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Godfather-Godson Conflict, State of Emergency in the Niger Delta, and the Way Forward

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By Magnus Onyibe

With President Bola Tinubu’s declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State on Tuesday, March 18, the Renaissance consortium—a group of local investors that recently acquired Shell’s onshore oil and gas assets in Nigeria for a staggering $2.4 billion—now finds itself in turbulent waters.

In hindsight, Shell, Mobil, TotalEnergies, Agip, and other major oil companies that divested from onshore assets in Nigeria and moved their operations offshore were remarkably foresighted. Like the mythical Nostradamus, they seemed to have foreseen the future and exited just in time to avoid the very risks that Renaissance now faces—risks of escalation into another wave of militancy and insecurity in the Niger Delta if not properly managed.

If chaos takes hold in the Nigerdelta, the Renaissance consortium, which invested heavily in Shell’s assets, along with Seplat Energy, which also recently acquired ExxonMobil’s onshore oil assets for $1.28 billion, will be among the hardest hit. That is underscored by the fact that the broader oil and gas sector now faces heightened uncertainty, as what was once a relatively stable business environment risks returning to a militarized zone that it once used to be before president Musa Yar’adua of blessed memory quelled the fire through innovative policies and programmes for the restive youths during his tenure 2007-2010.

As we know, businesses thrive on stability, and insecurity breeds uncertainty. The fallout from this development could reverse Nigeria’s recent economic gains—causing inflation, which had been trending downward, to spike again. The naira, which had been stabilizing against foreign currencies, may once more come under pressure due to the turmoil in Rivers State.

Other recent entrants into Nigeria’s oil and gas sector, such as Tony Elumelu’s Heirs Energy—which purchased Shell’s OML 17 for approximately $1.1 billion a few years ago—may also find themselves in a precarious situation. Similarly, Aliko Dangote, whose $20 billion, 650,000 barrels-per-day capacity refinery may not be located in the Niger Delta, could still face significant challenges in securing crude oil feedstock if the crisis disrupts production in the oil/gas rich Niger delta region.

This development is particularly concerning given the extensive efforts President Tinubu’s administration has put into restoring security in the Niger Delta. His policies, especially the Nigeria Upstream Perroleum Regulatory Commission, (NUPRC) led by Gbenga Komolafe’s initiative to ramp up production by one (1) million barrels within 24 months which had successfully increased oil production from approximately 1.3 million barrels per day before Tinubu took office to nearly 1.8 million barrels per day in february. The declaration of a state of emergency in the region now threatens to undermine this significant achievement.

The Niger Delta Crisis: A Threat to Economic Stability

It is worth recalling that Nigeria’s previously disappointing oil output was not just due to low investment—exacerbated by the prolonged delay in passing the Petroleum Industry Bill (PIB), which took about two decades to become law—but also due to the activities of sophisticated international oil theft syndicates operating in the Niger Delta.

To the Tinubu administration’s credit, a coordinated effort by Nigeria’s security agencies, led by the Office of the National Security Adviser (NSA) in collaboration with the military and the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPC Ltd), successfully dismantled these criminal networks. This crackdown played a crucial role in ramping up production, enabling Nigeria to meet its OPEC production quota and boost foreign exchange earnings.

The reality is simple: the more crude oil Nigeria produces, the stronger the country’s foreign exchange reserves become, which in turn stabilizes the economy, reduces inflation, and strengthens the naira against foreign currencies.

Given these hard-earned economic gains, the declaration of a state of emergency in the Niger Delta is a major setback. It threatens to undo much of the progress made, which is deeply unfortunate.

A Political Clash Turned Socioeconomic Disaster

What is particularly baffling is how a mere political dispute—essentially a struggle for supremacy between a godfather and his godson—was allowed to escalate into a crisis with such grave socioeconomic consequences for the entire country.

One is worried that despite his well-known political acumen, President Tinubu has permitted what should have been a minor local political squabble—an ego-driven contest between politicians—to snowball into a situation that could destabilize Nigeria’s economic and security landscape.

