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Pendulum: How Dreams Die So Fast in Nigeria
Published
7 years agoon
By
Eric
By Dele Momodu
Fellow Nigerians, except for the recklessly optimistic souls, it is so easy to give up on our dear beloved country Nigeria. I will explain why in a jiffy. I do not consider myself a young man at almost 60. Let me do a bit of flashback before I continue my epistle. I entered the University of Ife (later renamed Obafemi Awolowo University) relatively young in 1978, as a pioneer JAMBITE. We were the first students admitted under the supervision of the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board. I was 18 at the time but I started living on campus two years earlier under the tutelage of my older Brother, Oladele Ajayi, who had just returned home from Stanford University where he bagged a PhD in Materials Science. Life was good in those days and some lecturers were allotted flats within students’ hostels as a way of forging interactions between them. This was how I got introduced very early to students’ activism. I had worked in the University of Ife Library from 1977-78, prior to gaining admission and this further exposed me to life on campus.
I witnessed the ALI-MUST-GO riots of 1978, when students were fighting over the increase in the price they were paying for their subsidised three square meals. We thought life was becoming unbearable then. How can Obasanjo’s government increased daily meals from 50k to N1.50k, we queried. Breakfast was only 10k with full English or traditional breakfast. Tea was in abundance. You were even allowed to bring your own flasks to take away tea, milk and sugar. Sumptuous lunch and dinner were 50k each. Weekends were very special. We truly had fun. But trouble came when the price was unilaterally tripled by the military government.
Since then, I have witnessed, or actively, participated in several demonstrations, especially if they were peaceful. I have written hundreds of essays and articles on the endless and intractable problems in Nigeria. I was detained under the Babangida government, and forced to run into exile under the Abacha government, all in our quest for good governance and positive developments in our country. But, like Abiku, the spirit-child who comes into the world and saunters back at will, Nigeria has not been able to break the jinx of incompetence, profligacy, underdevelopment, dictatorship and general maladministration. We continue to waltz from one crisis to another. And every time we assumed we were close to our destination, something suddenly goes wrong.
How could a country as bedevilled by a barrage of debilitating challenges as Nigeria refuse to change how businesses are conducted when it is so obvious that we cannot continue along this perfidious route to perdition and ruination? Yet no one seems to worry, or care, about making the necessary sacrifice for our liberation and salvation. The civil war we fought from 1967-70 should have taught us about the importance of unity and the necessity for civilised cooperation amongst us instead we continue to misbehave as if possessed by the worst demons on earth. A civil war that came to a climax with the open declaration of “no victor, no vanquished” has virtually produced a master/servant conundrum with everyone fighting for territories.
We had, and lost, our best chance on June 12, 1993, when President Ibrahim Babangida organised the best and fairest Presidential election, which was won by Chief Moshood Abiola. I harbour no fear that the ethnic strife eating us up today could have been avoided and permanently banished to the pit of hell. Those who profit from chaos and conflagration (the Yoruba word for them is more poignant, “ARIJENIDIMODARU”) totally won the day. Nigeria is yet to crawl out of that monumental disaster since then, some 26 years after. Like the ostrich, our leaders and their followers continue to bury their heads in dusty sands, and living in denial. Again, we all knew the solution was not as complex and complicated as it seems, we opted to try the cheaper and ineffective option. The military decided to install a crawling Interim Government that took little or no time in dismantling. And we soon navigated our way from frying pan into a towering inferno when General Sani Abacha took power, forcefully, about three months after Chief Degunle Shonekan, a corporate titan, was installed as supposed compensation for the annulment of June 12, while the clear winner was subjected to the worst forms of humiliation.
Rather than come together to fight the military and chase Abacha and his foot-soldiers back to the barracks, our political leaders chose to be opportunistic by insisting on joining the most ruthlessly draconian government in the history of Nigeria. Not just that, some of the leaders decided to even plead with Abacha to stay on in power perpetually. Let me not bore you with the rest of the story about the pestilence that ravaged and savaged the country. Chief Abiola was hurled into detention while life dragged on in his absence, till he eventually died, suddenly. Members of the political class, as lily-livered as always, never saw the need to come together, but merely spluttered a few incoherent condolences to the Abiola family while many were already jostling for a placement within the new military government, headed by General Abdulsalami Abubakar.
