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Pendulum: Democracy And Elections In Contemporary Africa

Published

7 years ago

May 10, 2019

Editor

By John Mahama

I was here in 2015 to speak at the Oxford Africa Conference on “A Continent on the Move: People, Politics and Business Across Borders.”

That opportunity, four years ago, to actively engage a broad range of stakeholders was mutually beneficial and I believe today’s will be even more rewarding.

A few of my compatriots had the honour, as I stated in 2015, of being trained in this prestigious institution of learning- Professor Kofi Abrefa Busia, a former Prime Minister of Ghana, former President John Agyekum Kufuor, one of my predecessors, a legal luminary, Mr. Tsatsu Tsikata and a Governance Expert and University Lecturer, Professor Kwamena Ahwoi.

I did not have such a distinguished opportunity, but I can assure you I received a reasonably good education from Ghana’s premier University, the University of Ghana at Legon, of which I am very proud.

Thank you for the opportunity to be back here again at Oxford.

Professor Wale Adebanwi, the Oxford African Studies Centre and the Saïd Business College- thanks for the collaboration and invitation to share my thoughts on Democracy and Elections in Contemporary Africa.

As a historian, the temptation is great for me to begin my exposition from the theories on the ‘state of nature’ by the great thinkers, Hobbes, Locke and Rousseau as they apply to the social contract and the beginnings of governance in human society.

But such a venture will require the whole day to accomplish.

In my allotted time of 30 minutes, I will carry out a brief discourse on current developments in respect of democracy and elections in Africa and hope to have the opportunity to expatiate more in the Question and Answer session.

Democracy, ladies and gentlemen, is an antithesis of dictatorship, authoritarianism, tyranny or despotism. Democracy is a system that promotes the participation of the citizens in how they are governed.

It reposes sovereignty in the people on whose behalf leadership is exercised. It is based on the rule of law, respect for the rights and freedoms of citizens.

Elections are an instrument for exercising choice of the people on who occupies an office of leadership.

Elections are therefore an exercise of the people’s right of choice as to who their leaders at various levels of governance should be, often for a period of time defined by law.
But make no mistake, elections are conducted as well under authoritarian rule. However, the system of elections under such circumstances are rigged to achieve a predetermined outcome.

Democracy allows an environment that promotes creativity and innovation.

People will always make a choice for a system of government that allows them to express themselves freely and be able to have a say in how they are governed.

Africa has experimented with different systems of government since gaining political independence from colonial rule, but three main eras can be recognised.

The immediate post-independence era of one-party rule, the era of military dictatorships, and from the turn of the millennium what one may call an African democratic spring.

This saw a blossoming of constitutional rule and democratic governments across the continent.

From the early 1990’s as a result of pressure from their citizens, civil society organisations, external actors, and the general global environment, many African countries begun to open up.

Constitutional rule replaced military dictatorship, elections became the norm rather than the exception, respect for human rights and freedoms, an expanded media space all became the trend to follow.

Even pseudo democracies, which still had autocratic leaderships were forced to join the train and allowed elections that turned out often as high as over 95% endorsements of the regimes in question.

Recent events however reveal that citizens have the ability and the will to force democratic change. Little sparks can trigger a chain of events that end up dislodging even the most entrenched dictator.

When the people have suffered enough, cowardly citizens who earlier fled at the least sign of the heavy hand of repression, become so outraged that they embrace death and injury as a worthy sacrifice in the confrontation with dictatorship.

Removal of subsidies last December shot-up the price of bread, a staple food item in Sudan. Spontaneous protest beginning in Atbara quickly spread.

As the protests continued, the protestors gained strength in numbers and not even the brutality of the security services could douse the fire that had been lit.

A similar fire was lit in Algeria when the ailing President announced that he was going to run for a 5th term in office. Spontaneous protests erupted leading to the collapse of the regime.

Earlier in the Arab Spring, uprisings of the people swept strong men, Ben Ali, Hosni Mubarak and Muamar Ghaddafi out of power.

In Gambia, strong man Yahaya Jammeh eventually had to go into exile, following initial attempts to challenge the result of an election that had given victory to his opponent, Adama Barrow.

To consolidate democratic developments in Africa, the continental body, the African Union, in its attempt to capture the will and desire of the people, provided a robust normative structure to guide member states.

In its mission of democracy promotion, the AU built an expansive framework and adopted protocols, mechanisms and institutions for implementation.

These mechanisms and institutions have been instrumental in strengthening democratic governance in the AU Member States and aided those in the transition from conflict and authoritarian regimes.

