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Pendulum: Democracy And Elections In Contemporary Africa

Published

7 years ago

May 10, 2019

Editor

By John Mahama

I was here in 2015 to speak at the Oxford Africa Conference on “A Continent on the Move: People, Politics and Business Across Borders.”

That opportunity, four years ago, to actively engage a broad range of stakeholders was mutually beneficial and I believe today’s will be even more rewarding.

A few of my compatriots had the honour, as I stated in 2015, of being trained in this prestigious institution of learning- Professor Kofi Abrefa Busia, a former Prime Minister of Ghana, former President John Agyekum Kufuor, one of my predecessors, a legal luminary, Mr. Tsatsu Tsikata and a Governance Expert and University Lecturer, Professor Kwamena Ahwoi.

I did not have such a distinguished opportunity, but I can assure you I received a reasonably good education from Ghana’s premier University, the University of Ghana at Legon, of which I am very proud.

Thank you for the opportunity to be back here again at Oxford.

Professor Wale Adebanwi, the Oxford African Studies Centre and the Saïd Business College- thanks for the collaboration and invitation to share my thoughts on Democracy and Elections in Contemporary Africa.

As a historian, the temptation is great for me to begin my exposition from the theories on the ‘state of nature’ by the great thinkers, Hobbes, Locke and Rousseau as they apply to the social contract and the beginnings of governance in human society.

But such a venture will require the whole day to accomplish.

In my allotted time of 30 minutes, I will carry out a brief discourse on current developments in respect of democracy and elections in Africa and hope to have the opportunity to expatiate more in the Question and Answer session.

Democracy, ladies and gentlemen, is an antithesis of dictatorship, authoritarianism, tyranny or despotism. Democracy is a system that promotes the participation of the citizens in how they are governed.

It reposes sovereignty in the people on whose behalf leadership is exercised. It is based on the rule of law, respect for the rights and freedoms of citizens.

Elections are an instrument for exercising choice of the people on who occupies an office of leadership.

Elections are therefore an exercise of the people’s right of choice as to who their leaders at various levels of governance should be, often for a period of time defined by law.
But make no mistake, elections are conducted as well under authoritarian rule. However, the system of elections under such circumstances are rigged to achieve a predetermined outcome.

Democracy allows an environment that promotes creativity and innovation.

People will always make a choice for a system of government that allows them to express themselves freely and be able to have a say in how they are governed.

Africa has experimented with different systems of government since gaining political independence from colonial rule, but three main eras can be recognised.

The immediate post-independence era of one-party rule, the era of military dictatorships, and from the turn of the millennium what one may call an African democratic spring.

This saw a blossoming of constitutional rule and democratic governments across the continent.

From the early 1990’s as a result of pressure from their citizens, civil society organisations, external actors, and the general global environment, many African countries begun to open up.

Constitutional rule replaced military dictatorship, elections became the norm rather than the exception, respect for human rights and freedoms, an expanded media space all became the trend to follow.

Even pseudo democracies, which still had autocratic leaderships were forced to join the train and allowed elections that turned out often as high as over 95% endorsements of the regimes in question.

Recent events however reveal that citizens have the ability and the will to force democratic change. Little sparks can trigger a chain of events that end up dislodging even the most entrenched dictator.

When the people have suffered enough, cowardly citizens who earlier fled at the least sign of the heavy hand of repression, become so outraged that they embrace death and injury as a worthy sacrifice in the confrontation with dictatorship.

Removal of subsidies last December shot-up the price of bread, a staple food item in Sudan. Spontaneous protest beginning in Atbara quickly spread.

As the protests continued, the protestors gained strength in numbers and not even the brutality of the security services could douse the fire that had been lit.

A similar fire was lit in Algeria when the ailing President announced that he was going to run for a 5th term in office. Spontaneous protests erupted leading to the collapse of the regime.

Earlier in the Arab Spring, uprisings of the people swept strong men, Ben Ali, Hosni Mubarak and Muamar Ghaddafi out of power.

In Gambia, strong man Yahaya Jammeh eventually had to go into exile, following initial attempts to challenge the result of an election that had given victory to his opponent, Adama Barrow.