The challenge of godfatherism is not new to Nigerian politics. Since the return to democracy in 1999, such conflicts have repeatedly surfaced.

For instance, in Oyo State, former Governor Rasheed Ladoja was allegedly impeached in 2006 at the behest of his godfather, Alhaji Lamidi Adedibu, who reportedly orchestrated his removal after Ladoja refused to grant him unfettered access to a significant portion of the state’s security vote. Even after the Court of Appeal reinstated him in 2007, Adedibu ensured Ladoja never won reelection.

Similarly, in Anambra State in 2003, then-Governor Chris Ngige faced a brutal political battle with his godfather, Chief Chris Uba, who allegedly had him kidnapped and forced to sign a resignation letter under duress for refusing to repay the billions of naira Uba claimed to have spent securing his election.

While these incidents are among the most well-known, many other states—including Lagos, Kano, lmo,Bauchi, and Sokoto—have had their fair share of godfatherism and the conflicts it breeds.

However, none of these previous disputes was allowed to spiral into a full-blown crisis of the magnitude currently unfolding in Rivers State.

A Call for Strategic Intervention

At a time when Nigeria is striving to stabilize its economy, strengthen its currency, and attract investment, the last thing the country needs is an escalation of political conflicts that could disrupt oil production and erode economic gains.

Moving forward, it is imperative that this crisis is swiftly de-escalated through strategic intervention, ensuring that political disagreements do not morph into national security and economic threats. The lessons from past conflicts should serve as a guide for resolving the current situation before it causes irreparable damage.

Managing the Rivers State Crisis: A Path to Stability

President Bola Tinubu’s efforts to mediate between the warring factions in Rivers State—Nyesom Wike, the godfather, and Siminalayi Fubara, the godson—have been evident. His most recent attempt came on March 14, when he publicly urged Fubara to adopt a conciliatory approach while hosting Rivers State elders and leaders at Aso Rock. It is likely that he also privately counseled Wike, the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, to de-escalate tensions and avoid plunging the volatile Niger Delta into chaos—a warning that appears to have gone unheeded, given the recent attacks on oil pipelines following Fubara’s looming impeachment.

The failure of both parties to heed the president’s advice ultimately led to the declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State. Tinubu justified his intervention by stating that the state—and the Niger Delta as a whole—was on the brink of widespread unrest, particularly with critical oil infrastructure coming under attack. While regrettable, this drastic step may still be remedied through a well-coordinated response from all three branches of government—the executive, legislature, and judiciary—in the broader interest of Rivers State, the Niger Delta, and Nigeria as a whole.

Balancing Crisis Management and Democracy

Given Nigeria’s democratic trajectory, now approaching 25 consecutive years of practice since 1999, strict legal interpretations should not override pragmatic solutions that serve the national interest. Instead of an extended emergency rule, a more balanced approach could involve reducing the suspension of democratic governance in Rivers State from six months to just one month. During this period, all parties should be brought to the negotiating table for a binding resolution, facilitated by representatives from the three arms of government and crisis management experts.

The reality of the situation is that neither the executive nor the legislature benefits from the state of emergency. Both the governor and state lawmakers have been stripped of their mandates, effectively sidelining the democratic institutions in Rivers State. More concerning is that the people of Rivers State have been deprived of their civic rights, effectively rendering them disenfranchised. This situation is further complicated by a Supreme Court ruling halting funding to the state, which, in legal terms, suggests that Rivers State currently lacks a legitimate government.

Without the emergency rule declared by President Tinubu, the Supreme Court’s decision would have resulted in a financial paralysis for Rivers state, with no funds available to pay civil servants, legislators, and public officials. In a state with a population exceeding five million, such a scenario would have been catastrophic. However, with a sole administrator now in place—enabled by the state of emergency—Rivers State will still receive its allocation from the Federation Account at the end of the month, ensuring that salaries and government operations continue uninterrupted.

A Strategic Political Move?