One year after, in 1999, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, a former military Head of State, from 1976-79, was repackaged and catapulted back to power. You would have thought Nigerians would insist on a compensation and reparation for the injustice meted out to Abiola, his family and associates but such never materialised. At the very least, a government of National Unity should have been put in place to douse the tension in the land but those in power dug deeper and dumped June 12 in the trash can of history but the irrepressible watershed refused to go away. The more they tried to bury it, the stronger it fought back to haunt a country that finds it hard to honour her authentic heroes.
The main thrust of my thesis this week is that Nigeria is in a big mess because we have refused to do things differently. We have continued to repeat the same nonsense while expecting different results. Worse still, we all know the solutions to our intractable problems but we have stubbornly refused to do anything meaningful about it. I will catalogue a few of what we should have done. The first is war between the ethnic groups. This is fuelled and amplified by politicians. I have friends across Nigeria and we get on very well but the politicians prefer to play the ethnic cards to create an illusory impression that they represent the interest of their people. But this is a blatant lie. Examples abound that the areas that have produced Presidents have not fared better than those that produced none. Tafawa Balewa, from Bauchi. Azikiwe from Anambra. Gowon from Plateau. Murtala Muhammed from Kano. Obasanjo from Ogun (twice lucky). Shagari from Sokoto. Buhari from Katsina (twice lucky). Babangida, from Niger. Shonekan, from Ogun. Yar’Adua from Katsina. Jonathan, from Bayelsa. We have not noticed any stupendous development in those States. At the very best, most of them are in squalid conditions while a few of their sons and daughters have access to loot and pilfer the resources of our long-suffering nation. The biggest source of unrest in Nigeria today is the feeling of deliberate marginalisation by President Buhari of certain sections of the country. The nonchalance is so embarrassing and unjustifiable.
Two. We all know that the greatest weapon against poverty today is education. Yet, while the world is marching forward in educational achievements, Nigeria has been marching backward. Nigerians who are naturally brilliant hardly have any opportunities to acquire latest knowledge and after struggling so hard, they have no jobs at home. Many are forced to travel dangerous roads and waterways into exile. Many have perished in the process. One wonders what it takes to find the right people to upgrade our education to international standards. We play politics with everything and this has affected our education, so much so that we have lost some of our best brains to foreign lands.
Three. We grew up hearing that “health is wealth”, yet excellent medical facilities are neither available nor affordable for the average Nigeria. The rich, including top government functionaries have to fly abroad at the flimsiest excuse. No government has succeeded in building just one world class hospital in Nigeria. We waste our scarce resources on flying abroad.
Four. We all know that one of the reasons our manufacturing collapsed was due to lack of power yet we have not been able to generate, transmit and distribute sufficient and substantial power nationwide. And the amount of money which has been pumped into that sector has achieved no commensurate results. No leader can consider himself successful if unable to find a lasting solution to these disgraceful power outages in our country. The state of our infrastructure is too miserable for our size and status in the comity of nations. Apart from lack of enough resources we need to kill the nauseating bureaucracies that tend to slow down too many things but we still have not done enough to turn this around.
Five. It must worry us to high heavens that majority of our youths have no jobs. This is what has increased the spate of violence and general insecurity astronomically. But the jobs will not come if our youths are not well groomed and ready for the challenges ahead. A government that has no sense of urgency cannot achieve these things in eight years. What is obvious to me is that at the snail-speed we have started again in 2019, we may not get too far in correcting our anomalies between now and 2023
It would be a big shame.
