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Pendulum: Now that Buhari Has Cowed Nigerians, What Next

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By Dele Momodu

Fellow Nigerians, let me take you back to the year 1998, the 7th day of the month of July to be precise. Chief Moshood Abiola had just been pronounced dead, just like that, and everything, and everywhere, was topsy-turvy. We were numb beyond words. A new leader had taken power the month before, after the sudden death of the maximum ruler, General Sani Abacha. How can two antagonists die in similar fashion, one month apart, we wondered, ponderously.

Anyway, as with everything Nigerian, life soon moved on, without much ado. A few irate students, led by Omoyele Sowore, ranted and raved but their fireballs soon disintegrated and dissolved into ashes. Those of us in exile were left stupefied. In all honesty, we had all individually and collectively given our best to the struggle, but our best was simply not enough. Man and God had contrived to deprive us of our greatest democratic moment as a nation. It does not appear that our democratic nous and ethos will ever reach the dizzying heights of those glorious days! We lost Abiola and we lost the mandate freely given to him by the good people of Nigeria. So, we were back to square one.

Tokunbo Afikuyomi and I offered ourselves as Guinea pigs and meandered our way back home the same way we had navigated our ways through the forest of a thousand daemons to escape from the Gulag and what appeared at the time a the most brutishly ruthless dictatorship in Nigeria. What we found out on our return was unbelievable and shocking. Our politicians had barely waited for Abiola to be interred before they started their stock in trade, jostling for power and lucre.

We returned to London, very frustrated about our experience at home. What we suffered through the labyrinth of madness called Seme border is another matter entirely and a story for another day. Back in England, some of our compatriots were still blowing grammar. Saying we must fight the military. We no go gree, like students’ union leaders love to chant every now and then, during Aluta struggles in our diverse universities. The difference was we were not students, and this was real life, off campuses.

We decided to tell our elders in the Diaspora the gospel truth. Those at home were not in sync with those fighting from abroad. The exposure and experience we had all gained during our sojourn and desperate struggle for truth and justice seemed totally lost on our compatriots at home. Our vision and mission were quite clearly totally divergent. One thing led to another and many of the NADECO Chieftains agreed to return home. It was over, as simple as that. That was the reality.

The regime of General Abdulsalami Abubakar decided it would hand over government to a civilian government under one year and it stuck rigidly to its transition timetable despite serious temptations to extend its set tenure. If we thought the military reign was reaching its terminal end, we were dead wrong. The military was merely beginning to prepare for tenure elongation albeit in civilian toga. The first election was therefore won by a retired military General, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo. And it became obvious that the military establishment was not yet ready to relax and reduce its iron grip on Nigeria’s jugular. Most of those who paraded the corridors of power were military men in civilian garb. Four years later, President Obasanjo sought another term and got it. Meanwhile, throughout all this, there was no provision for the inclusion of the NADECO fighters as reparation for the dastardly acts against Abiola and his supporters.

Let’s fast forward a little. After a controversial third term attempt for President Obasanjo by some political jobbers fell flat, a brother of a former military General, Alhaji Umaru Musa Yar’Adua was brought on board to take over the reins of power. It was like a change of baton in an exclusive relay race by the military. By sheer act of providence, President Yar’Adua took critically I’ll and died in office. This was how fate threw up a complete stranger to the military establishment and virtual lone ranger on the balcony of power, Dr Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, as President.

It was obvious some members of a most powerful cabal were not happy about the emergence of Jonathan, a man from one of the politically disadvantaged and handicapped regions of Nigeria, the South South. The Ijaw heritage of Jonathan was meant to be his Achilles heel but the man trudged on till he completed the tenure of his departed boss. Of course, against all odds, he contested for his own term and won. That was in 2011. I was privileged to have been a Presidential candidate at that time.

President Jonathan’s tenure was marred by many turbulent upheavals, the worst being the Boko Haram menace. There were also instances of reckless looting of the national treasury and well documented profligacy by his PDP apparatchiks. President Jonathan shot himself in the foot and incurred the wrath of the people when in the midst of horrendous poverty, he sharply increased prices of petroleum products, astronomically. That was the moment many felt he had goofed beyond repair. I was one of those who participated in global protests against his government. I wrote copiously, granted interviews and generally became a thorn in the flesh of the Jonathan administration along with several others. Jonathan was so derided and became butts of jokes everywhere. It was only a matter of time before Jonathan and his motley crew of pillaging merry men would be sacked from power.