To consolidate democratic developments in Africa, the continental body, the African Union, in its attempt to capture the will and desire of the people, provided a robust normative structure to guide member states.

In its mission of democracy promotion, the AU built an expansive framework and adopted protocols, mechanisms and institutions for implementation.

These mechanisms and institutions have been instrumental in strengthening democratic governance in the AU Member States and aided those in the transition from conflict and authoritarian regimes.

This is a departure from the predecessor, Organization of African Unity (OAU) Charter of 1963, which embraced the doctrine of non-interference in the internal affairs of Member States.
Furthermore, the AU Constitutive Act embraces a new doctrine of non-indifference to human rights abuses within the territory of another AU Member States.

This Act and the 2007 African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance are the continental body’s framework for the protection and promotion of democracy.

Cumulatively, these tools have emboldened the AU in its democracy-promotion and good governance agenda.

The democratic spring in Africa has impacted positively on many African countries. Over the last decade, average GDP growth in many countries has ranged between 4 and 6%.

Many countries have seen an upsurge in foreign direct investments. Africa has enjoyed the fastest growth in telecommunications and IT in this period.

The African middle class has prospered and has been one of the fastest growing in the world. Per capita income has increased significantly for many African states.

The successful implementation of the Millennium Development Goals has seen achievement of reduction of hunger and malnutrition. Many African countries have seen an increase in primary school enrolment and achievement of gender parity in enrolment.
Average life expectancy has improved. Widespread use of vaccinations has seen a significant drop in under-five mortality and many children are surviving and thriving.

All these positive developments are the dividends of democracy.

As the Chairman of the Tana High Level Forum on Security in Africa, I had the privilege last week in Bahir Dar, Ethiopia, to present a summary of the report on the State of Peace and Security in Africa.

The report noted some successes achieved by Africans in the quest for peace and good governance in the year 2018.

▪ The report noted the holding of elections in 27 countries and successful transfers of power;

▪ It noted an expansion of space for civil society engagement despite the considerable risks the operators face;

▪ The report also noted the growing involvement of young people, braving the odds stacked against them in the political space, to join politics, seek elective positions in parliament or public office;

▪ The youth were also taking advantage of the digital revolution to put developmental issues of concern to them on the front-burner of national, continental and global agenda;
▪ As game-changers in many respects, youth activism and visa liberalisation are making the free movement of people, goods and services across the continent easier.

▪ They are, in turn, producing impulses capable of improving regional integration and cross-border trade, and also significantly contributing to overall GDP;

▪ The year 2018 saw all but three African countries meet and sign the Continental Free Trade Agreement (CFTA), which recently achieved the record threshold of the 22 ratifications required for effectiveness.

All the above indicate significant strides made towards political and economic liberation of the people in Africa and paint a picture of a continent definitely on course in delivering on the will of the people.

Ladies and gentlemen, for example, if this Free Trade Agreement is faithfully implemented, and the arithmetic works out as planned, it may just be what the continent needs to set itself on the pathway towards achieving the African Union’s Agenda 2063, which is an integrated, prosperous and peaceful Africa.

This prospect is achievable and the signals are positive.

Ladies and gentlemen, notwithstanding the significant gains made, African democracy is still fragile and faces major challenges. The dividends of democracy are still not immediately tangible to the African population.

Major inequality exists and the fruits of economic growth are not shared fairly down the class chain. Many vulnerable groups are losing out, while affluence of the growing prosperous classes is being flaunted in their faces.

Social safety nets have not been enough to stem the growing divide between rich and poor. Citizens begin to question the need to exercise their franchise during elections when they feel no tangible improvement in their lives.

This could commonly be referred to as democracy fatigue.

Africa is a continent in a hurry. Africa does not have the luxury of time if democracy must thrive.

Former Prime Minister of Ethiopia Haille Mariam Desalegn, said “democracy is not all about elections.”

He was right, democracy is about improvements in people’s lives, it is about access to social services, it is about jobs and employment, it is about social justice and the fight against corruption.

