter Obi to remain with the ADC, and seek election as running mate to Atiku Abubakar.

Many believe that Peter Obi came to limelight in 2019 courtesy of the Atiku generosity, when he was nominated as the presidential vice candidate against the wishes and to the chagrin of major political heavyweights in PDP at the time. Both made a noticeable though did not win.

Secondly, Atiku has told the public that he was only concerned with serving for only one term, and promised to support Peter Obi to take afterwards. This is highly fundamental because across the world, many politicians have effortlessly crossed over to becoming the president after serving as vice presidents.

The case of the present President of Ghana, Dr. John Dramani Mahama, readily comes.to mind. He served as vice president to John Kuffour, and took over afterwards.

There’s also Nigeria’s Goodluck Jonathan, who served as vice president to Umar Musa Yar’dua, and became president at his death, and went ahead to win another term, even when it was the proverbial turn of the North.

In the United States, Joe Biden served as vice to Barack Obama, and became president at the end of his tenure. He served for one term, and voluntarily bowed out on health grounds.

In Kenya, incumbent President Willam Ruto served loyally as vice to Uhuru Kenyatta, and is today the president of Kenya.

In Liberia, Joseph Boakai served as vice president to Ellen Johnson Sirleaf for her two-terms of 12 years (2006 – 2018) before becoming president himself.

Just as the list is endless, it is believed that a little patience by Obi can help I  removing Tinubu, and making him president in 2031.

However, appearing quite upbeat about the happenstance, a chieftain of the ADC, Chief Dele Momodu, summarized as follows during a recent interview:

“I have no fear whatsoever, though there’s a bit of agitation everywhere. If you ask most people, they would tell you, Oh, Asiwaju will rig the election. They are sure Tinubu will do this and that. He has the power of life and death and so on and so forth, but I’m not bothered. As you get older in life, you begin to understand the God factor better. I believe that whatever APC likes, let them do. When it is God’s time, he will push them out and I think, this 2027, we are closer to it than ever.

“I said APC, whether they like it or not, the whole world knows that they have failed. And now the people are thinking it is political parties that chase away government? No, it is not parties; it is the people. When the people rise up and say it was the people that chased away PDP that time, it was the people. In this case, those who will chase Tinubu and APC away are not just members of ADC. They are Nigerians who are fed up, completely fed up, who will look back at the last three or four years and ask pertinent questions like, Was my life better in 2023 than it is in 2027? Was security much better in 2023 than it is in 2027? Was electricity better? Was water better? Was infrastructure better? Was our foreign policy better? Was the quality of ministers better? When you answer all those questions, you will see that the majority of the answers will be no, no, no. And that is what will determine why people will vote them out.”

With Obi now in NDC, and Atiku still in ADC, the shape of 2027 for the opposition may not be looking good because the way it stands, the OPPOSITION IS ABOUT TO BURY HOPE AGAIN, leveraging on the infamous ‘BIG EGO’.

It is now to your tent, O’ Israel. This is the real status quo ante bellum, and every candidate is now to test his own strength in isolation.

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