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Otunba Adekunle Ojora: Farewell to a Good Man
Published
24 hours agoon
February 1, 2026By
Eric
By Eric Elezuo
The curtain dropped on the elitist life of prominent Lagosian, traditional custodian, boardroom guru, refined journalist and elaborate philanthropist, Otunba Adekunle Ojora, on January 28, 2026, bringing to an over nine decades of spreading good tidings, prosperity, unity and humanity. He was 93 years.
His death was announced via a statement by his daughter, Mrs Toyin Ojora-Saraki, on behalf of the Ojora Family, saying he died early in the morning in full submission to the will of Almighty Allah (SWT)
“With total submission to the will of Almighty Allah (SWT), the Ojora family of Lagos hereby announces the passing of our beloved patriarch, Otunba Adekunle Ojora, the Otunba of Lagos and Lisa of Ife, who returned to his creator early this morning.
“We say Alhamdulilahi for a life well lived, and we comply with Allah’s words: ‘Surely, to Allah we belong, and to Him we will all return’ (Q2:156),” the statement reads.
A distinguished businessman, people-oriented-person, the Olori Omo Oba of Lagos and the Lisa of Ife, Adekunle Ojora’s passing came with a much ancipated heartbreak, wailings and regrets, among his hugely extended family members, circle of friends, mentees, colleagues in and across business and traditional terrain, associates and the well impacted general public.
With the announcement of his death came the heavy traffic of personalities, dignitaries and nobles to his Ikoyi palatial home, where his adorable wife, Ojuolape Ojora, and one of his distinguished daughters, Mrs Toyin Saraki, who is the wife of the former Senate President, Bukola Saraki, played significant hosts.
President Bola Tinubu was one of the first mourners with a statement signed by his spokesperson, Bayo Onanuga, acknowledging the dimunitive personality of the deceased, noting how he had affected humanity in a positive light.
Tinubu commiserated with the government and people of Lagos State, as well as the Ojora and Adele royal families.
“The passing of Otunba Ojora is a significant loss to the country, the private and public sectors, and traditional institutions,” the President said, describing the late industrialist as a man whose life was defined by humility, perseverance, hard work and generosity. He further noted that his values shaped his long and distinguished career.
“He remained a towering figure whose counsel and experience benefited institutions at both national and subnational levels,” Tinubu added.
In his condolence message, former President Olusegun Obasanjo described Ojora’s death as painful, saying his absence would be difficult to fill, according to a statement released by his Special Assistant on Media, Kehinde Akinyemi.
The ex-president described Ojora as “an amiable and distinguished Nigerian who, during his lifetime, built a remarkable legacy of integrity, wisdom, and unwavering dedication.”
“By his death, the country has lost a notable captain of industry and commerce, but there is no doubt that his memory lingers on through his many landmark contributions to the development of the South-West zone in particular, and the country in general,” Obasanjo added.
He also stated that “He was a remarkable entrepreneur whose vision, determination, and resilience added value to the community and to hundreds of families who depended on his commercial activities. He was a role model and exemplar whose personal life and achievements inspired a generation of entrepreneurs, industrialists, and merchants. Over the years, with his wise counsel, unquestioned strength, and gentle guidance, Otunba Ojora commanded respect and reverence, and took particular pleasure in mentoring younger men and women to succeed in life.”
Also reacting, a former Minister of Communications, Major General Tajudeen Olanrewaju (Rtd) described Ojora as a “veteran journalist and boardroom titan”.
The former General Officer Commanding (GOC) 3 Division Nigerian Army noted that he made positive contributions to the industrial and entrepreneurial sectors of the economy, lightened up the social fabric of his time in Lagos, in particular, and across our nation.
Among dignitaries that called to the home of the Ojora’s to express heartfelt condolences were the Governor of Osun State, Senator Ademola Adeleke and his elder brother, Dr. Deji Adeleke; Africa’s richest man, Alhaji Aliko Dangote, Mr. Femi Otedola and former governor of Akwa Ibom State, Udom Emmanuel.