I must confess that at the height of our stupidity and naivety, in retrospect, we threw caution to the winds. We wrote off Jonathan despite occasional flashes of genius and inspiration by some members of his team. In the meantime, former Nigerian Head of State, Major General Muhammadu Buhari (RTD.) was repackaged to smell like roses and we all fell for the promise of Eldorado he seemed to hold at the time. I was one of those who jumped on the bandwagon to describe him as a born-again Democrat, despite some strident and persistent warnings by then Governor of Ekiti State, Ayodele Fayose and others. Perhaps we were fooled by the fact in quick succession he had picked Pentecostal pastors in his running mate in Pastor Tunde Bakare in 2011 and Professor Yemi Osinbajo in 2015. Those who told us that our Hallelujah Choruses were premature and that a leopard can never change its spots were castigated and hounded by those of us who had been converted to what we believed was the new Buhari. We sang in unison that anyone but Jonathan. The rest is history.

Step forward, President Buhari, and take a bow. You rode back triumphantly to power, 30 years after you were sacked by General Ibrahim Babangida. What a feat! The world rejoiced at the final collapse of the PDP behemoth. Our Messiah had come. Most of our prominent challenges would soon evaporate and vamoose. Praise the Lord.

Let me not bore you with how those four years were spent, again, just like that. I leave the judgment of what happened to fellow Nigerians. Excuses became the art and science of governance. The past governments and its ruling party, PDP, was blamed for virtually everything under the sun. No worries. We didn’t expect Buhari to fix the accumulated problems of 16 or more years in a short while. Initially, we thought he would eventually settle down and make inroads into the problems that he had inherited. In any event, we also didn’t expect him to add more to those problems. The little we expected was for Buhari to bring stability to the polity. Again we were wrong.

Everything fell apart and the issue of security which was supposed to be easy meat for our President being a respected, respectable and retired General has become an albatross for the government. So, again, foul. We goofed. I don’t know how to put it any better. With excellent performance, no one would have taken note of a few human rights infringements here and there. We would have tolerated it as the price we probably needed to pay for the stellar performance that we are getting. However, the converse became the case. There are more and more human rights abuses and less and less convincing performances.

Slowly but steadily, a supposed Democratic government began its relentless assault on what our Constitution had enshrined as a government of separation of powers. President Buhari took up the role of an avuncular leader and school headmaster. He simply encroached into territories that were clearly not his to tamper with. If Jonathan had tried a small fraction of this, hell would have known no bigger fury. Yet most of our leaders and elders have disappeared from the radar without as much as a whimper.

You brood of hypocrites! Jonathan was our whipping boy and we trounced, thrashed and trashed him mercilessly. But now, we have lost our voices, it is not just that our criticism has become muted, they have become practically non-existent because the Presidential trolls have been relentless in the way and manner that they have traduced the few honourable critics. Our pen tigers have stopped writing. Our loquacious activists have since absconded and abdicated their once noble responsibilities. Such is life. The oppressed, according to Paulo Freire, only fears and respects his oppressors. We have all seemingly been cowed (no pun intended) into submission. Heaven forbid! That is neither the Nigerian spirit nor psyche!

Was this the Democracy we fought for with sweat and blood. When our human rights crusaders were preaching and pontificating and condoning extrajudicial treatment against the so-called sinners and looters and a few of us pleaded for caution, we were attacked as supporting and promoting corruption. When the government goons went after the judges in the dead of the night and we raised alarm, we were called by names our parents did not give us at birth. When the hooded ones invaded the National Assembly in order to obliterate their sworn enemy, Dr Abubakar Bukola Saraki, they said we have been bought and should shut up. But today the chickens have come home to roost.

Our dear friend, Omoyele Sowore, has been captured, detained and is about to be guillotined for using a word that was just one in the arsenal and vocabulary of this government when it was in opposition. The impugned language is one APC leaders have all used in the past, indeed they have said worse. They have rallied, railed and planned a road demonstration that they had joined openly in the past without any repercussion. The lesson in this for me is that we must all stand firm for the rights of every man at all times, be it saint or sinner. The resort to jungle justice and rabid impunity is what has made it possible for any government to pounce on Omoyele Sowore, a man whose tongue is sharper than razor blade and a pen mightier than atomic bomb but who in reality can never carry a physical weapon and has not encouraged anyone to do so in this ‘revolution’ that he has called for. Indeed, it is only those who are blood-thirsty that would see what is said as anything other than a clamour for a peaceful and democratic change in government within constitutional means. As a matter of fact, the revolution Sowore called for, whatever your interpretation, was not as popular on the streets until a panic stricken government elevated and catapulted it to a dizzying height, a free and cheap publicity that was unsolicited by the conveners.

