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Pendulum: Another Appeal to President Buhari and His Supporters

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By Dele Momodu
Fellow Nigerians, please permit me to say happy new year to you all. May God almighty make this a peaceful year for our dear beloved country. There is nothing greater to ask for than peace in an election year. And this is the main crux of my message to you on this page today.
 
The tension in the land is so hot and suffocating because of the general elections coming up from next month. In case you are wondering why I’m specifically appealing to President Muhammadu Buhari and not to his main rival, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, and the deluge of other aspirants, let me explain quickly. I’m a social media addict and through this, I’m able to gauge the mood in public domain. I have been active in politics since 1982. The first crazy election I witnessed was in 1983 when the ruling party, NPN, declared itself winner in several unlikely places. The result was fatally cataclysmic as people in those areas reacted spontaneously and violently. Some parts of Yorubaland went up in flames and human beings were roasted like barbecue meat. About three months later, the government of Alhaji Shehu Shagari collapsed like a pack of cards.
 
The military coup that came capitalised on the recklessness and profligacy of the Shagari regime as a veritable excuse to torpedo that government. Politicians were promptly arrested, detained, prosecuted and jailed and given horrendous prison terms that made a mockery of the justice system in Nigeria. There were too many examples of double standards which portrayed the government as vengeful or outrightly neurotic. Laws were made and backdated. Journalists were tried by decrees and jailed by fiat, God’s case, no appeal. Before long, the Nigerian economy took a nosedive and and plunged into a bottomless pit of misery. The situation was so chaotic that Nigerians queued for mere commodities like victims of war or famine. It never recovered until the Buhari government itself was sacked and banished to the dustbin of history. The full story is for another day.
 
The next election, thereafter, was that of June 12, 1993, which turned out to be the best conducted and the least controversial until the military government of President Ibrahim Babangida decided to intervene and aborted a full grown baby just before it was born. Since then, Nigeria has known no real peace, possibly, as punishment for this pre-meditated murder of an innocent political baby. Instead of learning our lessons and apologising to Nigerians for this unfortunate saga, government after government, like the ostrich, buried its cocky head in the sand, pretending that there was nothing special about the election and that life can move on as normal.  
 
From 1993 to 1999, Nigeria, once more, came under the jackboots of the military after the short-lived Interim Government, headed by Chief Ernest Adegunle Shonekan. General Sani Abacha led junta ruled with iron fists from November 1993 to June 1998, when he suddenly took ill, mysteriously, and died, and General Abdulsalami Abubakar took over and handed over to a former military ruler, General Olusegun Obasanjo, who led a new civilian administration from May 1999 to May 2007.
 
Interestingly, for a man that many had clearly forgotten about, General Muhammadu Buhari resurfaced from nowhere, around 2003, and promptly announced his interest in the Presidential race. It was like a script out of Shakespeare’s Macbeth, “we have scorched the snake, not killed it…” Buhari was well and alive. While many laughed, scornfully, at him, there were those who admired his guts. Poverty was already growing in the land and politicians had returned to their days of psychedelic existence. Thus many Nigerians longed for those days when Buhari took over power and punished the politicians mercilessly. The only thing they forgot was that Buhari would no longer be a military dictator with all the appurtenances of State coercion. And he would no longer have the collaboration of his second in command, Babatunde Idiagbon. But Buhari was very smart, or better put, his packagers. He had transfigured into a friend of the poor and champion of Northern interests. He returned triumphantly from the throes of disgrace and incarceration after the Babangida coup. He contested serially, and stubbornly, on three occasions, against Presidents Obasanjo, Umaru Musa Yar’Adua and Goodluck Jonathan and lost monumentally, but he garnered millions of votes from his catchment areas, especially in the North.
 
By 2011, Buhari had become battle weary and it seemed it was over for him. He was quoted to have said he would no longer contest. But one thing led to another and Buhari’s interest was re-awakened, and re-activated, by certain interest groups looking for a way to scatter the ruling party to the winds. PDP was becoming too comfortable and very self-conceited. It was also engaged in a silly war of attrition that led to the exit of some key members of the party. Perhaps, if PDP had not mismanaged its internal wrangling, the end would not have come at the time it did, and the manner it happened. Lord have mercy, the grand conspiracy against the incumbent President, Dr Goodluck Jonathan, would ultimately go into the history books as one of the most lethal. Anyway, Buhari returned to the race and contested in 2015, and won resoundingly.
 