As a revered Muslim, versed in Islamic doctrines, the nonagenarian’s burial followed the very next day, drawing an avalanche of well wishers and mourners to the Central Mosque, on Lagos Island, where the funeral rites or the Janazah, led by the Chief Imam of Lagos, Sheikh Sulaiman Abou-Nolla, and assisted by other prominent Islamic clerics, were conducted, and finally to the Vaults and Garden, Ikoyi, where the remains were committed to mother-earth. The events were a meeting point of some sort, as they drew together prominent Islamic scholars, family members, political bigwigs and other distinguished guests.
A roll call of the elite callers at the events include the deceased’s wife, Erelu Ojuolape Ojora; his daughter, Toyin Ojora-Saraki, and her husband, former Senate President and Kwara State Governor, Bukola Saraki. Also in attendance were Lagos State Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu, former Ogun State Governor Ibikunle Amosun, former Speaker of the Kwara State House of Assembly Ali Ahmad, former PDP National Chairman Kawu Baraje, Mufti of Ilorin Sheikh Sulaiman Onikijipa, and National President of Ansar-Ud-Deen Society of Nigeria Prince Adeniji Kazeem.
The burial ceremonies began with a recovery of the remains, which were borne by pallbearers for a burial procession before it was a motorcade bore it to the venue of the Janazah.
The long convoy of dignitaries that accompanied the body to the mosque spoke volumes of the personality of Adekunle Ojora. As the solenm approached, Imam Sulaiman Abou-Nolla led the congregation in prayers, asking for the repose of the siul of the deceased.
At the conclusion of the prayers, the body was conveyed to the Ikoyi Vault, where pallbearers and Muslim Ummah as well selected members of the family and notable dignitaries accompanied the remains, amid chants, to its final resting place.
THE MAN, OTUNBA ADEKUNLE OJORA
The highly principled businessman was born Isiaq Adekunle Ojora on June 13, 1932, into the distinguished Ojora Royal Family of Lagos, where he grew with a deeply-rooted tolerance for the history, culture and traditional governance of the Yoruba race and Lagos in particular.
His lineage placed him among the foremost royal families in the state, a heritage he upheld with dignity throughout his long life. Over several decades, he emerged as one of the most influential figures within Lagos’ traditional institutions, commanding respect across royal, cultural and civic circles.
Ojora was a member of the Ojora and Adele royal families of Lagos and was himself the holder of the chieftaincy of the Otunba of Lagos. He studied journalism at Regent Street Polytechnic, with the intention of developing a career in journalism. He started work as a staffer at the BBC where he rose to become an assistant editor.
In 1955, he switched his services to the Nigerian government as a reporter with the Nigerian Broadcasting Corporation. He was soon transferred to Ibadan as an information officer in the office of the regional premier. Ojora’s stint with NBC lasted until 1961 when he took up appointment as the public relations manager at United African Company.
Ojora soon developed interest in the commercial units of enterprises, he became an executive director of UAC in 1962. After a military coup truncated the first republic, Ojora was nominated as a member of Lagos City Council in 1966. A year later, he was given political appointments in two government agencies, in 1967, he was managing director of WEMABOD, a regional property and investment company and also in 1967, he succeeded Kola Balogun as chairman of Nigerian National Shipping Line.
After leaving WEMABOD, he became an investor in various firms including AGIP petroleum marketing and NCR Nigeria. He also founded the private firms Nigerlink Industries, Unital Builders and a holding company Lagos Investments. After the Nigerian Enterprise Promotion Act, he took equity interest in some foreign companies operating in Nigeria such as investments in the Nigerian operations of Bowring Group, Inchape, Schlumberger, Phoenix Assurance, UTC Nigeria, Evans Brothers and Seven-Up. He married Erelu Ojuolape, and among their children is Toyin Saraki.
Beyond royalty, Otunba Ojora was widely regarded as a bridge between tradition and modern governance.
The Otunba Adekunle Ojora would be remembered as a quintessential gentleman, astute businessman, excellent in speech, dignified in conduct, and deeply respected across generations.
For as many as those who know him, Ojora has for decades, remained a familiar and revered presence in elite social and cultural spaces, where his highly sought-after counsel and calm disposition have proved relevant and needful.