President Tinubu’s declaration of emergency rule, though unexpected, may have been a strategic move aimed at shocking both factions in the conflict into a resolution. A shock therapy of sorts. The abrupt suspension of democratic governance sends a strong message that continued political infighting comes at a high cost. This drastic step could force the feuding parties to prioritize peace and stability over personal rivalries. In light of this, it is imperative for Tinubu to further leverage his political acumen as an adept strategist to swiftly end this power struggle and prevent further destabilization of the Niger Delta, which remains Nigeria’s economic lifeline.

The Military Factor in Emergency Rule

One striking pattern in Nigeria’s political history is the recurring appointment of retired military officers as administrators during periods of emergency rule. Since the first state of emergency was declared under Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa, successive leaders—including Presidents Olusegun Obasanjo, Goodluck Jonathan, and now Tinubu—have continued this trend. The appointment of retired Admiral Ibok-Ete Ibas as the emergency administrator in Rivers State follows this precedent.

This raises an important question: Why do Nigerian leaders instinctively turn to ex-military officers in times of political crises? Does this suggest a lack of trust in politicians or accomplished leaders from other sectors? Notably, when military rulers have had to step aside, they have sometimes chosen private sector leaders instead of fellow military officers. For instance, when General Ibrahim Babangida relinquished power in 1993, he appointed Chief Ernest Shonekan—a corporate executive—as head of the Interim National Government.

If military rulers have shown a willingness to transition power to civilian business leaders, why do democratic governments hesitate to appoint competent individuals from outside the military during emergency situations? This long-standing pattern deserves scrutiny, especially in a maturing democracy like Nigeria’s.

Ultimately, one hopes that with wise counsel and decisive leadership, the current crisis in Rivers State will not spiral further, and Nigeria’s economic recovery—marked by declining inflation and a stabilizing naira—will not be derailed. More importantly, Nigeria should strive to ensure that no unelected military officer is ever again called upon to replace a democratically elected leader, either at the state or national level.

Magnus Onyibe is an entrepreneur, public policy analyst, author, democracy advocate, development strategist, alumnus of the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, Massachusetts, USA, and a former commissioner in the Delta State government.

To continue this conversation and more, please visit www.magnum.ng.

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Opinion

The Fulanisation of Criminality in Nigeria: Myths, Realities and the Dangerous Consequences

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By Sani Sa’idu Baba

In recent years, Nigeria has witnessed a troubling narrative gain traction in public discourse: the so-called “fulanisation of criminality.” This term refers to the growing tendency to associate criminal activities, especially rural banditry, kidnapping, and violence, with the Fulani ethnic group. While the rise in insecurity across the country is undeniable, the framing of these crises through an ethnic lens has far-reaching consequences socially, politically, and culturally.

I intend to discuss this matter vis-a-vis the origins, implications, and dangers of the fulanisation narrative, while also highlighting the complex and nuanced realities that defy simplistic ethnic profiling.

In order to discuss this topic fairly and justly, the historical and social context of Fulani identity is worth taking into account at this point.
The Fulani are a diverse and widely dispersed ethnic group found across West Africa. In Nigeria, they are traditionally pastoralists, known for cattle herding and seasonal migration. Over time, many Fulanis have also settled in towns and cities, engaging in commerce, education, and politics and these originated the inter-marietal relationship that exists between the Fulanis and other ethnic groups especially the Hausa and also Yoruba (mostly from Kwara state).

Despite this existing relationship however, tensions between the Fulani settlers and farmers particularly in North-Central and southern Nigeria have escalated in recent decades due to land pressure, climate change, and poor leadership. These disputes, often over land and grazing routes, have sometimes turned violent, and some of these confrontations have involved Fulani individuals or groups. This has contributed to the growing perception that Fulani people are inherently violent or predisposed to criminality, a perception that is mythical in its entirety.

It seems the situation has assumed a paradigm shift from insecurity to ethnic stereotyping.