Buhari’s victory was a popular mandate from all over the country. We were all very happy and excited and many friends of Nigeria from everywhere in the world rejoiced with us. The goodwill Buhari commanded was almost unprecedented. But no sooner than he took over power that things began to fall apart. I will spare you the horror of how Buhari frittered away that massive equity, as we watched helplessly, with our arms akimbo. A few that warned him about the sad turn of events were soon labelled enemies of Buhari, friends of looters, corrupt people, who are no longer making and enjoying free money in the system. It didn’t take long before the economy collapsed, as scare-mongering crept in on the country again.
 
As he did in 1983-85, Buhari renewed his war against corruption but, this time, without military power to enforce anything. Again, like it happened to his predecessors, he was accused of witch-hunt because most of those under siege were members of the opposition. The blame game also became over-amplified. Every failure, and frustration, of government was explained away as the stultification of governance that was brought about by Jonathan and his crew. Buhari and his acolytes have never stopped groaning and complaining about Jonathan, PDP, or both. According to the APC, PDP was responsible for all the bad things that happened in Nigeria. That’s fine. But the real enemy is time.
 
Now, suddenly, reality has dawned on the Federal Government that it has spent nearly four years in power. Yes, time truly flies. And the next cycle of election has come. The pressure is usually on the ruling government. This is the reason for my long preamble. The Federal Government and its ardent supporters would want members of the public believe they have performed wonders, and that President Buhari is the 21st century wonder, but this is far from the truth. Many APC chieftains would normally confess privately, and confidentially, that they have fumbled, big time, but we should, please, give, or just dash, them another term, with promises to do much better.
 
Personally, I believe it is up to Nigerians to vote for any candidate of their choice, or fancy. As for me, I’m convinced that Buhari has already exhausted the capacity to govern a country as complicated, and convoluted, as Nigeria. I may be wrong. My support in 2015 was based on certain misplaced hopes and permutations. 1. That, after 30 years in retirement, he has had enough time to reflect on his past mistakes and he is ready to make amends. 2. That he would hit the ground running and pursue the onerous task of nation-building with assistance from some of the brightest people it has pleased God to bless Nigeria with. 3. That he would give more power to his highly cerebral and cosmopolitan Vice President, Professor Yemi Osinbajo. 4. That he would abhor nepotism, unite our divided country and treat all Nigerians as free citizens of this great nation. 5. That he would build stronger institutions and not tougher dictatorship. 6. That he would empower our anti-corruption agencies and embolden them to operate without fear or favour. 7. That he would make the welfare and well-being of our security forces his top priority in this season of unprecedented anomy, as a retired General himself. 8. That he would reduce waste in government to barest minimum based on the promises he made, before God and man, during his campaigns. I can go on, ad infinitum. But, to my chagrin, Buhari’s government failed on most of these counts.
 
Please, note that I did not even mention issues of the economy, infrastructure, youth employment and empowerment. I’m aware they have been distributing ten thousand naira in market places but I’m not sure how far this can go in a country where over 80 percent of the population live in abject poverty. Of course, President Buhari is blessed with some fanatical supporters who see him as the only saint in Nigeria who will help them deal ruthlessly with the enemies who have impoverished them. Buhari appeals to this young Nigerians and they don’t mind if Nigeria is engulfed in mass poverty. Their attitude is since they are already poor, Buhari should tear down the whole system and make the rich poor. The sad part is the fact that they can’t distinguish between those who worked hard and the so-called looters. Herein lies the danger to society at large.
 
I have spent the past weeks engaging with these guys on social media. Many of them are loose cannons who have become totally obsessed with the fake mantra that whoever is not with Buhari is a thief. This may work in favour of Buhari in the short run but may hurt Nigeria and Nigerians, irredeemably, in the long run. I foresee them turning into an uncontrollable army if Buhari does not win the Presidential election next month. Our usually taciturn President must not keep quiet on this danger waiting to explode. At 76, officially, God has been very kind to him. There is nothing in democracy that guarantees two terms for a President, so it should never be a matter of life and death. If you win, you win, and if you lose, you lose. Every effort must be made to make sure the precedence bequeathed by President Jonathan is maintained, even if not improved upon.
 