This is a departure from the predecessor, Organization of African Unity (OAU) Charter of 1963, which embraced the doctrine of non-interference in the internal affairs of Member States.
Furthermore, the AU Constitutive Act embraces a new doctrine of non-indifference to human rights abuses within the territory of another AU Member States.

This Act and the 2007 African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance are the continental body’s framework for the protection and promotion of democracy.

Cumulatively, these tools have emboldened the AU in its democracy-promotion and good governance agenda.

The democratic spring in Africa has impacted positively on many African countries. Over the last decade, average GDP growth in many countries has ranged between 4 and 6%.

Many countries have seen an upsurge in foreign direct investments. Africa has enjoyed the fastest growth in telecommunications and IT in this period.

The African middle class has prospered and has been one of the fastest growing in the world. Per capita income has increased significantly for many African states.

The successful implementation of the Millennium Development Goals has seen achievement of reduction of hunger and malnutrition. Many African countries have seen an increase in primary school enrolment and achievement of gender parity in enrolment.
Average life expectancy has improved. Widespread use of vaccinations has seen a significant drop in under-five mortality and many children are surviving and thriving.

All these positive developments are the dividends of democracy.

As the Chairman of the Tana High Level Forum on Security in Africa, I had the privilege last week in Bahir Dar, Ethiopia, to present a summary of the report on the State of Peace and Security in Africa.

The report noted some successes achieved by Africans in the quest for peace and good governance in the year 2018.

▪ The report noted the holding of elections in 27 countries and successful transfers of power;

▪ It noted an expansion of space for civil society engagement despite the considerable risks the operators face;

▪ The report also noted the growing involvement of young people, braving the odds stacked against them in the political space, to join politics, seek elective positions in parliament or public office;

▪ The youth were also taking advantage of the digital revolution to put developmental issues of concern to them on the front-burner of national, continental and global agenda;
▪ As game-changers in many respects, youth activism and visa liberalisation are making the free movement of people, goods and services across the continent easier.

▪ They are, in turn, producing impulses capable of improving regional integration and cross-border trade, and also significantly contributing to overall GDP;

▪ The year 2018 saw all but three African countries meet and sign the Continental Free Trade Agreement (CFTA), which recently achieved the record threshold of the 22 ratifications required for effectiveness.

All the above indicate significant strides made towards political and economic liberation of the people in Africa and paint a picture of a continent definitely on course in delivering on the will of the people.

Ladies and gentlemen, for example, if this Free Trade Agreement is faithfully implemented, and the arithmetic works out as planned, it may just be what the continent needs to set itself on the pathway towards achieving the African Union’s Agenda 2063, which is an integrated, prosperous and peaceful Africa.

This prospect is achievable and the signals are positive.

Ladies and gentlemen, notwithstanding the significant gains made, African democracy is still fragile and faces major challenges. The dividends of democracy are still not immediately tangible to the African population.

Major inequality exists and the fruits of economic growth are not shared fairly down the class chain. Many vulnerable groups are losing out, while affluence of the growing prosperous classes is being flaunted in their faces.

Social safety nets have not been enough to stem the growing divide between rich and poor. Citizens begin to question the need to exercise their franchise during elections when they feel no tangible improvement in their lives.

This could commonly be referred to as democracy fatigue.

Africa is a continent in a hurry. Africa does not have the luxury of time if democracy must thrive.

Former Prime Minister of Ethiopia Haille Mariam Desalegn, said “democracy is not all about elections.”

He was right, democracy is about improvements in people’s lives, it is about access to social services, it is about jobs and employment, it is about social justice and the fight against corruption.

It is about the establishment of strong institutions.
Africa has a burgeoning population. Growth is not translating into jobs as fast as is necessary to keep up with population growth.

It is estimated that about 12 million graduates are churned out every year in Africa, and yet less than 5 million sustainable job places are available for them each year.

African nations must accelerate growth and ensure that there is a greater diffusion of the fruits of growth down the class chain.

While democracy, elections, free speech and a vibrant media are the greatest assets in the fight against graft and corruption, perceptions of corruption can heighten in a democracy because there is increased open discussion of acts of malfeasance that create an impression that the canker is on the increase.

This heightened perception of corruption, added to the fact that the wheels of justice in a democracy grind very slowly, often leads to a sense of longing for unconstitutional times where persons suspected of corruption could be dealt with without any regard to the respect for human rights.

Low participation of women in elective politics due to socio-cultural factors continue to be an indictment on Africa’s democratic development.

In most countries, women form the majority of the population and yet are severely under-represented in elective and public office.