It is about the establishment of strong institutions.
Africa has a burgeoning population. Growth is not translating into jobs as fast as is necessary to keep up with population growth.

It is estimated that about 12 million graduates are churned out every year in Africa, and yet less than 5 million sustainable job places are available for them each year.

African nations must accelerate growth and ensure that there is a greater diffusion of the fruits of growth down the class chain.

While democracy, elections, free speech and a vibrant media are the greatest assets in the fight against graft and corruption, perceptions of corruption can heighten in a democracy because there is increased open discussion of acts of malfeasance that create an impression that the canker is on the increase.

This heightened perception of corruption, added to the fact that the wheels of justice in a democracy grind very slowly, often leads to a sense of longing for unconstitutional times where persons suspected of corruption could be dealt with without any regard to the respect for human rights.

Low participation of women in elective politics due to socio-cultural factors continue to be an indictment on Africa’s democratic development.

In most countries, women form the majority of the population and yet are severely under-represented in elective and public office.

In my own country, Ghana, while women form about 51% of our population, the highest percentage of seats held by women in our parliament is 12.7% in the 2017 Parliament. This is up from 10.9% in the 2013 Parliament.

In many countries, lack of effective decentralisation of power and resources means that development is lopsided and many geographic areas find themselves marginalised and deprived.

This creates fertile ground for all kinds of social agitation and dissension and in extreme cases insurgency. Decentralization and a fair redistribution of wealth are the most effective guarantees for stability and security in a democracy.

Democratic governments must therefore go hand in hand with political and economic empowerment of local populations.

Lack of continuity in planning and development because of frequent transfers of power could also hobble investment and development especially in situations where incoming administrations renege on fulfilling agreements and obligations entered into by its predecessor.

President Obama on his historic visit to Ghana after he was elected, said to Ghana’s Parliament that what Africa needs is not strong men, Africa needs strong institutions.

He was very right. Africa needs strong governmental institutions. Unfortunately, regular attrition of staff due to political persecution and their replacement by political apparatchiki does not make for the preservation of institutional memory and continuity in service delivery.

Information technology and the new media are a new development whose impact needs to be understood and mastered.

After leaving office, I have been involved in advocacy on democratic consolidation in Africa. This has gotten me involved in conferences dealing with African democratic and electoral systems.

Africa has come a long way from the era of steel ballot boxes and district counting centres. In past electoral systems, the citizen’s duty was to turn out to vote, the rest of the process from counting to declaration of results were done out of sight of the electorate.

Electoral systems have improved since then, with innovations such as vote counting in-situ, biometric registers, verification machines, allowance for observation of elections by party agents, civil society and international observers.

This has improved the integrity of elections and lessened disputes.

But other areas of complication have emerged. The use of IT in results transmission and the possibility of hacking have created new fears about the manipulation of results.

Examples of this can be found in the recent elections in Ghana, Kenya and Sierra Leone.

During the last Presidential Election in Ghana, the Electoral Commission directed its staff to stop using the electronic result transmission system to communicate results to the tallying centre because the system had been compromised.

The results had to, therefore, be tallied manually, leading to attendant tensions in the delay of the announcement of the final results.

As I speak, I am not aware that the Electoral Commission has carried out any investigation into what compromised their IT system. And even if they have, we the stakeholders, the political parties, have not been briefed on what caused the corruption of the system.

In the interest of transparency, it is important for Ghanaians to understand what happened before we go into another election.

Africa is a very diverse continent, with many ethnicities confined into common political boundaries. The role of the underlying law of the land and political leadership must be to include rather than exclude.

Ethnic bigotry is also a threat to African democracy.

Democracy must seek to include and not exclude. Any overt or covert activity, speech or action that seeks to exclude any part of a national population from fair participation in governance is subversive of democracy.

That is why comments by a Senior public official in my country that national leadership should be the preserve of only resource-rich regions of Ghana must be condemned by all well-meaning Ghanaians.

Insurgency in the Sahel and Savannahs are also a growing threat to African democracies. Terrorist groups that are determined to disrupt democratic societies are increasing in activity in the Sahel and savannah regions of Africa.