He is also known for his refined lifestyle and strong family values, an embodiment of a “brand of old-school nobility that earned him admiration well beyond wealth or status. He was often described as a man of honour whose life reflected discipline, tradition, and unwavering integrity.
Otunba Adekunle Ojora is survived by his wife, Erelu Ojuolape Ojora, his children, grandchildren and great-grandchildren.
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Incumbency Factor Will Not Determine 2027 Election, Atiku, Obi, Others Talk Tough
Published
4 days agoon
January 29, 2026By
Eric
The 2027 general elections will not be determined by incumbency, control of State power or wave of political defections, opposition leaders have declared.
They argued that voter choice, opposition unity, and the integrity of the electoral process would ultimately decide the outcome.
The opposition leaders made the declaration at the public launch of “The Loyalist,’’ a memoir by National Publicity Secretary of the African Democratic Congress, ADC, Bolaji Abdullahi, in Abuja.
The event drew a wide mix of opposition leaders, former public office holders, lawmakers, intellectuals and party stakeholders.
Speakers included former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar; former Anambra State governor, Peter Obi; former Minister of Interior and ADC National Secretary, Rauf Aregbesola; former Senate President and ADC National Chairman, David Mark, and veteran columnist and public intellectual, Hakeem Baba-Ahmed, who reviewed the book.
Although convened as a book presentation, the gathering quickly assumed a strong political tone, with speakers repeatedly returning to the issues of opposition unity, leadership responsibility, and the limits of incumbency power, ahead of the next general election.
Addressing what he described as a growing misconception in Nigerian politics, Aregbesola argued that governors and incumbents do not automatically determine election outcomes.
Drawing on the 2023 electoral results, he said the belief that political office guaranteed victory was not supported by evidence.
“The fact that certain governors are defecting to the APC shows that our unity is weakened, but the statistics do not support the belief that governors win elections,” Aregbesola said.
Using the South-West as an example, he said ruling party dominance at the state level had not translated into overwhelming electoral success.
“In the South-West, the APC controlled all the states except one, yet the maximum performance of the party was 55 per cent, with the other parties sharing the rest,” he said.
On his part, former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar, speaking as special guest of honour, linked the political moment to the theme of the book, describing loyalty as both a moral test and a personal burden in public life.
Atiku, who noted that his participation was informed by his own role in the political history examined in the memoir, said: “I am honoured to be part of this launch because I was also involved in the eventual inauguration of the Bukola Saraki administration, which this book deals with in very great detail.’’
He praised the author for taking on difficult questions about loyalty and conscience, saying “this is a work that dares to question loyalties, illuminate conscience, and broaden our public imagination.’’
Drawing a contrast between military discipline and political life, Atiku said loyalty in politics was rarely absolute and often exacted a heavy price.
“For those of us who come from the military and paramilitary professions, loyalty is non-negotiable; there is only absolute obedience. But in political life, loyalty is not as rigid, and it comes with consequences,” he said.
The former vice president also spoke candidly about his own experiences.
“Many of us have suffered because of loyalty. I have faced exile as a result of loyalty. I have survived assassination attempts as a result of loyalty,” he said.
Atiku warned that loyalty should never become blind allegiance, adding that “loyalty should strengthen the common goal, not narrow the circle of belonging.’’
Similarly, a former Governor of Anambra State, Peter Obi, who arrived late due to flight delays from Lagos, apologised for not observing traditional protocol before addressing the audience.
Obi also signalled political solidarity and regional commitment, saying: “I have been directed to represent the South-East, and I want to assure you that you will not be disappointed.’’
In one of the most direct political moments of the event, the author, Bolaji Abdullahi, appealed to opposition leaders to rise above rivalry and present a united front, ahead of 2027, adding that Nigerians were ready for change, though political leaders were not yet matching that urgency.
“For 2027, Nigerians are ready. But I don’t think we are ready. Nigerians look at us and see different enclaves and different entities. They see competition, rather than cooperation,” Abdullahi said.