I never doubted the fact that Nigeria’s security landscape has deteriorated significantly, with a surge in banditry, kidnapping, terrorism, and communal clashes, we must accept the reality that terrorism isn’t a monopoly of any tribe, region, religion or ethnic group. While various criminal groups operate across different regions, like the Boko Haram in the Northeast, IPOB in the Southeast, and cultism in the South-South, the association of Fulani herders with banditry in the North-West and North-Central has led to a blanket stereotype.

This stereotype has been amplified by social media, political rhetoric, and even some mainstream media outlets, creating a narrative that criminality is synonymous with Fulani identity. Terms like “Fulani herdsmen” have become shorthand for violent actors, despite the fact that most Fulani people are peaceful and law-abiding citizens. My humble self is a classical example. Fulani blood runs in my arteries and veins but I can confidently say that I am not a criminal. The same thing with many of our present leaders today. A significant number of president Tinubu’s ministers and other appointees are Fulanis, likewise many serving governors especially in the Northern states. And their Fulani identity doesn’t make them criminals.

Moreover, the fulanisation narrative has also been weaponized for political purposes. Accusations that the government, particularly under former President Muhammadu Buhari (who is himself a Fulani), was soft on Fulani-related crimes fed into suspicions of ethnic favoritism. This perception fueled ethnic nationalism, deepened mistrust, and created a toxic political climate.

The framing of national insecurity as an ethnically driven agenda has dangerous implications. It undermines national unity, delegitimizes state institutions, and can incite retaliatory violence. It also distracts from the real drivers of crime: poverty, weak governance, corruption, unemployment, and the proliferation of arms.

Therefore, labeling an entire ethnic group as criminal creates fertile ground for discrimination, mob justice, and even genocide. There have been reports of Fulani communities being attacked or displaced based on mere suspicion. Such acts not only violate human rights but also fuel cycles of revenge and further destabilization.

Moreover, ethnic profiling hinders effective security solutions. When law enforcement targets or overlooks individuals based on their ethnic identity rather than evidence, the real criminals escape justice, and innocent lives are destroyed.

Toward a more nuanced and just approach to addressing insecurity in Nigeria, there must be a rejection of simplistic and dangerous ethnic narratives. The government must:

(1) Strengthen law enforcement and intelligence services to tackle crime without bias.

(2) Invest in rural development and conflict resolution, particularly in areas plagued by herder-farmer clashes. Although people like Sheikh Ahmad Gumi might not be well understood by many Nigerians, his effort in mediating peace restoration especially in the North-West region must be acknowledged and complemented.

(3) Promote inter-ethnic dialogue and reconciliation through education, media, civic engagement, which could easily be achieved through the establishment of tolerance and unity promotion commission of Nigeria (TUPCON).

(4) A regulatory agency must also be established to oversee the activities of young media influencers, bloggers and online media houses to especially verify the truth or otherwise of information before promotion especially if it involves security issues. Spreading hate speech and unverified claims must be controlled. However, I am not in support of the Sultan of Sokoto ‘s view that social media is a terrorist organisation, No!

In closing, the fulanisation of criminality is a dangerous distortion of a complex reality. While certain criminal groups may include Fulani individuals, it is unjust and counterproductive to indict an entire ethnic group. Nigeria’s strength lies in its diversity, and only by addressing security challenges with fairness and objectivity can the nation begin to heal and rebuild trust across its many communities.

Ethnic scapegoating is not a solution, it is a symptom of deeper systemic issues that require urgent and inclusive attention.
I hope Nigerian and Nigerian leaders will pause and rethink…

Baba can be reached via ssbaba.pys@buk.edu.ng

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Opinion

VOSO: God’s Gift to Mankind, and His People Knew Him Not

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By Prof Soji Adejumo

Writing a tribute on Dr. Victor Omololu Sowemino Olunloyo is like carrying out an anatomy on a mathematical, musical and philosophical genius. It’s a rare combination in a human being. A philosopher, a psychic, a mystic and a poet.