Democracy cannot thrive in insecurity. Urgent collective action is needed to quell this threat. Already disturbing terrorist activity in Nigeria, Chad, Mali, Niger, Cameroon, Burkina Faso and Cote D’ivoire have the potential of spreading and undermining our flourishing democracies.

All in all, African democracy is blossoming, it needs to be nurtured, it needs to be consolidated. Africans must accept our new democracies as a way of life.

We must create societies that are free, but also disciplined and orderly.

Our democracies must seek to create a decent life for our people in a clean environment that works to preserve our planet.

In this endeavour, we must all be committed to play our part. It is only in this way we can unleash the full potential of our people to create a better society for generations to follow.

Thank you for your kind attention.

*** This speech was delivered yesterday by the former President of Ghana, Dr John Dramani Mahama, at the Saïd Business School, University of Oxford, in collaboration with The African Studies Centre and the Oxford Africa Business Alliance

Related Topics:AFRICA Elections Elections in Africa President John Mahama

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Tinubu’s 2026 Budget Bad Omen for Nigerians – PDP

Published

15 hours ago

December 21, 2025

Eric

By Eric Elezuo

The 2026 Appropriation Bill presented by President Bola Tinubu before a joint session of the National Assembly has been rated below par, and described as a bad omen for Nigerians, by the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

The Tanimu Turaki-led Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) said on Friday that President Bola Tinubu’s 2026 budget would add to the sufferings of Nigeria rather than giving them any renewed hope or consolidation of economic reforms.

The party noted that there would be no renewed hope in an environment where hunger, insecurity and other forms of deprivation were the lot of Nigerians.

It cited the 2025 World Bank Poverty & Equity Brief, which placed more than 30.9% of Nigerians below the international extreme poverty line.

“This shows that there is growth without prosperity for our citizens, meaning that despite GDP growth, poverty remains endemic”, the National Publicity Secretary, Comrade Ini Ememobong, stated on Friday soon after Tinubu presented the 2026 Appropriation Bill of N58.18trillion to a joint session of the Senate and the House of Representatives in Abuja.

Ememobong noted: “The budget, which is themed ‘Budget of Consolidation, Renewed Resilience and Shared Prosperity’, claims that the economy is stabilising and promises shared prosperity.

“In response, we see it rather as a budget of consolidated renewed sufferings, because what Nigerians have witnessed since the birth of this administration is nothing but unmitigated hardship on the people, while the governing class relishes in affluence.

“Nigerians have suffered greatly from many economic woes under this administration.

“President Tinubu cited a 3.98% GDP growth rate as evidence of economic stabilisation under his administration.

“However, it is well established that economic growth alone does not and cannot guarantee improved living standards for citizens.

“According to the 2025 World Bank Poverty & Equity Brief, more than 30.9% of Nigerians live below the international extreme poverty line. This shows that there is growth without prosperity for our citizens, meaning that despite GDP growth, poverty remains endemic.

“This clearly indicates that whatever economic gains exist are not reaching the majority of Nigerians.”

The PDP rejected the President’s figures on economic progress, saying rather that Nigeria has been on rever gear.

“The President stated that the economy under his watch grew by 3.98% without stating the sectors that stimulated the growth or identifying those who benefitted from it. This figure reflects the economic decline the nation has suffered under the leadership of the APC-led Federal government when compared to the growth rate of 6.87% recorded in 2013(same period under the last PDP administration), which was driven largely by non-oil sectors such as agriculture and trade.

“Today, the President celebrates a 3.98% growth rate, whereas a reality check reveals excruciating hunger, a high cost of living, and other indices of economic hardship, which Nigerians are currently facing.

“While we acknowledge the security allocation in the 2026 budget, we must remind the government and Nigerians that allocation alone is insufficient.”

The party added, “We therefore, demand effective and transparent execution to ensure that security funding translates into tangible improvements -modern equipment, adequate ammunition, improved intelligence capabilities, and better welfare for security personnel who are currently engaged in different theatres of armed conflict, where criminal non-state actors are alleged to possess superior arms compared to our security forces.