Now we have succeeded in diverting attention from the killer herdsman who have been on rampage. Is it not an irony that Sowore was arrested for doing virtually nothing bigger than what he and many of us did to support Buhari when he was still one of us. Let us hope in the spirit of this Sallah, that the Federal Government will change its mind, and possibly its style, of killing flies with a sledgehammer…

Barka de Sallah to all our dear Muslims…

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Tinubu, Victim of Historical Amnesia – Atiku

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By Eric Elezuo

True to political permutations, the National Convention of the opposition African Democratic Congress (ADC) amid Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) derecognition and leadership litigation, set a chain reaction in the political space, including a former Vice President and one of the leaders of the ADC, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, berating President Bola Tinubu as lacking a good knowledge of history.

Against all odds, the party went ahead on April 14, to host a Convention, where over 3000 delegates attended, and where the leadership of Senator David Mark and Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola as National Chairman and National Secretary respectively were ratified.

Since the April 14 event, the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) has reacted in a manner political stakeholders and analysts categorized as panicky with statements from the presidency, and President Bola Tinubu himself. Though these responses were tagged correctional of ill-made utterances by ADC chieftains, observers have however said they portray comments by a team faced with an ultimately new challenge.

At the convention, the secretary of the ADC, Aregbesola, had dismissed Tinubu’s administration and his renewed hope policy as a scam. He lambasted the administration as a government of “scammers”, urging Nigerians to block it from retaining power in 2027.

“If allowed, this regime will continue to chant renewed hope till eternity. We have a duty to stop these scammers from retaining power,” Aregbesola said.

The former vice president followed up the convention statements, accusing Tinubu’s presidency of attempting to subvert democratic principles and silence opposition voices ahead of the 2027 elections, a position that further set the ruling party on edge, eliciting tons of reactions.

Beyond Presidential spokesman, Bayo Onanuga’s criticism of Aregbesola for failing to reflect on his own record before attacking his “former boss and benefactor”, Tinubu himself made remarks against the person’s of the leaders of the ADC and their convention, calling it ‘street convention’.

“Unfortunately, Aregbesola did not undertake any honest self-reflection on his own record in public office — as governor or as Minister of Interior,” Onanuga stated in his statement.

He alleged that Aregbesola’s tenure as governor of Osun State was marked by hardship and poor economic management.

“His eight years as governor of Osun State were characterised by unmitigated hardship for the people. Under his half-baked socialist policies, civil servants went unpaid for months, and those who were paid received only a fraction of their salaries,” Onanuga said.

Tinubu, on his part, while hosting the Hope Renewal Ambassadors, took a swipe at some opposition figures, especially Atiku, ridiculing and questioning their records for criticising his administration, and saying that many of them have held strategic positions in the past without delivering lasting results.

He boldly retorted that “If you look at one of them, no one without history among them – no one without history. The head was the chairman of the privatisation council of Nigeria in this country one time.

“He privatised the steel industry in Delta. Is it working today? No. Is anything they privatised working today? They want to privatise another man’s political party. That one says no.”

Responding therefore, the former Vice President launched a fierce counterattack on Tinubu, accusing him of hypocrisy, historical distortion, and political desperation.

In a statement issued by his Senior Special Assistant on Public Communication, Phrank Shaibu, Atiku described the President’s remarks as a “reckless tirade” that reflects “a troubling pattern of hypocrisy and historical amnesia.”

The statement began with “Atiku Abubakar’s attention has been drawn to the latest reckless tirade by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu—a performance that exposes not just desperation, but a troubling pattern of hypocrisy and historical amnesia.”

Atiku expressed surprise that a leader facing persistent scrutiny over his own credentials would attempt to discredit others with what he described as well-documented records of public service.

On the issue of privatisation, Atiku’s camp argued that Tinubu’s criticism does not stand up to scrutiny, noting that the President had previously opposed reforms he now appears to be implementing.

The statement maintained that Atiku had long advocated the privatisation of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) and the sale of refineries to credible private investors—a position it claimed Tinubu resisted at the time.

It, however, alleged that the current administration is now overseeing a system that has effectively commercialised the national oil company “without transparency, clear valuation, or accountability.”

“This is not reform; it is privatisation without accountability,” the statement said.

Defending Atiku’s economic legacy, the statement cited several companies as examples of the success of the privatisation programme he supervised, including Oando Plc (formerly Unipetrol), Conoil Plc, African Petroleum (now Ardova Plc), Indorama Eleme Petrochemicals, Benue Cement Company, and Transcorp Hilton Abuja.

The statement also took a swipe at the President’s intellectual posture, suggesting that his comments reflect a failure to engage with documented history on Nigeria’s economic reforms.

“It is not our fault that the President does not and cannot read,” the statement said, while also referencing past controversies surrounding Tinubu’s academic records.

It added that Tinubu’s remarks could only have been made in disregard of publicly available records and credible accounts of the privatisation process.

“You cannot oppose reform when it demands courage and then execute a shadow version of it in power,” the statement added.