“The memory of a great man is like a candle in the darkness, illuminating our path and guiding us forward”

If mathematics, music, the literary arts and philosophy are codified into an earthly religion, Dr. Omololu Olunloyo would be its high priest. Dr. Olunloyo ministered at the altar of the highest intellectual faculties.
In a scenario akin to general relativity, writing a tribute on this intellectual enigma is like reworking different tributes Dr. Olunloyo has written on tens of other people over the course of six decades. In each tribute is a tribute on himself. when his official biographer informed me of his commission to write his biography, I knew the task would be simultaneously difficult and easy. Easy because, the great man has written or contributed to so many lectures, books, monograms and other publications that you can find part of his autobiography in every publication. The difficult part is it would take a very high degree of ingenuity to unravel and put together all those pieces of auto-biographical works. He has expressed parts of himself in all his literary works.

My personal relationship with Dr. Omololu Olunloyo started in 1968 when I got admitted into Ibadan Grammar School and he was the Commissioner for education in the cabinet of the then Colonel Adeyinka Adebayo. My late father was the Vicar of St David’s Church kudeti and his in-law as Dr. Olunloyo was married to my aunty Funmilayo who is my father’s cousin. We are both descendants of priests as my father, grandfather and Dr. Olunloyo’s grandfather were Anglican priests. His father and my grandfather (The late Rev. J.S. Adejumo) were founding members of the Ibadan progressive Union (IPU).

However, his influence on my life started during my first year in Ibadan Grammar School in 1968 when I was awarded the Western State Government Scholarship for my “0” Levels. I later went on to receive the C Zard Scholarship for my higher school certificate “A levels”. After my higher School course, I started making plans to travel abroad for my university education.

Meanwhile, I had been offered a direct entry admission to the University of Ibadan but I did not accept the offer, neither did I decline or defer it. I simply ignored it until the offer lapsed. Unfortunately, my quest to travel abroad fell through and I decided to take up the University of Ibadan offer which had already expired. I ran to Dr. Omololu Olunloyo. I caught up with him in his office at the department of Mathematics in the University and explained my plight along with my expired admission letter. He jumped into his car and we drove straight to see the University registrar. The registrar was Mr. S. J. Okudu. VOSO simply marched into the office with me in tow and started a monologue with the registrar. I remember his words very clearly “My nephew had an admission which had lapsed, I would want you to resuscitate the admission now so he can start his enrolment and make the matriculation” Mr. Okudu was trying to let him know it was a bit difficult but VOSSO would not listen. He was offered a chair but he refused it and said he only wanted my admission letter resuscitated. After marching up and down the registrar’s office for several minutes still reciting his monologue, the registrar called the admissions officer and directed that a fresh admission letter be issued to me. That was how I entered the University.