“Overall, we are deeply concerned about the unapologetic admission by the President that the execution of the 2024 capital budget had been extended to December 2025, while the 2025 budget is still in force.

“This confirms the long-standing rumours of the concurrent operation of multiple budgets.

“This cannot be described as best practice, as every budget has a defined period of operation and no two budgets should operate concurrently. The operation of different budgets at the same time undermines fiscal discipline, transparency, and accountability. These multiple budgetary regimes show yet another unprecedented negative feat by this APC Bola Tinubu-led administration.

“We hereby call for increased transparency and accountability in the administration of the finances of our country, as these have been conspicuously absent so far under this administration.

“Financial accountability and transparency are critical to public trust-building and effective public administration.”

The budget with the theme, “Budget of consolidation, Renewed Resilience and Shared Prosperity”, is N3.19trillion higher than the N54.99trillion approved for 2025.

The key aggregates of the budget are expected revenue of N34.33trillion; debt servicing of N15.52trillion; recurrent (non‑debt) expenditure of N15.25trillion; capital expenditure of N26.08trillion; a deficit of N23.85trillion representing 4.28% of GDP.

In addition, the budget will be benchmarked at $64.85 per barrel of crude oil, daily oil production of 1.8million barrels and a dollar/naira exchange.

Below is the full presentation of Tinubu’s 2026 Budget:

FULL SPEECH BY PRESIDENT BOLA AHMED TINUBU AT THE PRESENTATION OF THE 2026 NATIONAL BUDGET

“Budget of Consolidation, Renewed Resilience and Shared Prosperity”

Distinguished Senate President,
Rt. Honourable Speaker and Honourable Members of the House of Representatives,
Distinguished Senators and Honourable Members of the National Assembly,
Fellow Nigerians,,

1. I am here today to fulfil an essential constitutional obligation by presenting the 2026 Appropriation Bill to this esteemed Joint Session of the National Assembly for your consideration.

2. This budget represents a defining moment in our national journey of reform and transformation. Over the last two and a half years, my government has methodically confronted long‑standing structural weaknesses, stabilised our economy, rebuilt confidence, and laid a durable foundation for the construction of a more resilient, inclusive, and dynamic Nigeria.

3. Though necessary, the reforms have not been painless. Families and businesses have faced pressure; established systems have been disrupted; and budget execution has been tested. I acknowledge these difficulties plainly. Yet, I am here, today, to assure Nigerians that their sacrifices are not in vain. The path of reform is seldom smooth, but it is the surest route to lasting stability and shared prosperity.

4. Today, I present a Budget that consolidates our gains, strengthens our resilience, and takes this country from out of the dark tunnel of hopelessness, from survival to growth.

5. The 2026 Budget is themed: “Budget of Consolidation, Renewed Resilience and Shared Prosperity”. It reflects our determination to lock in macroeconomic stability, deepen competitiveness, and ensure that growth translates into decent jobs, rising incomes, and a better quality of life across for every Nigerian.

6. Mr. Chairman, Leaders of the National Assembly, while the global outlook continues to improve, this Budget aims to further strengthen our Nigerian economy to benefit all our citizens.

7. I am encouraged that our reform efforts are already yielding measurable results:
1) Our economy grew by 3.98 per cent in Q3 2025, up from 3.86 per cent in Q3 2024.

2) Inflation has moderated for eight consecutive months, with headline inflation declining to 14.45 per cent in November 2025, from 24.23 per cent in March 2025. With stabilising food and energy prices, tighter monetary conditions, and improving supply responses, we expect the deflationary trend to persist over the 2026 horizon, barring major supply shocks.

3) Oil production has improved, supported by enhanced security, technology deployment, and sector reforms.

4) Non‑oil revenues have expanded significantly through better tax administration.

5) Investor confidence is returning, reflected in capital inflows, renewed project financing, and stronger private‑sector participation.

6) Our external reserves rose to a 7‑year high of about US47 billion dollars as of last month, providing over 10 months of import cover and a more substantial buffer against shocks.