Reviewing the book, Hakeem Baba-Ahmed said it initially provoked skepticism but ultimately impressed him.
“I brought to the book some prejudice and heightened curiosity. I expected the author to fall on his face somewhere. I was wrong,” he said.
He described the memoir as revealing and historically significant.
“This book is easily one of the most readable and revealing books I have read in a long while. It captures the essence of our contemporary social and political character,” Baba-Ahmed said.
Former Senate President, David Mark, described the task of rescuing Nigeria as a shared responsibility and praised Abdullahi’s character.
“He is a straightforward person. Even when I disagreed with him, his advice was always adopted,” Mark said.
He also clarified the long-standing controversy around the Doctrine of Necessity, saying “it was the sole responsibility of the Senate and had nothing to do with Kwara State or anyone from Kwara State.’’
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Coup: Investigators Widen Probe Scope to Unmask Civilian Financiers
Published
5 days agoon
January 28, 2026By
Eric
Fresh intelligence details have surfaced on the foiled coup attempt against President Bola Tinubu’s administration, shedding light on how a serving Army Colonel allegedly assembled a covert, cross-service network to undermine the constitutional order before security agencies moved in.
The Defence Headquarters had announced the arrest of 16 officers for acts of indiscipline and breaches of service regulations, following weeks of quiet tension within the Armed Forces.
In October 2025, rumours of an alleged coup plot against President Tinubu’s administration spread across social media. At the time, the Defence Headquarters (DHQ) dismissed the claims as “false and misleading,” yet the sudden cancellation of the Independence Day parade fuelled speculation about deeper security concerns.
However, fresh findings from an interim investigation report, sighted by Punch Newspapers, suggest that the alleged architect of the plot was a Colonel whose repeated failures in promotion examinations reportedly bred resentment and alienation. Rather than nursing his grievances quietly, he is said to have turned them into a recruitment tool, drawing officers from the Army, Navy and Air Force into a loose but coordinated network.
According to the report, members of the group were allegedly assigned to discreetly study sensitive installations, including the Presidential Villa, the Armed Forces Complex, Niger Barracks in Abuja and international airports in Abuja and Lagos, mapping access routes, routines and vulnerabilities. What began as expressions of dissatisfaction soon graduated into early-stage operational planning.
Security sources say searches on the officer’s vehicle uncovered charms and anti-government materials, while a raid on his residence in Lokogoma, Apo, yielded sensitive documents detailing assigned roles and outlining how key national dignitaries were to be handled once the operation commenced.
The plotters are also said to have exploited insider access, infiltrating the Presidential Villa and compromising workers linked to construction firm Julius Berger to obtain security information on the premises. Encrypted communication platforms were allegedly used to coordinate movements, logistics and funding, while discreet vehicle repairs and unusual cash flows pointed to preparations for mobilisation.
Investigators traced financial inducements of between N2 million and N5 million to some principal actors, with intelligence agencies now analysing the money trail through the Nigerian Financial Intelligence Unit.
One of the suspects, Lt-Col S. Bappah, reportedly turned a critical witness, admitting his role and providing details on recruitment methods, funding channels and communication patterns within the network.
The danger, security officials note, lay in the cross-service reach of the conspiracy, which cut across the Army, Navy and Air Force and involved officers up to the rank of Brigadier-General.
The alleged plan, uncovered ahead of its execution date of October 25, 2025, was described as lethal in scope, with the President, Vice-President Kashim Shettima, ministers, service chiefs and other top officials marked as targets.
Beyond the military hierarchy, investigators are now widening the probe to civilian financiers and political contacts who may have interacted with the core suspects. Communication trails, financial flows and external interfaces are being reviewed as part of efforts to dismantle every layer of the network and secure strategic national assets.
With the investigation concluded and reports forwarded to superior authorities, the Defence Headquarters has confirmed that indicted personnel will face appropriate military judicial panels, as Nigeria’s security establishment moves to ensure that what officials describe as a well-funded, coordinated threat never advances beyond the planning stage.
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