Atiku’s camp further criticised the tone of the President’s remarks, arguing that resorting to mockery reflects a deeper leadership concern.

“The President’s attempt to reduce a serious economic legacy to ridicule underscores a leadership more comfortable with insults than with facts,” it stated.

The statement also highlighted the current economic situation in the country, pointing to rising cost of living, inflation, and insecurity as evidence of policy failure.

“Across the country, families are skipping meals, businesses are shutting down, and citizens are struggling under the weight of inflation and declining purchasing power. What has been presented as reform has translated into hardship without relief,” it said.

The statement concluded by asserting that Atiku’s record remains “clear, documented, and defensible,” while noting that unresolved public concerns about the President’s background persist.

“A leader who has not fully addressed questions about his own background should exercise restraint before casting aspersions on others,” it added.

The statement ended with a cautionary note: “Nigerians are watching.”

While the ADC is fighting for their life, and an opportunity to feature on the ballot during the 2027 general elections, and APC solidifying their grip on the political space, the atmosphere still exudes evidence of palpable tension. The APC maintains that they are on homerun to victory, ADC counters that nothing will save the ruling party from being defeated in the coming elections.

But as it stands today, both parties are locked in battle of wits recreating the tension and bad blood that was the hallmark of the 2015, and to a large extent, the 2023 elections.

But on April 22, the Supreme Court will rule on the leadership of the ADC; this will set the motion to the credibility of the ADC to participate in the 2027 election.

But fears pervade the political terrain as Tinubu made veiled reference to the judiciary while mocking Atiku and other leaders of the ADC.

“We cannot submit to the disobedience of unlawful orders in court. We must embrace the judiciary, whether it favours us or it doesn’t, we submit to this principle of democracy, separation of powers and understanding of the dynamics of it and the nation that Nigeria is,” Tinubu had said, insinuating that the ADC had gone against the judiciary.

The coming week will determine in totality the direction the 2027 situation will take.

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Supreme Court Fixes April 22 for Hearing in ADC Leadership Crisis

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The Supreme Court has scheduled hearing for April 22 in the appeal filed by the National Chairman of the African Democratic Congress (ADC), Senator David Mark, in relation to the leadership dispute in the party.

Mark’s appeal is against the March 12 judgment of the Court of Appeal, which dismissed his appeal against the September 4, 2025 ruling by Justice Emeka Nwite of the Federal High Court in Abuja refusing to grant some injunctive reliefs contained in an ex-parte application filed by a chieftain of the party, Nafiu Bala Gombe.

A five-member panel of the Supreme Court, led by Justice Mohammed Garba chose the date on Tuesday after granting accelerated hearing in the appeal marked:  SC/CV/180/2026.

The court ordered Mark’s lawyer, Jibril Okutepa (SAN) to file the appellant’s brief and serve on Wednesday.

It ordered the respondents to each file and serve on the appellant, a respondent’s brief within three days of being served with the appellant’s brief.

The appellant, according to the court, is to file a reply brief, if needs be, within one day of being served with the respondents’ briefs.

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Amid Denials, ADC Reportedly Secures Rainbow Event Centre As Venue for National Convention

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Baring any last minute change, the leadership of the African Democratic Congress (ADC) under Senator David Mark and Rauf Aregbesola as National chairman and National Secretary respectively will hold the party’s National convention at the National Rainbow Event Centre in Garki on Tuesday, 14 April 2026.

The African Democratic Congress (ADC)  has being denied two venues without any cogent reasons despite early arrangements, according to sources.

First, it was alleged that the Abuja Transcorp Hilton Hotels, which was initially approached, turned down the ADC request to use it’s facility.

The ADC, having sensed sabotage, has kept the Rainbow Event Center under rap as it’s definite venue.

The last National Executive Committee (NEC) of the party was held at the same venue.

Located adjacent the Nigerian Police Force Headquarters, the event centre will host the second NEC meeting of the ADC and it’s forthcoming national convention.

According to The Guardian’ report, the ADC leadership has communicated the venue to state chapters with the caveat not to escalate it.

The ADC is in a battle of survival against the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and has approached the Supreme Court for intervention.

The INEC national chairman Prof Joash Amupitan has suspended recognition of the David Mark-led ADC rendering a leadership vacuum in the party.

INEC said it’s decision was on the basis of an Appeal Court pronouncement that ordered statusquo ante-bellum be maintained.

Sources said the ADC has officially written the Inspector General of Police (IGP) Olatunji Disu for police protection, the Director of State Services and the Comptroller of Civil Defence Corps.

Reports say that why the venue is being quietly decorated moderately for the event, the ADC intends to fully move in the early hours of Tuesday.

The Guardian

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