8. These outcomes are not accidental or lucky. They are the consequence of our difficult policy choices. Our next objective is to deepen our gains in pursuit of enduring and inclusive prosperity.

9. Mr. Chairman, Distinguished Members, our 2025 budget implementation faced the realities of transition and competing execution demands. As of Q3 2025, we recorded:
• 18.6 trillion naira in revenue — representing 61% of our target; and
• 24.66 trillion naira in expenditure — representing 60% of our target.

10. Following the extension of the 2024 capital budget execution to December 2025, a total of 2.23 trillion naira was released for the implementation of 2024 capital projects as of June 2025.

11. While fiscal challenges persisted, the government met its key obligations. However, only 3.10 trillion naira — about 17.7% of the 2025 capital budget — was released as of Q3, reflecting the emphasis on completing priority 2024 capital projects during the transition period.

12. Let me be clear: 2026 will be a year of stronger discipline in budget execution. I have issued directives to the Honourable Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy, the Honourable Minister of Budget and Economic Planning, the Accountant‑General of the Federation, and the Director‑General of the Budget Office of the Federation to ensure that the 2026 Budget is implemented strictly in line with the appropriated details and timelines.

13. We expect improved revenue performance through the new National Tax Acts and the ongoing reforms in the oil and gas sector — reforms designed not merely to raise revenue, but to drive transparency, efficiency, fairness, and long‑term value in our fiscal architecture.

14. I have also provided clear and direct guidance regarding Government‑Owned Enterprises. Heads of all agencies have been directed to meet their assigned revenue targets. To support this, we will deploy end‑to‑end digitisation of revenue mobilisation — standardised e‑collections, interoperable payment rails, automated reconciliation, data‑driven risk profiling, and real‑time performance dashboards — so leakages are sealed, compliance is verifiable, and remittances are prompt. These targets will form core components of performance evaluations and institutional scorecards. Nigeria can no longer afford leakages, inefficiencies, or underperformance in strategic agencies. Every institution must play its part.

15. Mr Chairman and fellow Nigerians, the 2026 Budget is guided by four clear objectives:
1) Consolidate macroeconomic stability;
2) Improve the business and investment environment;
3) Promote job‑rich growth and reduce poverty; and
4) Strengthen human capital development while protecting the vulnerable.

16. In short: we will spend with purpose, manage debt with discipline, and pursue broad-based, sustainable growth.

17. Distinguished Members, the 2026 Federal Budget is anchored on realism, prudence, and growth.

18. The key aggregates are as follows:
1) Expected total revenue is 34.33 trillion naira.
2) Projected total expenditure is 58.18 trillion naira, including 15.52 trillion naira for debt servicing.
3) Recurrent (non‑debt) expenditure is 15.25 trillion naira.
4) Capital expenditure will be 26.08 trillion.
5) The Budget deficit is expected to be 23.85 trillion naira, representing 4.28% of GDP.

19. These numbers are not mere accounting lines. They are a statement of national priorities. We remain firmly committed to fiscal sustainability, debt transparency, and value‑for‑money spending.

20. The 2026–2028 Medium‑Term Expenditure Framework and Fiscal Strategy Paper sets the parameters for this Budget. Our projections are based on:
1) a conservative crude oil benchmark of US64.85 dollars per barrel;
2) crude oil production of 1.84 million barrels per day; and
3) an average exchange rate of 1,400 naira to the US Dollar for the 2026 fiscal year.

21. We will continue to reduce waste, strengthen controls, and ensure that every naira borrowed or spent delivers measurable public value.

22. Our allocations reflect the Renewed Hope Agenda and the practical needs of Nigerians. Key sectoral provisions include:
1) Defence and security: 5.41 trillion naira
2) Infrastructure: 3.56 trillion naira
3) Education: 3.52 trillion naira
4) Health: 2.48 trillion naira

23. These priorities are interlinked. Without security, investment will not thrive. Without educated and healthy citizens, productivity will not rise. Without infrastructure, jobs and enterprises will not scale. This Budget is, therefore, designed to provide a single, coherent programme of national renewal.