Due to my late admission, I had a bit of an initial challenge with accommodation and I was practically living with him and that was the beginning of a ritual he initiated me into. It was a ritual which started early on Sunday mornings and ended very late in the evening. I was already a prolific pianist, organist and music enthusiast and Dr. Olunloyo had started acquiring a vast library of classical music which has become a collector’s dream anywhere and in any locality. We would start the day with classical music by the greatest composers in the likes of Beethoven, Mozart, Bach, Handel, Schuman, Tchaikovsky, Chopin etc and also the works of celebrated conductors, pianists, violinists and soloists. He had the music on vinyl records in those days and also the sheet music scores of some of them. I would play some of the scores on his piano and he would give me a comprehensive lecture on every piece and the history and background of the composers including information not readily available on some of them. The sessions would be generally serviced with surplus bottles of cold beer and fried chicken. I would leave the sitting room at the end of the day with wobbly legs and go to the lecture room the following day with a hangover. That ritual lasted till the end of the first term when I realized I would have to make a choice between acquiring an external “degree” in music and entertainment in Dr. Olunloyos house or a degree in Animal Science from the University. I opted for the latter and gradually weaned myself of the odd bucolic routine but our mutual bond with music lasted till his transition. Thankfully he got a federal government appointment as the head of the National Science and Technology Development Agency and that enabled me to escape temporarily from the music/beer and chicken ritual. However, when I finished my undergraduate degree, I went to him and asked for employment in his agency. He flatly refused and commanded me to get back fully into pursuing a goal of acquiring postgraduate degrees before looking for any type of employment. He said he could employ me instantly and post me anywhere in the country but he would not as he wanted me to go back to the University. I was initially disappointed by his stance of which my father was extremely happy and contented. The oracle has spoken and he must be obeyed. I ended up with a doctorate. A few weeks after my doctorate degree he was given the governorship ticket of the NPN and I was extremely sad because many of us younger ones considered Chief Obafemi Awolowo as a mini god and the anointed savior of Nigeria and Yoruba people. Those not in the Action group were considered traitors. More so Uncle Bola Ige was an Old Boy of Ibadan Grammar school and my father’s junior in the school. I was a political neophyte at the time. In annoyance, I went to Dr. Olunloyo’s house where I met a huge number of NPN bigwigs eating and drinking and various groups were huddled together in meetings. I went upstairs where Auntie Funmilayo also served me a plate pounded yam and isapa vegetable (which was an unusual soup in Ibadan) soup with the traditional beer to complement it all. In the course of the meal. VOSO came up and saw me but before he could talk, I got up and asked him why he would commit a sacrilege by aligning against Chief Awolowo and Uncle Bola Ige. The great VOSO completely ignored the question only to simply ask why I was sweating in the room. I replied, it was due to the hot Pounded yam and the equally hot isapa vegetable soup. He nodded and said, “keep eating the pounded yam and the soup, as soon as you finish it just go and leave the politics to us”. With that he left the room! That was vintage VOSO, the man who will later award the title of Ooni of Molete to himself!

Several years later, we rekindled our Sunday afternoon ritual of music but now without the beer and chicken but we would still spend hours in his Molete library playing amid listening to the great classicals. Over a course of about 60 years, he has acquired such a huge and unmatchable library of music in Cds, DVDs and Books with an auction value running into million of dollars. A few years ago, I asked him what plans he had for the protection and preservation of the INESTIMABLE collection of books and music in his library and he told me what he had done, which I believe will help to preserve this rare library in all its glory and also in its original form. The genius in VOSO can never be matched or replicated in an ordinary mortal. It is simply impossible. He had the most historical and mathematical mindset like no one else I knew on earth. He had the rarest of books on mathematics and on music that would require a trip to the ends of the earth to find them. From books on “the mathematics of music”, to “the music of mathematics” and on the origins of algebra and the theory of numbers, he had them. He would spend hours explaining concepts that were completely alien to me about mathematics and I dared not let the genius, the deity, know I was not comprehendimg anything!
He shocked me one day when at a public lecture I was invited to deliver at the Omolewa nursery and primary school 50th anniversary, he took the microphone and announced that I am a genius of musical interpretation because I recognized what Wolfgang Mozart did even before coming into contact with his iconic works on them. This was simply because I had attempted to transpose a solo aria “Rejoice Greatly, O daughter of Zion” from Handel’s Messiah from soprano to tenor as the organ accompanist for its performance because the soprano could not achieve the high vocal notes of that piece, after many failed attempts. I was convinced that the vocal registers of west African Voices may be deeper or lower than European vocal boxes and so I considered a lower transposition a good option. However, my senior organist absolutely refused as he considered it a treasonable offence to tamper with the great Handel’s tonal arrangement. I reluctantly abandoned that experiment.

A few weeks later, during our routine Sunday ritual, Dr. Olunloyo asked us to listen to Mozart’s rearrangement of Handels’ Messiah. That was my first time of knowing that Mozart dared to rearrange the Messiah. We started to play the cds and when it got to “Rejoice greatly….” the arrangement was sung by a Tenor!!! I was enthused and out of excitement I narrated my attempts and how Mozart had proved me right. Note though, that Mozart only dared to tread because Handel was no longer alive at the time. Since then, he kept calling me a genius of musical interpretation!

But VOSO had the last word — After the oratorio, he asked me the fundamental difference between the works of Handel with other European composers and with Mozart’s works. Before I could muster an intelligible answer, He quickly emphasized that Mozart’s works were more German than any other German or European composers because his compositions were harsh just like the German language! He now proceeded to lecture me on how the tonal linguistics of the German language is the harshest in the world. His lecture would have generated a huge and robust discourse in linguistics.