I was privileged to accompany the former President of Ghana, Dr John Dramani Mahama, to The Gambia during the imbroglio that engulfed that tourist destination after President Yahya Jammeh refused to hand over power despite the obvious fact that he lost election in 2017. I saw the great efforts of President Buhari, Eileen Johnson Sirleaf, Mahama, Mackey Sall and others. It would be a monumental disgrace for the world to start begging our own President, in the same manner, to hand over power if he does not win.
 
My appeal is to President Buhari to prepare the minds and souls of his supporters for any eventuality in the next couple of weeks. If he wins, fair and square, the whole world will celebrate him. I will join them, as an avowed democrat. But if he does not win, he should do us the favour of going in peace, and not leave our dear country in pieces.
 
God bless Nigeria.       
Bashorun Dele Momodu OVATION International +234 805 506 9220 www.ovationinternational.com www.delemomodu2011.com

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Otunba Adekunle Ojora: Farewell to a Good Man

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By Eric Elezuo

The curtain dropped on the elitist life of prominent Lagosian, traditional custodian, boardroom guru, refined journalist and elaborate philanthropist, Otunba Adekunle Ojora, on January 28, 2026, bringing to an over nine decades of spreading good tidings, prosperity, unity and humanity. He was 93 years.

His death was announced via a statement by his daughter, Mrs Toyin Ojora-Saraki, on behalf of the Ojora Family, saying he died early in the morning in full submission to the will of Almighty Allah (SWT)

“With total submission to the will of Almighty Allah (SWT), the Ojora family of Lagos hereby announces the passing of our beloved patriarch, Otunba Adekunle Ojora, the Otunba of Lagos and Lisa of Ife, who returned to his creator early this morning.

“We say Alhamdulilahi for a life well lived, and we comply with Allah’s words: ‘Surely, to Allah we belong, and to Him we will all return’ (Q2:156),” the statement reads.

A distinguished businessman, people-oriented-person, the Olori Omo Oba of Lagos and the Lisa of Ife, Adekunle Ojora’s passing came with a much ancipated heartbreak, wailings and regrets, among his hugely extended family members, circle of friends, mentees, colleagues in and across business and traditional terrain, associates and the well impacted general public.

With the announcement of his death came the heavy traffic of personalities, dignitaries and nobles to his Ikoyi palatial home, where his adorable wife, Ojuolape Ojora, and one of his distinguished daughters, Mrs Toyin Saraki, who is the wife of the former Senate President, Bukola Saraki, played significant hosts.

President Bola Tinubu was one of the first mourners with a statement signed by his spokesperson, Bayo Onanuga, acknowledging the dimunitive personality of the deceased, noting how he had affected humanity in a positive light.

Tinubu commiserated with the government and people of Lagos State, as well as the Ojora and Adele royal families.

“The passing of Otunba Ojora is a significant loss to the country, the private and public sectors, and traditional institutions,” the President said, describing the late industrialist as a man whose life was defined by humility, perseverance, hard work and generosity. He further noted that his values shaped his long and distinguished career.

“He remained a towering figure whose counsel and experience benefited institutions at both national and subnational levels,” Tinubu added.

In his condolence message, former President Olusegun Obasanjo described Ojora’s death as painful, saying his absence would be difficult to fill, according to a statement released by his Special Assistant on Media, Kehinde Akinyemi.

The ex-president described Ojora as “an amiable and distinguished Nigerian who, during his lifetime, built a remarkable legacy of integrity, wisdom, and unwavering dedication.”

“By his death, the country has lost a notable captain of industry and commerce, but there is no doubt that his memory lingers on through his many landmark contributions to the development of the South-West zone in particular, and the country in general,” Obasanjo added.

He also stated that “He was a remarkable entrepreneur whose vision, determination, and resilience added value to the community and to hundreds of families who depended on his commercial activities. He was a role model and exemplar whose personal life and achievements inspired a generation of entrepreneurs, industrialists, and merchants. Over the years, with his wise counsel, unquestioned strength, and gentle guidance, Otunba Ojora commanded respect and reverence, and took particular pleasure in mentoring younger men and women to succeed in life.”