In my own country, Ghana, while women form about 51% of our population, the highest percentage of seats held by women in our parliament is 12.7% in the 2017 Parliament. This is up from 10.9% in the 2013 Parliament.

In many countries, lack of effective decentralisation of power and resources means that development is lopsided and many geographic areas find themselves marginalised and deprived.

This creates fertile ground for all kinds of social agitation and dissension and in extreme cases insurgency. Decentralization and a fair redistribution of wealth are the most effective guarantees for stability and security in a democracy.

Democratic governments must therefore go hand in hand with political and economic empowerment of local populations.

Lack of continuity in planning and development because of frequent transfers of power could also hobble investment and development especially in situations where incoming administrations renege on fulfilling agreements and obligations entered into by its predecessor.

President Obama on his historic visit to Ghana after he was elected, said to Ghana’s Parliament that what Africa needs is not strong men, Africa needs strong institutions.

He was very right. Africa needs strong governmental institutions. Unfortunately, regular attrition of staff due to political persecution and their replacement by political apparatchiki does not make for the preservation of institutional memory and continuity in service delivery.

Information technology and the new media are a new development whose impact needs to be understood and mastered.

After leaving office, I have been involved in advocacy on democratic consolidation in Africa. This has gotten me involved in conferences dealing with African democratic and electoral systems.

Africa has come a long way from the era of steel ballot boxes and district counting centres. In past electoral systems, the citizen’s duty was to turn out to vote, the rest of the process from counting to declaration of results were done out of sight of the electorate.

Electoral systems have improved since then, with innovations such as vote counting in-situ, biometric registers, verification machines, allowance for observation of elections by party agents, civil society and international observers.

This has improved the integrity of elections and lessened disputes.

But other areas of complication have emerged. The use of IT in results transmission and the possibility of hacking have created new fears about the manipulation of results.

Examples of this can be found in the recent elections in Ghana, Kenya and Sierra Leone.

During the last Presidential Election in Ghana, the Electoral Commission directed its staff to stop using the electronic result transmission system to communicate results to the tallying centre because the system had been compromised.

The results had to, therefore, be tallied manually, leading to attendant tensions in the delay of the announcement of the final results.

As I speak, I am not aware that the Electoral Commission has carried out any investigation into what compromised their IT system. And even if they have, we the stakeholders, the political parties, have not been briefed on what caused the corruption of the system.

In the interest of transparency, it is important for Ghanaians to understand what happened before we go into another election.

Africa is a very diverse continent, with many ethnicities confined into common political boundaries. The role of the underlying law of the land and political leadership must be to include rather than exclude.

Ethnic bigotry is also a threat to African democracy.

Democracy must seek to include and not exclude. Any overt or covert activity, speech or action that seeks to exclude any part of a national population from fair participation in governance is subversive of democracy.

That is why comments by a Senior public official in my country that national leadership should be the preserve of only resource-rich regions of Ghana must be condemned by all well-meaning Ghanaians.

Insurgency in the Sahel and Savannahs are also a growing threat to African democracies. Terrorist groups that are determined to disrupt democratic societies are increasing in activity in the Sahel and savannah regions of Africa.

Democracy cannot thrive in insecurity. Urgent collective action is needed to quell this threat. Already disturbing terrorist activity in Nigeria, Chad, Mali, Niger, Cameroon, Burkina Faso and Cote D’ivoire have the potential of spreading and undermining our flourishing democracies.

All in all, African democracy is blossoming, it needs to be nurtured, it needs to be consolidated. Africans must accept our new democracies as a way of life.

We must create societies that are free, but also disciplined and orderly.

Our democracies must seek to create a decent life for our people in a clean environment that works to preserve our planet.

In this endeavour, we must all be committed to play our part. It is only in this way we can unleash the full potential of our people to create a better society for generations to follow.

Thank you for your kind attention.

*** This speech was delivered yesterday by the former President of Ghana, Dr John Dramani Mahama, at the Saïd Business School, University of Oxford, in collaboration with The African Studies Centre and the Oxford Africa Business Alliance

Related Topics:AFRICA Elections Elections in Africa President John Mahama

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Can of Worms in the Villa

Published

36 minutes ago

July 5, 2026

Eric

By Eric Elezuo

Tinubu has turned the presidency into a nest of fraudsters – ADC

The Nigerian public woke this week to the shock of a revelation as to the extent of rot that has engulfed the Presidency, with special reference to the alleged tripatite fraud incident involving the Chief of Staff to the President, Hon Femi Gbajabiamila, the Secretary to the Federal Government of Nigeria (SGF), Senator George Akume and the man in the eye of the storm, Prince Adeniyi Adeyemi Matthew.