A. National Security and Peacebuilding
24. National Security remains the foundation of development. The 2026 Budget strengthens support for:
• modernisation of the Armed Forces;
• intelligence‑driven policing and joint operations;
• border security and technology‑enabled surveillance; and
• community‑based peacebuilding and conflict prevention.

25. We will invest in security with clear accountability for outcomes — because security spending must deliver results. To secure our country, our priority will remain on increasing the fighting capability of our armed forces and other security agencies and boosting the effectiveness of our fighting forces with cutting-edge equipment and other hardware.

26. We will usher in a new era of criminal justice. We will show no mercy to those who commit or support acts of terrorism, banditry, kidnapping for ransom and other violent crimes.

27. Our administration is resetting the national security architecture and establishing a new national counterterrorism doctrine — a holistic redesign anchored on unified command, intelligence gathering, community stability, and counter – insurgency. This new doctrine will fundamentally change how we confront terrorism and other violent crimes.

28. Under this new architecture, any armed group or gun-wielding non-state actors operating outside state authority will be regarded as terrorists.

29. Bandits, militias, armed gangs, armed robbers, violent cults, forest-based armed groups and foreign-linked mercenaries will all be targeted. We will go after all those who perpetrate violence for political or sectarian ends, along with those who finance and facilitate their evil schemes.

B. Human Capital Development: Education and Health
30. No nation can grow beyond the quality of its people. The 2026 Budget strengthens investments in education, skills, healthcare, and social protection.

31. In education, we are expanding access to higher education through the Nigerian Education Loan Fund. Over seven hundred and eighty eight thousand students have been supported, in partnership with two hundred and twenty nine tertiary institutions nationwide.

32. In healthcare, I am pleased to highlight that investment in healthcare is 6 per cent of the total budget size, net of liabilities.

33. We also appreciate the support of international partners. Recent high‑level engagements with the Government of the United States have opened the door to over 500 million United States dollars for health interventions across Nigeria. We welcome this partnership and assure Nigerians that these resources will be deployed transparently and effectively.

C. Infrastructure and Economic Productivity
34. Across the nation, projects of all shapes and sizes are moving from vision to reality. These include transport and energy infrastructure, port modernisation, agricultural reforms, and strategic investments to unlock private capital.

35. We will take decisive steps to strengthen agricultural markets. Food security shall remain a national priority. The 2026 Budget focuses on input financing and mechanisation; irrigation and climate‑resilient agriculture; storage and processing; and agro‑value chains.

36. These measures will reduce post‑harvest losses, improve incomes for small holders, deepen agro‑industrialisation, and build a more resilient, diversified economy.
37. In 2026, the Bank of Agriculture plans to plant confidence back into our soil; mechanising through seven regional hubs, protecting harvests with fair prices and substantial reserves, providing affordable finance to millions of small holders and growing export value. Under the plan, Nigerian farmers will cultivate one million hectares, create hundreds of thousands of jobs, and prove that prosperity can rise through better use of our God given land.

D. Procurement
38. Starting in November last year, the government has embarked upon a comprehensive framework of procurement reforms. These reforms have enhanced efficiency and generated significant cost savings for the government, resulting in resulting in reduced processing times for Government contracts and better enforcement procedures directed against erring contractors and government officials.

39. Our Nigeria First Policy has been established to encourage self-sufficiency and sustainable growth within Nigeria by promoting domestic products and businesses. By mandating that all Ministries, Departments, and Agencies (MDAs) consider Nigerian-made goods and local companies as their primary option, the policy aims to support local industries, create job opportunities, and reduce dependency on imported items. This bold new approach is expected to enhance the competitiveness of Nigerian enterprises, foster innovation, and ultimately contribute to the country’s overall economic development.

40. Distinguished Members and fellow Nigerians, the most significant budget is not the one we announce. It is the one we deliver.

41. Therefore, 2026 will be guided by three practical commitments:
1) Better revenue mobilisation through efficiency, transparency, and compliance.
2) Better spending by prioritising projects that can be completed, measured, and felt by citizens.
3) Better accountability through strengthening of procurement discipline, monitoring, and reporting.