Also reacting, a former Minister of Communications, Major General Tajudeen Olanrewaju (Rtd) described Ojora as a “veteran journalist and boardroom titan”.

The former General Officer Commanding (GOC) 3 Division Nigerian Army noted that he made positive contributions to the industrial and entrepreneurial sectors of the economy, lightened up the social fabric of his time in Lagos, in particular, and across our nation.

Among dignitaries that called to the home of the Ojora’s to express heartfelt condolences were the Governor of Osun State, Senator Ademola Adeleke and his elder brother, Dr. Deji Adeleke; Africa’s richest man, Alhaji Aliko Dangote, Mr. Femi Otedola and former governor of Akwa Ibom State, Udom Emmanuel.

As a revered Muslim, versed in Islamic doctrines, the nonagenarian’s burial followed the very next day, drawing an avalanche of well wishers and mourners to the Central Mosque, on Lagos Island, where the funeral rites or the Janazah, led by the Chief Imam of Lagos, Sheikh Sulaiman Abou-Nolla, and assisted by other prominent Islamic clerics, were conducted, and finally to the Vaults and Garden, Ikoyi, where the remains were committed to mother-earth. The events were a meeting point of some sort, as they drew together prominent Islamic scholars, family members, political bigwigs and other distinguished guests.

A roll call of the elite callers at the events include the deceased’s wife, Erelu Ojuolape Ojora; his daughter, Toyin Ojora-Saraki, and her husband, former Senate President and Kwara State Governor, Bukola Saraki. Also in attendance were Lagos State Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu, former Ogun State Governor Ibikunle Amosun, former Speaker of the Kwara State House of Assembly Ali Ahmad, former PDP National Chairman Kawu Baraje, Mufti of Ilorin Sheikh Sulaiman Onikijipa, and National President of Ansar-Ud-Deen Society of Nigeria Prince Adeniji Kazeem.

The burial ceremonies began with a recovery of the remains, which were borne by pallbearers for a burial procession before it was a motorcade bore it to the venue of the Janazah.

The long convoy of dignitaries that accompanied the body to the mosque spoke volumes of the personality of Adekunle Ojora. As the solenm approached, Imam Sulaiman Abou-Nolla led the congregation in prayers, asking for the repose of the siul of the deceased.

At the conclusion of the prayers, the body was conveyed to the Ikoyi Vault, where pallbearers and Muslim Ummah as well selected members of the family and notable dignitaries accompanied the remains,  amid chants, to its final resting place.

THE MAN, OTUNBA ADEKUNLE OJORA 

The highly principled businessman was born Isiaq Adekunle Ojora on June 13, 1932, into the distinguished Ojora Royal Family of Lagos, where he grew with a deeply-rooted tolerance for the history, culture and traditional governance of the Yoruba race and Lagos in particular.

His lineage placed him among the foremost royal families in the state, a heritage he upheld with dignity throughout his long life. Over several decades, he emerged as one of the most influential figures within Lagos’ traditional institutions, commanding respect across royal, cultural and civic circles.

Ojora was a member of the Ojora and Adele royal families of Lagos and was himself the holder of the chieftaincy of the Otunba of Lagos. He studied journalism at Regent Street Polytechnic, with the intention of developing a career in journalism. He started work as a staffer at the BBC where he rose to become an assistant editor.

In 1955, he switched his services to the Nigerian government as a reporter with the Nigerian Broadcasting Corporation. He was soon transferred to Ibadan as an information officer in the office of the regional premier. Ojora’s stint with NBC lasted until 1961 when he took up appointment as the public relations manager at United African Company.

Ojora soon developed interest in the commercial units of enterprises, he became an executive director of UAC in 1962. After a military coup truncated the first republic, Ojora was nominated as a member of Lagos City Council in 1966. A year later, he was given political appointments in two government agencies, in 1967, he was managing director of WEMABOD, a regional property and investment company and also in 1967, he succeeded Kola Balogun as chairman of Nigerian National Shipping Line.

After leaving WEMABOD, he became an investor in various firms including AGIP petroleum marketing and NCR Nigeria. He also founded the private firms Nigerlink Industries, Unital Builders and a holding company Lagos Investments. After the Nigerian Enterprise Promotion Act, he took equity interest in some foreign companies operating in Nigeria such as investments in the Nigerian operations of Bowring Group, Inchape, Schlumberger, Phoenix Assurance, UTC Nigeria, Evans Brothers and Seven-Up. He married Erelu Ojuolape, and among their children is Toyin Saraki.