The scandal is the case of the supposedly ‘phoney’ of ‘fake’ federal agency, the Presidential Foreign Intervention Promotion Council (PFIPC) and Presidential Economic Advisory Council, of which Prince Adeniyi Adeyemi Matthew is the Director-General.

While the Presidency insists that no such agency exists, Adeyemi Matthew maintains that the agency was legitimately established with all necessary and required protocol satisfied. The war of words that has resulted has left the Nigerian popula e bewildered with so many questions begging for answers.

According Prince Adeniyi Matthew, the agency, a legal entity, was established in 2024, and has been running hitchlessly until an issue of repayment of N200million out of a supposed N600 million demanded by the Chief of Staff Gbajabiamila as kickback for the establishment of the agency and appointment of Adeyemi. The now embattled DG claimed that he made a down payment of N400 million at inception, remaining the balance of N200 million.

Adeyemi had stubbornly maintained alleged that Gbajabiamila was connected with his ‘appointment’ as well as making financial demands, part of which he paid. On the other hand, Gbajabiamila, supported by the Presidency, has denied all involvement, insisting that Adeyemi is a ‘con artist’, and that the agency never existed, and not known to the federal government of Nigeria. This has raised a huge can of worms that has seem difficult to control.

Nigerians have variously wondered how an agency said to be unknown to law found its way to office accommodation at the Secretariat, opened a Central Bank account, and has an approved allocation in the 2026 Budget passed by the National Assembly, comprising the Senate and the House of Representatives.

Meanwhile, the man alleged to have forged the government appointment letters and falsely paraded himself as the Director-General of the alleged agency, has remained steadfast in his denials, claiming the Presidency is attempting to shut him up.

While speaking with PREMIUM TIMES from an undisclosed location, Adeyemi insisted he had done nothing wrong and described the government’s actions as a “defence mechanism,” while refusing to disclose his location as he claimed his life was in danger.

He said, “You know the government we have. They are just playing a defence mechanism to shut me up. My organisation was set up in 2024.

“They are now after my life. I have gone into hiding. I’m underground,” he said.

When asked whether he had fled the country, he declined to respond directly.

“I will not be able to disclose any information now. I don’t consider myself safe,” he added.

The embattled DG turned suspect also declined to provide his alleged appointment letter or any document to support his claim that he was legitimately appointed, saying his lawyers had advised him not to discuss the matter publicly.

“I just decided to speak to you out of respect. My lawyers are working on something. Whatever they say, I will let you know,” he said.

Responding, the Presidency accused Adeyemi of forging appointment letters and other official documents while falsely presenting himself as Director-General of the Presidential Foreign Intervention Promotion Council and the Presidential Economic Advisory Council, agencies it insists do not exist.

Presidential spokesman, Bayo Onanuga, said Adeyemi and two others have been charged before the Federal High Court on an eight-count charge bordering on forgery, impersonation and related offences.

According to the Presidency, concerns first emerged after the Nigerian Investment Promotion Commission reported that another body appeared to be performing functions similar to its statutory responsibilities.

The Chief of Staff to the President, Femi Gbajabiamila, subsequently petitioned the Department of State Services and the Nigeria Police Force, alleging that forged appointment letters bearing fake signatures, official seals and reference numbers had been used to create the impression that the suspects were presidential appointees.

The Presidency said investigations revealed that Adeyemi and his associates allegedly operated from an office within the Federal Secretariat Complex in Abuja, held meetings with Nigerian and foreign officials and sought diplomatic support from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs for visa applications.

According to the Presidency, police arrested Adeyemi on October 27, 2025, after which searches conducted at his office and residence allegedly yielded forged government documents.

Investigators also alleged that financial intelligence uncovered 34 bank accounts linked to Adeyemi, including accounts allegedly opened in the names of purported government agencies.

The Presidency further claimed that Adeyemi used forged documents to open an account with the Central Bank of Nigeria in the name of the alleged agency, although investigators found that no public funds were paid into the account.

Onanuga also dismissed allegations that Gbajabiamila demanded money from Adeyemi, saying the accusations surfaced only after the suspect was granted police bail.

The case is scheduled to come up before the Federal High Court on July 27.

The Presidency, in a statement issued on Wednesday by the Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga, described Adeyemi as “a con artist” who allegedly used forged appointment letters bearing the name of the Chief of Staff to the President, Femi Gbajabiamila, to create and operate a non-existent Presidential Foreign Intervention Promotion Council, later referred to as the Presidential Economic Advisory Council.