I am not sure the world really knew the depth and content of Dr. Olunloyo’s brains. The same genius he had in Algebra Geometry, he possessed in Poetry, music and culture. He was the Nigerian version of the Greats, like, Albert Einstein, Leonardo da Vinci, Isaac Newton, Stephen Hawking, Nikola Tesla, etc. Truly and Truly, a star has fallen. The shining light is dimmed. Good night and rest in peace, Great Master and Genius

Prof Soji Adejumo is the Ajiroba of Ibadanland, and Asipa Olomi of Omi Adio

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Opinion

Ovation International: African Dream Globally Projected

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By Dr. Sani S. Baba

In a world where African stories were too often filtered through the lenses of poverty, conflict, and underdevelopment, one man dared to reframe the narrative. That man is Chief Dele Momodu, and his creation Ovation International Magazine became the bold lens through which Africa’s glamour, success, and brilliance could finally be seen, appreciated, and celebrated. How Momodu’s vision transformed Africa’s narrative, created opportunities in the last three decades and is still in conformity with the ever changing world remains a subject to be studied.

Founded 29 years ago in April, 1996, during Momodu’s political exile in the United Kingdom, Ovation International was born out of a simple but radical idea: Africa deserves to be seen in full color. While most Western publications chose to spotlight despair, Momodu’s mission was to showcase excellence from fashion, business, entertainment, and politics, to philanthropy and innovation. In other words, the child of circumstance as some call it, Ovation has proved that Africa is not synonymous with bad news.

Moreover, in changing the African narrative, Momodu’s vision was bigger than just glossy pages. He aimed to create a cultural revolution. Ovation became the red carpet for African stars long before global media paid attention to the continent. The magazine gave African personalities celebrities, presidents, royalty, entrepreneurs a platform to tell their own stories, in their own voice.

Through dazzling photo spreads and exclusive interviews, Ovation didn’t just report the news; it celebrated achievements, redefining what it meant to be African in a globalized world. From Accra, Ghana to Abuja, Lagos to London, Liberia, Kenya, Sierra Leone, South Africa, etc, the magazine quickly became a status symbol a staple at high profile events and elite homes.

Further more, as a pan-African vision with global impact, what set Ovation apart was its immense love for Africa, making it an African identity with international reach. Chief Dele Momodu didn’t restrict the magazine’s lens to Nigeria alone. He traveled extensively, covering events in Ghana, South Africa, Sierra Leone, Cote dIvoire, and far beyond. Ovation became the de facto platform for the African diaspora, connecting the continent to its global community in Europe, the U.S., and the Caribbean.

In terms of job creation, Ovation International Magazine has done wonders. Beyond the pages, Ovation has been a powerful engine for employment. As one of the few African-owned international lifestyle magazines, it created jobs across sectors journalism, photography, videography, fashion, makeup, event planning, printing, and logistics. Emerging talents were given a springboard to launch their careers, while professionals found a platform that respected and valued their craft.
In the early 2000s, when media digitization was still young in Africa, Ovation began pioneering multimedia storytelling, hiring tech-savvy youth for video editing, social media marketing, and digital design effectively nurturing a new generation of African media professionals.

Today, Ovation International is more than a magazine, but a legacy, a movement, and a symbol of African excellence. Chief Dele Momodu, with his relentless belief in the continent’s potential, has proven that African stories, when told with pride and power, can reshape perceptions and influence generations.
By putting African success stories on the global stage and backing them with real opportunities, Momodu didn’t just build a media empire, but a mirror in which Africa could see its true, radiant reflection.

In an age of fleeting digital fame, Ovation remains timeless because it didn’t chase trends, it made an indelible history.

Long live Ovation International Magazine, and happy 65th birthday to its founder, Chief Dele Momodu, the pride of Africa.

Dr. Sani S. Baba writes from Kano

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