Beyond royalty, Otunba Ojora was widely regarded as a bridge between tradition and modern governance.

The Otunba Adekunle Ojora would be remembered as a quintessential gentleman,  astute businessman, excellent in speech, dignified in conduct, and deeply respected across generations.

For as many as those who know him, Ojora has for decades, remained a familiar and revered presence in elite social and cultural spaces, where his highly sought-after counsel and calm disposition have proved relevant and needful.

He is also known for his refined lifestyle and strong family values, an embodiment of a “brand of old-school nobility that earned him admiration well beyond wealth or status. He was often described as a man of honour whose life reflected discipline, tradition, and unwavering integrity.

Otunba Adekunle Ojora is survived by his wife, Erelu Ojuolape Ojora, his children, grandchildren and great-grandchildren.

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Incumbency Factor Will Not Determine 2027 Election, Atiku, Obi, Others Talk Tough

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The 2027 general elections will not be determined by incumbency, control of State power or wave of political defections, opposition leaders have declared.

They argued that voter choice, opposition unity, and the integrity of the electoral process would ultimately decide the outcome.

The opposition leaders made the declaration at the public launch of  “The Loyalist,’’ a memoir by National Publicity Secretary of the African Democratic Congress, ADC, Bolaji Abdullahi, in Abuja.

The event drew a wide mix of opposition leaders, former public office holders, lawmakers, intellectuals and party stakeholders.

Speakers included former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar; former Anambra State governor, Peter Obi; former Minister of Interior and ADC National Secretary, Rauf Aregbesola; former Senate President and ADC National Chairman, David Mark, and veteran columnist and public intellectual, Hakeem Baba-Ahmed, who reviewed the book.

Although convened as a book presentation, the gathering quickly assumed a strong political tone, with speakers repeatedly returning to the issues of opposition unity, leadership responsibility, and the limits of incumbency power, ahead of the next general election.

Addressing what he described as a growing misconception in Nigerian politics, Aregbesola argued that governors and incumbents do not automatically determine election outcomes.

Drawing on the 2023 electoral results, he said the belief that political office guaranteed victory was not supported by evidence.

“The fact that certain governors are defecting to the APC shows that our unity is weakened, but the statistics do not support the belief that governors win elections,” Aregbesola said.

Using the South-West as an example, he said ruling party dominance at the state level had not translated into overwhelming electoral success.

“In the South-West, the APC controlled all the states except one, yet the maximum performance of the party was 55 per cent, with the other parties sharing the rest,” he said.

On his part, former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar, speaking as special guest of honour, linked the political moment to the theme of the book, describing loyalty as both a moral test and a personal burden in public life.

Atiku, who noted that his participation was informed by his own role in the political history examined in the memoir, said: “I am honoured to be part of this launch because I was also involved in the eventual inauguration of the Bukola Saraki administration, which this book deals with in very great detail.’’

He praised the author for taking on difficult questions about loyalty and conscience, saying “this is a work that dares to question loyalties, illuminate conscience, and broaden our public imagination.’’

Drawing a contrast between military discipline and political life, Atiku said loyalty in politics was rarely absolute and often exacted a heavy price.

“For those of us who come from the military and paramilitary professions, loyalty is non-negotiable; there is only absolute obedience. But in political life, loyalty is not as rigid, and it comes with consequences,” he said.

The former vice president also spoke candidly about his own experiences.

“Many of us have suffered because of loyalty. I have faced exile as a result of loyalty. I have survived assassination attempts as a result of loyalty,” he said.

Atiku warned that loyalty should never become blind allegiance, adding that “loyalty should strengthen the common goal, not narrow the circle of belonging.’’

Similarly, a former Governor of Anambra State, Peter Obi, who arrived late due to flight delays from Lagos, apologised for not observing traditional protocol before addressing the audience.

Obi also signalled political solidarity and regional commitment, saying: “I have been directed to represent the South-East, and I want to assure you that you will not be disappointed.’’