According to the statement, the alleged scam was uncovered after officials of the Nigerian Investment Promotion Council raised concerns that another purported government agency appeared to be operating alongside it.

The Office of the Chief of Staff subsequently alerted security agencies, accusing unnamed individuals of forging official appointment letters purportedly issued from his office.

“The attention of this office has been drawn to the activities of certain individuals and groups engaged in the forgery of official appointment letters purportedly issued from my office,” Gbajabiamila said in a petition dated October 17.

“The fake documents, bearing falsified signatures, reference/folio numbers, and seals, have been used to claim leadership appointments to non-existent entities, with particular reference to the Presidential Foreign Intervention Promotion Council.”

The Chief of Staff disclosed that Adeyemi had allegedly established an office at the Federal Secretariat Complex in Abuja, where he reportedly hosted meetings with Nigerians and foreign nationals while presenting himself as the Director-General of the fictitious agency.

According to the petition, the group even sought diplomatic support from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to facilitate United States visas for its purported staff.

“The above development not only constitutes a serious criminal act but also undermines the integrity of the Presidency and the credibility of official government communication,” Gbajabiamila wrote.

“I therefore urge you to initiate a thorough investigation to identify and apprehend those involved and also to uncover the network facilitating the forgery.”

Foreign Affairs Ministry raises red flag

The statement revealed that concerns over Adeyemi’s activities had also reached the Federal Ministry of Foreign Affairs after he reportedly convened a meeting with ambassadors at the Wells Carlton Hotel and Apartments in Abuja on October 10, 2025, without the ministry’s knowledge.

In a letter dated October 15, 2025, signed by Ambassador Anderson Madubuike and addressed to the Office of the National Security Adviser and the Office of the Chief of Staff, the ministry sought clarification regarding the status of the purported agency.

“This act contravenes extant rules and regulations guiding diplomatic practices globally,” the ministry stated.

The enquiries triggered correspondence among the Office of the National Security Adviser, the Office of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation and the Office of the Chief of Staff.

Responding to the enquiries, Gbajabiamila categorically denied appointing Adeyemi or recognising the agency.

“Prince Adeniyi Matthew, Director-General of the Presidential Foreign Investment Promotion Council, is unknown to any office, nor do we have any dealings with the said council,” he wrote.

“My attention was drawn to a letter of this purported application, which is fake, and my office has instructed the police and other relevant security agencies to carry out investigations on the person and the entity he claims to represent.”

The Presidency stressed that the Chief of Staff could not have issued any appointment letter because appointments into government offices are the exclusive responsibility of the Office of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation.

Police uncover alleged forgery network

Following the petition, the Police launched an investigation and arrested Adeyemi on October 27, 2025, at the Abuja office from where he allegedly operated the scheme.

Searches conducted at both his office and residence in Suleja reportedly yielded several documents and exhibits believed to be connected with the operation.

Investigators said Adeyemi claimed that one Dolapo Babatunde Tanimola assisted him in procuring the forged appointment letter.

However, police investigations established that Tanimola had died in a fire incident at Kachi Hotel in Abuja on October 22, 2025, five days before Adeyemi’s arrest.

According to the State House, investigators established that the agency Adeyemi claimed to head never existed, while the appointment letters and several official documents recovered during the investigation were allegedly forged.

Police also accused him of falsely presenting himself as a presidential appointee and fraudulently requesting a diplomatic note verbale from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to facilitate visa applications for himself and members of his organisation.

Investigators further alleged that Adeyemi operated no fewer than 34 bank accounts, including nine accounts opened in the names of fictitious organisations, including the FCT Investment Promotion Agency and Public Private Partnership (FIPA-APP).

The investigation also found that he allegedly succeeded in opening a Central Bank of Nigeria account by misleading the Office of the Accountant-General of the Federation using forged documents.

The Presidency, however, noted that investigators confirmed no government funds were ever paid into the account.

“The act of the suspect constitutes criminal forgery, impersonation and obtaining by false pretence, thereby bringing the office of the Chief of Staff to the President and the Presidency to disrepute before the public and international community,” the police report stated.

Eight-count charge filed

Based on the outcome of the investigation, police filed an eight-count charge before the Federal High Court in Abuja against Adeyemi and two alleged accomplices on November 27, 2025.

The matter is scheduled for hearing on July 27.

According to the Presidency, Adeyemi, while on police bail, recently resurfaced with fresh claims that the Chief of Staff had genuinely appointed him as Director-General of the agency.