42. We will build trust by matching our words with results, and our allocations with outcomes.

43. Distinguished Members of the National Assembly, fellow Nigerians, the 2026 Budget is not a budget of promises; it is a Budget of consolidation, renewed resilience and shared prosperity. It builds on the reforms of the past two and a half years, addresses emerging challenges, and sets a clear path towards a more secure, more competitive, more equitable, and more hopeful Nigeria.

44. I commend the people of this country for their understanding and resilience. My administration remains committed to easing the burdens of the transition to a more stable and prosperous nation. We promise to make sure that the benefits of reform reach households and communities across the Federation.

45. In united purpose between the Executive and the Legislature; and with the resilience of the Nigerian people, we will deliver the full promise of the Renewed Hope Agenda.

46. It is, therefore, with great pleasure that I lay before this distinguished Joint Session of the National Assembly; the 2026 Appropriation Bill of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, titled: “Budget of Consolidation, Renewed Resilience and Shared Prosperity”. I seek your partnership in charting the nation’s fiscal course for the coming year.

47. May God bless the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

48. Thank you.

Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR
President, Commander-in-Chief of The Armed Forces,
Federal Republic of Nigeria

Headline

Insecurity: Akpabio Begs Tinubu to Reinstate Police Orderlies for NASS Members

Published

2 days ago

December 20, 2025

Eric

Senate President, Godswill Akpabio, has appealed to President Bola Tinubu to reconsider the directive withdrawing police orderlies from members of the National Assembly, citing safety concerns.

Akpabio made the appeal during the presentation of the 2026 budget to a joint session of the National Assembly, by President Tinubu, warning that some lawmakers fear they might be unable to return home safely following the withdrawal.

His said: “As we direct the security agencies to withdraw policemen from critical areas, some of the National Assembly said I should let you know they may not be able to go home today.

“On that note, we plead with Mr. President for a review of the decision.”

President Tinubu, on November 23, ordered the withdrawal of police officers attached to Very Important Persons (VIPs), directing that they be redeployed to core policing duties across the country.

According to Bayo Onanuga, Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy, Tinubu issued the directive after a security meeting with Service Chiefs and the Director-General of the Department of State Services (DSS) following heightened security issues in the country.

Under the order, VIPs requiring security are to seek protection from the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps, as the Federal government seeks to boost police presence in communities, particularly in remote areas grappling with insecurity.

Tinubu later reaffirmed the directive on December 10, moments before presiding over the Federal Executive Council, expressing frustration over delays in implementation.

He instructed the Minister of Interior, Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo, to work with the Inspector-General of Police (IGP), Kayode Egbetokun, and the Civil Defence Corps to immediately replace withdrawn escorts to avoid exposing individuals to danger.

“I honestly believe in what I said…It should be effected. If you have any problem because of the nature of your assignment, contact the IGP and get my clearance,” Tinubu said.

“The minister of interior should liaise IG and the Civil Defence structure to replace those police officers who are on special security duties.

“So that you don’t leave people exposed,” he said.

Headline

Defence Gulps Lion Share As Tinubu Presents N58.47trn 2026 Budget to NASS

Published

2 days ago

December 19, 2025

Eric

President Bola Tinubu has presented a budget of N58.47 trillion for the 2026 fiscal year to a joint session of the National Assembly, with capital recurrent (non‑debt) expenditure standing at N15.25 trillion.

Tinubu presented the budget on Friday, pegging the capital expenditure at N26.08 trillion and putting the crude oil benchmark at US$64.85 per barrel.

He said the expected total revenue is N34.33 trillion, projected total expenditure: N58.18 trillion, including N15.52 trillion for debt servicing. The budget is N23.85 trillion, representing 4.28% of GDP.

The budget was anchored on a crude oil production of 1.84 million barrels per day, and an exchange rate of N1,400 to the US Dollar for the 2026 fiscal year.

In terms of sectoral allocation, defence and security took the lion’s share with N 5.41 trillion, followed by infrastructure at N3.56 trillion.