In one of the most direct political moments of the event, the author, Bolaji Abdullahi, appealed to opposition leaders to rise above rivalry and present a united front, ahead of 2027, adding that Nigerians were ready for change, though political leaders were not yet matching that urgency.

“For 2027, Nigerians are ready. But I don’t think we are ready. Nigerians look at us and see different enclaves and different entities. They see competition, rather than cooperation,” Abdullahi said.

Reviewing the book, Hakeem Baba-Ahmed said it initially provoked skepticism but ultimately impressed him.

“I brought to the book some prejudice and heightened curiosity. I expected the author to fall on his face somewhere. I was wrong,” he said.

He described the memoir as revealing and historically significant.

“This book is easily one of the most readable and revealing books I have read in a long while. It captures the essence of our contemporary social and political character,” Baba-Ahmed said.

Former Senate President, David Mark, described the task of rescuing Nigeria as a shared responsibility and praised Abdullahi’s character.

“He is a straightforward person. Even when I disagreed with him, his advice was always adopted,” Mark said.

He also clarified the long-standing controversy around the Doctrine of Necessity, saying “it was the sole responsibility of the Senate and had nothing to do with Kwara State or anyone from Kwara State.’’

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Coup: Investigators Widen Probe Scope to Unmask Civilian Financiers

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Fresh intelligence details have surfaced on the foiled coup attempt against President Bola Tinubu’s administration, shedding light on how a serving Army Colonel allegedly assembled a covert, cross-service network to undermine the constitutional order before security agencies moved in.

The Defence Headquarters had announced the arrest of 16 officers for acts of indiscipline and breaches of service regulations, following weeks of quiet tension within the Armed Forces.

In October 2025, rumours of an alleged coup plot against President Tinubu’s administration spread across social media. At the time, the Defence Headquarters (DHQ) dismissed the claims as “false and misleading,” yet the sudden cancellation of the Independence Day parade fuelled speculation about deeper security concerns.

However, fresh findings from an interim investigation report, sighted by Punch Newspapers, suggest that the alleged architect of the plot was a Colonel whose repeated failures in promotion examinations reportedly bred resentment and alienation. Rather than nursing his grievances quietly, he is said to have turned them into a recruitment tool, drawing officers from the Army, Navy and Air Force into a loose but coordinated network.

According to the report, members of the group were allegedly assigned to discreetly study sensitive installations, including the Presidential Villa, the Armed Forces Complex, Niger Barracks in Abuja and international airports in Abuja and Lagos, mapping access routes, routines and vulnerabilities. What began as expressions of dissatisfaction soon graduated into early-stage operational planning.

Security sources say searches on the officer’s vehicle uncovered charms and anti-government materials, while a raid on his residence in Lokogoma, Apo, yielded sensitive documents detailing assigned roles and outlining how key national dignitaries were to be handled once the operation commenced.

The plotters are also said to have exploited insider access, infiltrating the Presidential Villa and compromising workers linked to construction firm Julius Berger to obtain security information on the premises. Encrypted communication platforms were allegedly used to coordinate movements, logistics and funding, while discreet vehicle repairs and unusual cash flows pointed to preparations for mobilisation.

Investigators traced financial inducements of between N2 million and N5 million to some principal actors, with intelligence agencies now analysing the money trail through the Nigerian Financial Intelligence Unit.

One of the suspects, Lt-Col S. Bappah, reportedly turned a critical witness, admitting his role and providing details on recruitment methods, funding channels and communication patterns within the network.

The danger, security officials note, lay in the cross-service reach of the conspiracy, which cut across the Army, Navy and Air Force and involved officers up to the rank of Brigadier-General.

The alleged plan, uncovered ahead of its execution date of October 25, 2025, was described as lethal in scope, with the President, Vice-President Kashim Shettima, ministers, service chiefs and other top officials marked as targets.

Beyond the military hierarchy, investigators are now widening the probe to civilian financiers and political contacts who may have interacted with the core suspects. Communication trails, financial flows and external interfaces are being reviewed as part of efforts to dismantle every layer of the network and secure strategic national assets.

With the investigation concluded and reports forwarded to superior authorities, the Defence Headquarters has confirmed that indicted personnel will face appropriate military judicial panels, as Nigeria’s security establishment moves to ensure that what officials describe as a well-funded, coordinated threat never advances beyond the planning stage.

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