The statement noted that the claim directly contradicted the statement he voluntarily made to investigators during the police probe.

It said the renewed allegation prompted Gbajabiamila to issue another public disclaimer on June 8, reaffirming that Adeyemi was an impostor.

Presidency urges caution

The Presidency said Adeyemi had a history of alleged fraudulent misrepresentation, recalling that in 2016 he allegedly presented himself as President-General of the World Youth Organisation, claiming it was affiliated with the United Nations before the UN reportedly disowned the organisation.

Describing the case as that of “a con artist who appears to have built a web of false claims to deceive unsuspecting government officials and the public,” the Presidency urged politicians and members of the public to avoid drawing conclusions before the ongoing criminal trial is concluded.

It further advised that, since the matter is before the court, interested parties should allow the judicial process to determine the allegations against Adeyemi and his co-defendants.

ADC DEMANDS JUDICIAL INQUIRY

The opposition party, in a statement issued on Friday, by its National Publicity Secretary, Bolaji Abdullahi, demanded an independent judicial inquiry into the scandal.

The ADC noted that the allegations surrounding the PFIPC and claims of bribery involving the President’s Chief of Staff, Femi Gbajabiamila, go beyond individual wrongdoing and strike at the core of Nigeria’s governance and institutional integrity.

The party said it has reviewed the Presidency’s July 1 response to the controversy, issued by the Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga, but maintained that the government’s explanation raised more questions than answers.

According to the ADC, “Rather than provide answers to the raging questions on this scandal, the statement has instead left more questions.”

“If anything, it actually exposed the staggering depth of institutional decay under the APC-led administration of President Bola Tinubu, suggesting that under Tinubu’s watch, the Presidency may have become a nest of fraudsters,” Abdullahi stated.

The opposition party further alleged that the Presidency’s focus on defending Gbajabiamila, instead of explaining how a supposedly non-existent government body allegedly operated across multiple federal institutions, indicated either complicity or gross incompetence.

The ADC argued that by the Presidency’s own admission, the PFIPC was described as a “fictitious” organisation, yet it allegedly interacted with ministries, corresponded with government agencies, engaged foreign diplomats, secured official recognitions, and left behind official documentation.

According to the party, the implications extend beyond allegations against a single official and raise serious concerns about Nigeria’s national security and governance structures.

The party called for investigations into at least ten individuals and institutions, insisting that only a comprehensive inquiry could uncover the full scope of the alleged scandal.

Among those listed were; Chief of Staff, Femi Gbajabiamila, whom the party said must be investigated over documents allegedly issued from his office and public claims that he received bribes ranging between N200million and N600million from Prince Adeniyi Adeyemi.

The ADC also demanded an investigation into Prince Adeniyi Adeyemi to determine his alleged role in creating and promoting the PFIPC, verify the authenticity of documents linked to the organisation, and examine claims that payments were allegedly made to senior government officials.

The party also demanded that Secretary to the Government of the Federation George Akume; Head of the Civil Service of the Federation Didi Esther Walson-Jack; Director-General of the Budget Office Tanimu Yakubu; the Ministry of Foreign Affairs; the Office of the National Security Adviser; the Department of State Services (DSS); the Nigeria Police Force; the Office of the Accountant-General of the Federation; the Central Bank of Nigeria; and relevant oversight committees of the National Assembly be probed.

According to the ADC, the institutions must explain how an organisation, the Presidency now claims never existed, allegedly obtained recruitment approvals, budgetary allocations, diplomatic engagements, and official recognition.

The party called for the immediate establishment of an independent Judicial Panel of Inquiry with powers to summon witnesses, compel the production of official documents, and determine whether negligence, abuse of office, collusion or criminal conduct occurred.

“This matter must not be swept under the Presidential red carpet,” the opposition party declared.

The ADC argued that if the PFIPC was indeed fictitious, Nigerians deserved to know how it allegedly secured recruitment approvals for over 300 civil servants, appeared in the 2026 budget, conducted official correspondence and interacted with multiple government institutions.

It added that if the Presidency’s claim was false and the PFIPC was a legitimate agency, Nigerians equally deserved an explanation for why the government was allegedly disowning it to shield senior officials from allegations of bribery.

The opposition party insisted, “These are serious questions that cannot be answered by press statements, selective denials, or criminal prosecutions alone.”

The ADC also accused the Tinubu administration of applying different standards in the fight against corruption.

The party noted that federal anti-corruption and security agencies, including the ICPC, DSS and EFCC, were swiftly deployed over allegations involving former Kaduna State Governor Nasir El-Rufai, but no similar action had been taken against Gbajabiamila despite the seriousness of the allegations.

“This glaring double standard undermines public confidence and reinforces the perception that there is one standard of accountability for political opponents, and another for those within the inner circle of power,” Abdullahi stated.

The party urged President Tinubu to immediately establish an independent Judicial Commission of Inquiry chaired by respected Nigerians to investigate every aspect of the PFIPC controversy.

It warned that failure to conduct a transparent investigation would reinforce public perceptions that the administration was unwilling to confront corruption allegations involving powerful government officials.

The ADC further vowed that should the current administration fail to investigate the matter, the PFIPC scandal would become “one of the very first accountability priorities of an ADC-led government.”

The party also warned all officials allegedly connected to the controversy that every approval, financial transaction, budgetary allocation, and official correspondence linked to the PFIPC would face scrutiny under any future ADC administration.

“There will be no sacred cows, no untouchables, and no hiding place for corruption,” the party stressed.

ATIKU ABUBAKAR ISSUES 7-DAYS ULTIMATUM

Presidential candidate of the ADC, Atiku Abubakar, has issued a seven-day ultimatum President Bola Tinubu to order an independent investigation into the alleged PFIPC fraud, warning that failure to act could suggest complicity.

Atiku said the scandal, involving claims of a fake agency, budgetary allocations, and recruitment processes, raises serious concerns about institutional failures rather than just individual wrongdoing.

NDC DEMANDS SACK OF FEMI GBAJABIAMILA

The Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC) also called on President Bola Tinubu to immediately remove Gbajabiamila, over the allegations.

In a statement issued on Friday by its National Publicity Secretary, Osa Director, the opposition party described the allegations as grave and said Gbajabiamila’s continued stay in office could compromise any credible investigation into the matter.

According to the party, the allegations raise serious concerns about transparency, accountability and integrity within the Tinubu administration.

The NDC alleged that despite the Presidency’s denial of the agency’s existence, the PFIPC purportedly secured budgetary allocations in the 2026 Appropriation Act and opened a domiciliary account, a Pound Sterling account and a Treasury Single Account (TSA) domiciled with the Central Bank of Nigeria.

The party questioned how an agency described as non-existent could allegedly establish multiple high-level government financial accounts without official approval or the required documentation.

It also called on the Office of the Accountant-General of the Federation to explain whether forged documents were used in processing the accounts.

The statement further alleged that the Head of the Civil Service of the Federation approved 314 staff positions for the purported agency, describing the development as another issue requiring urgent explanation.

According to the NDC, the allegations also include claims that Gbajabiamila demanded 48 per cent of the agency’s take-off grant, reportedly valued at N27.39 billion, a request Adeyemi allegedly rejected.

The party also cited Adeyemi’s claim that he secured his appointment through the Chief of Staff after allegedly paying N600 million, of which N400 million was allegedly paid through proxies, while N200 million remained outstanding.

It said the alleged unpaid balance reportedly contributed to the Presidency’s subsequent denial of the agency’s existence.

The NDC further alleged that the claims point to a wider pattern of institutional corruption, including the alleged sale of public appointments.

The party also linked the controversy to the death of Babatunde Tanimola, whom it described as an intermediary between Adeyemi and the Chief of Staff.

According to the statement, Tanimola reportedly died in a fire incident at a hotel in Utako, Abuja, on October 22, 2025, a day after the police reportedly received a petition from the Chief of Staff.

The NDC also referenced Adeyemi’s claims that he survived multiple assassination attempts, including an attack along the Abuja-Kaduna Expressway on September 7, 2025, and alleged that certain individuals within government are plotting to eliminate him.

It also called on President Tinubu to establish an independent investigative panel to examine the alleged operations of the PFIPC, including its budgetary allocations, financial transactions, account openings and staff recruitment.

The NDC further urged investigators to probe the circumstances surrounding Tanimola’s death and the alleged assassination attempts on Adeyemi, while recommending that Adeyemi be granted witness protection.

The party also demanded that the Chief of Staff produce all official documents signed since assuming office for forensic examination.

In addition, it called for the questioning of officials of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), the Office of the Accountant-General of the Federation, and the Office of the Head of the Civil Service of the Federation over their alleged roles in the matter.

The opposition party also urged the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) and the Nigeria Police Force to commence what it described as a thorough investigation without fear or favour.

“The NDC will not accept the usual tactic of issuing a mere defensive press release from the Presidency as a deflective ploy. Nigerians deserve to know the truth through a transparent process that promotes fairness and justice,” the statement said.

INTERNAL CO-CONSPIRATORS FINGERED

On his part, Temitope Ajayi, Senior Special Assistant to President Bola Tinubu on Information and Public Affairs, has fingered possible involvement of internal collaborators in the fake agency scandal.

“Well, it’s not impossible, because even the audacity to go and operate inside the government federal secretariat is enough to suggest anything could have gone at some point.

“We don’t know how he was able to get a forged letter of appointment by the Chief of Staff to the president.

“We all know appointments into agencies or extra ministerial positions are done by the president exclusively,” he said.

Today, Nigerians are divided among those supporting the Presidency and those calling for a sanction against the principal actors; Gbajabiamila and Akume.

Nigerians maintain that the scandal must be investigated to the last evidence, and not swept underneath the carpet.

The alleged scandal is one of many can of worms that has plagued the Tinubu administration since 2023. The public awaits the outcome of investigations.

Headline

FBN vs GHL: Supreme Court Voids Appeal Court Judgment, Orders Immediate Handover of FPSO Tamara Tokoni Crude Oil to General Hydrocarbons

Published

2 days ago

July 3, 2026

Eric

The long drawn legal tussle between FirstBank of Nigeria Limited and General Hydrocarbons Limited over the ownership of the crude oil aboard the FPSO Tamara Tokoni, may have come to a conclusive end as the Supreme Court of Nigeria delivered its judgment.

The Apex Court, on Friday, ordered the Chief Registrar of the Court of Appeal and the Admiralty Marshal to immediately hand over the crude oil aboard the FPSO Tamara Tokoni to General Hydrocarbons Limited (GHL), bringing to an end a legal dispute over the asset.

In a unanimous judgment delivered by a five-member panel of justices, the apex court held that the suit instituted by First Bank of Nigeria (FBN) was contractual in nature and not an admiralty matter.

The court consequently ruled that both the Federal High Court and the Court of Appeal lacked the jurisdiction to entertain the case.

The Supreme Court accordingly allowed the appeal filed by General Hydrocarbons Limited and set aside the judgment of the Court of Appeal, describing it as perverse.

Justice Abiru, who read the lead judgment, announced the unanimous decision of the panel comprising Justices Uwani Aba-Aji, Salawa, Agim, Uwa and Abiru.

Headline

GbajaGate: I’ve Done No Wrong, Govt Playing to Shut Me Up – Adeyemi Matthew Speaks from Hiding

Published

3 days ago

July 2, 2026

Eric

Prince Adeniyi Adeyemi Matthew, the man alleged to have forged government appointment letters and falsely paraded himself as the Director-General of the alleged Presidential Foreign Intervention Promotion Council (PFIPC) and Presidential Economic Advisory Council, has denied the allegations against him, claiming the Presidency is attempting to silence him.

Speaking with PREMIUM TIMES from an undisclosed location on Thursday, Adeyemi insisted he had done nothing wrong and described the government’s actions as a “defence mechanism.”

“You know the government we have. They are just playing a defence mechanism to shut me up. My organisation was set up in 2024,” he said.

Adeyemi declined to disclose his whereabouts, saying he had gone into hiding because his life was under threat.

“They are now after my life. I have gone into hiding. I’m underground,” he said.

When asked whether he had fled the country, he declined to respond directly.

“I will not be able to disclose any information now. I don’t consider myself safe,” he added.

The embattled suspect also declined to provide his alleged appointment letter or any document to support his claim that he was legitimately appointed, saying his lawyers had advised him not to discuss the matter publicly.

“I just decided to speak to you out of respect. My lawyers are working on something. Whatever they say, I will let you know,” he said.

The Presidency has accused Adeyemi of forging appointment letters and other official documents while falsely presenting himself as Director-General of the Presidential Foreign Intervention Promotion Council and the Presidential Economic Advisory Council, agencies it insists do not exist.

Presidential spokesman, Bayo Onanuga, said Adeyemi and two others have been charged before the Federal High Court on an eight-count charge bordering on forgery, impersonation and related offences.

According to the Presidency, police arrested Adeyemi on October 27, 2025, after which searches conducted at his office and residence allegedly yielded forged government documents.

Investigators also alleged that financial intelligence uncovered 34 bank accounts linked to Adeyemi, including accounts allegedly opened in the names of purported government agencies.

Onanuga also dismissed allegations that Gbajabiamila demanded money from Adeyemi, saying the accusations surfaced only after the suspect was granted police bail.

The case is scheduled to come up before the Federal High Court on July 27.